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https://archive.org/details/workswithenglish01 juliuoft
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY .
EDITED BY :
T. E. PAGE, M.A. AND W. H. Ὁ. ROUSE, Lirv.D.
THE WORKS OF THE EMPEROR
JULIAN
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CONTENTS
BE APOLLON i bere a lw ccs Ge ot)
ΠΡ, ον τς δος <p ayy oa wot et eee
ORATION I.—PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE EMPEROR
ole tM OY te 8 SRA Sale νος τυ ee τῶ γος Αἰ τος Rar ca
ORATION II.—THE HEROIC DEEDS OF THE EMPEROR CON-
STANTIUS, OR, ON KINGSHIP. . . . 1... es
ORATION III.—PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE EMPRESS
UO BE AS ail i. wet ἴννσ,,, ον sacs τινος
ORATION IV.—HYMN TO KING HELIOS DEDICATED TO
MERA MBA τελρρῖν a Na cab tage, waar Ma Rea a
ORATION V.—HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
INDEX . . . . , . . . . 5 . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
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353
443
505
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BASSO. In,
* INTRODUCTION
Fiavius Ciaupius Juxianus,! son of Julius Con-
stantius and nephew of the Emperor Constantine,
was born at Constantinople in 331-a.p. His father,
eldest brother, and cousins were slain in the massacre
by which Constantius, Constantine II., and Constans
secured the empire for themselves on the death οἵ;
their father Constantine in 337. Julian and _ his
elder brother Gallus spent a precarious childhood
and youth, of which six years were passed in close
confinement in the remote castle of Macellum in
Cappadocia, and their position was hardly more
secure when, in 350, Gallus was elevated to the
Caesarship by Constantius, who, after the violent
deaths of his two brothers, was now sole ruler of
the empire. But Julian was allowed to pursue his
favourite studies in Greek literature and philosophy,
partly at Nicomedia and Athens, partly in the cities
1 The chief sources for the life of Julian are his Ovations,
his Letter to the Atheniuns, Ammianus Marcellinus, and the
Orations and Epistles of Libanius.
vii
INTRODUCTION
of Asia Minor, and he was deeply influenced by
Maximus of Ephesus, the occult philosopher,
Libanius of Nicomedia, the fashionable sophist, and
Themistius the Aristotelian commentator, the only
genuine philosopher among the sophists of the fourth
century A.D. :
When the excesses of the revolutionary Gallus
ended in his death at the hands of Constantius,
Julian, an awkward and retiring student, was
summoned to the court at Milan, where he was
protected by the Empress Eusebia from the suspicions
of Constantius and the intrigues of hostile courtiers.
Constantius had no heir to continue the dynasty of
the Constantii. He therefore raised Julian to the
Caesarship in 355, gave him his sister Helena in
marriage, and dispatched him to Gaul to pacify the
Gallic provinces. To the surprise of all, Julian in
four successive campaigns against the Franks and _
the Alemanis proved himself a good soldier and
a popular general. His Commentaries on these
eampaigns are praised by Eunapius! and Libanius,?
but are not now extant. In 357-358 Constantius,
who was occupied by wars against the Quadi and
the Sarmatians, and threatened with a renewal of
hostilities by the Persian king Sapor, ordered Julian,
1 fr. 89. 2 Epistle, 33. °
Viii
INTRODUCTION
who was then at Paris, to send to his aid the best of
the Gallic legions. Julian would have obeyed, but
his troops, unwilling to take service in the East,
mutinied and proclaimed him Emperor (359 a.p.).
Julian issued manifestoes justifying his conduct to
the Senates of Rome and Athens and to the Spartans
and Corinthians, a characteristic anachronism, since
their opinion no longer had any weight. It was not
till 361 that he began his march eastward to
encounter the army of Constantius. His troops,
though seasoned and devoted, were in numbers no
match for the legions of his cousin. But the latter,
while marching through Cilicia to oppose his advance,
died suddenly of a fever near Tarsus, and Julian, now
in his thirtieth year, succeeded peacefully to the -
throne and made a triumphal entry into Constan-
tinople in December, 361.
The eunuchs and courtiers who had surrounded
Constantius were replaced by sophists and philoso-
phers, and in the next six months Julian set on foot
numerous economic and administrative reforms. . He
had long been secretly devoted to the Pagan religion,
and he at once proclaimed the restoration of the
Pagan gods and the temple worship. Christianity
he tolerated, and in his brief reign of sixteen months
the Christians were not actively persecuted. His
ix
INTRODUCTION
treatise Against the Christians, which survives only in
fragments, was an explanation of his apostasy. The
epithet “ Apostate” was bestowed on him by the
Christian Fathers. Meanwhile he was preparing—
first at Constantinople then at Antioch, where he
wrote the Misopogon, a satire on the luxury
and frivolity of the inhabitants—for a campaign
against Sapor, a task which he had inherited from
Constantius. In March, 362 he left Antioch and
crossed the Euphrates, visited Carrhae, memorable
for the defeat of Crassus, then crossed the Tigris,
and, after burning his fleet, retired northwards
towards Armenia. On the march he fought an
indecisive battle with the Persians at Maranga, and
in a skirmish with the retreating enemy he was
mortally wounded by a javelin (January 26th, 363).
His body was carried to Tarsus by his successor the
Emperor Jovian, and was probably removed later to
Constantinople. The legend that as he died he
exclaimed : Ταλιλαῖε νενίκηκας, “ Thou hast conquered,
O Galilean!” appears first in the Christian historian
Theodoret in the fifth century. Julian was the last
male descendant of the famous dynasty founded by
Constantius Chlorus.
In spite of his military achievements, he was, first
of all, a student. Even on his campaigns he took his
x
INTRODUCTION
books with him, and several of his extant works were
composed in camp. He had been trained, according
to the fashion of his times, in rhetorical studies by
professional sophists such as Libanius, and he has all
the mannerisms of a fourth century sophist. It was
the sophistic etiquette to avoid the direct use of
names, and Julian never names the usurpers Mag-
nentius, Silvanus, and Vetranio, whose suppression
by Constantius he describes in his two first Orations,
regularly refers to Sapor as “the barbarian,’ and
rather than name Mardonius, his tutor, calls him “a
certain Seythian who had the same name as the man
who persuaded Xerxes to invade Hellas.”! He
wrote the literary Greek of the fourth century a.p.
which imitates the classical style, though barbarisms
and late constructions are never entirely avoided.
His pages are crowded with echoes of Homer,
Demosthenes, Plato, and Isocrates, and his style is
interwoven with half verses, phrases, and whole
sentences taken without acknowledgment from the
Greek masterpieces. It is certain that, like other
sophists, he wished his readers to recognise these
echoes, and therefore his source is always classical, so
that where he seems to imitate Dio Chrysostom or
Themistius, both go back to a common source, which
1 352 A,
ΧΙ
INTRODUCTION
Julian had in mind. Another sophistic element in
his style is the use of commonplaces, literary
allusions that had passed into the sophistic language
and can be found in all the writers of reminiscence
Greek in his day. He himself derides this practice !
but he cannot resist dragging in the well-worn
references to Cyrus, Darius, and Alexander, to the
nepenthe poured out by Helen in the Odyssey, to the
defiance of nature by Xerxes, or the refusal of
Socrates to admit the happiness of the Great King.
Julian wished to make Neo-Platonism the philosophy
of his revived Hellenism, but he belonged to the
younger or Syrian branch of the school, of which
Iamblichus was the real founder, and he only once
mentions Plotinus. Jamblichus he ranked with
Plato and paid him a fanatical devotion. His
philosophical writing, especially in the two prose
Hymns, is obscure, partly because his theories are
only vaguely realised, partly because he reproduces
the obscurity of his model, Iamblichus. In satire
and narrative he can be clear and straightforward. —
1 236 A.
xii.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Manuscripts —
The Vossianus (V), Leyden, 13th or 14th cent. (contains
also the Letters of Libanius), is the only reliable MS. of
Julian, and was once complete except for a few Letters.
Where pages are lost from V a group of inferior MSS.
are used, Marcianus 366 (M), 251 (Mb), both 15th cent.,
five Monacenses (at Munich), and several Parisini
(at Paris). Cobet’s contributions to the text are in
Mnemosyne 8, 9, 10 (old series 1859-1861) and 10, 11
(new series 1882-1883). A. Papadoulos Kerameus pub-
lished in Rheinisches Museum, 1887, six new Letters
discovered on the island of Chalcis.
Editions :—
Misopogon and Letters (with Latin version) Martin,
Paris, 1566. Martin and Cantoclarus, Paris, 1583.
Petau (Petavius) Paris, 1630. Spanheim, Leipzig, 1696.
Oration I, Schaefer, Leipzig, 1802 (with Latin version
and Wyttenbach’s Critical Epistle to Ruhnken). Hertlein,
Leipzig (Teubner), 1875-1876.! Against the Christians,
Neumann, Leipzig, 1880. Letters: Heyler, Mainz, 1828.
Westermann, Leipzig, 1854.
Literature :—
La Vie de ’Empereur Julien, Abbé de la Bleterie,
Paris, 1735. Strauss, Der Romantiker auf dem Throne
der Caesaren, Mannheim, 1847. Miicke Julian’s Leben
und Schriften, Gotha, 1868. Naville, Julien ? Apostat,
Neufchatel, 1877. Schwartz, De vita et scriptis Juliani,
Bonn, 1888. Gildersleeve Julian in Hssays and Studies,
Baltimore, .1890. Gardner, Julian, New York, 1895.
France (W. C. Wright), Julian’s Relation to Neo-
1 The text of the present edition is Hertlein’s, revised.
xiii
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Platonism and the New Sophistic, London, 1896. Negri,
L’Imperatore Giuliano, Milan, 1902 (translated by
Letta-Visconti-Arese, London, 1906). Bidez and Cumont,
Recherches sur la tradition manuscrite des lettres de
Julien, Brussels, 1898. Asmus, Julian und Dio Chryso-
stomus, Tauberbischofsheim, 1895. Brambs, Studien,
Kichstatt, 1897. Allard, Julien ? Apostat, Paris, 1903.
Cumont, Sur Pauthenticité de quelques lettres de Julien,
Gaud, 1889.
Translations :—
ΧΙν
Latin: Misopogon and Letters, Martin ἴῃ edition.
Oration I, Schaefer in edition. Letters, Heyler in
edition. French: Tourlet, Paris, 3 vols. 1821. TZ raduc-
tion de quelques Ouvrages de Hmpereur Julien, Abbé de
la Bleterie, Paris, 1748. Caesars, Spanheim, Paris, 1683.
German: Against the Christians, Neumann, Leipzig,
1880, English: Select Works by Duncombe, London,
1784 (contains also some translations of Libanius).
_ THE ORATIONS OF
THE EMPEROR JULIAN
ORATION I
VOL. I. B
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION I
Juttan’s training in rhetoric left its mark on all
his writings, but technically speaking his work as a
Sophist is comprised in the three panegyrics
(Orations 1-3) and the prose “ Hymns” (Orations
4—5). Oration 1 was considered his masterpiece
and was used as a model by Libanius. It was _
written and probably delivered in 355 a.p., before
Julian went to Gaul. The excuse of being an
amateur is a commonplace (τόπος) in this type of
epideictic speech. He follows with hardly a devia-
tion the rules for the arrangement and treatment of
a speech in praise of an emperor (βασιλικὸς λόγος) as
we find them in Menander’s handbook of epideictic
oratory written in the third century a.p. The
speech is easily analysed. First comes the prooemium
to conciliate the audience and to give the threads of
the argument, then the praises of the emperor's
native land, ancestors, early training, deeds in war
(6 περὶ τῶν πράξεων λόγος) and in peace (ὃ περὶ τῆς
εἰρήνης λόγος), and the stereotyped contrasts with
the Persian monarchs, the Homeric heroes, and
Alcibiades. In the two last divisions the virtues of
Plato’s ideal king are proved to have been displayed
by Constantius, his victories are exaggerated and his
2
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION I
defeats explained away. ‘Then comes a description
of the happy state of the empire and the army
under such a ruler, and the. panegyric ends abruptly
without the final prayer (εὐχή) for the continuance
of his reign, recommended by Menander. This
peroration has evidently been lost. The arrangement
closely resembles that of Oration 3, the panegyric
on the Empress Eusebia, and the “ Evagoras” of
Isocrates, which Julian frequently echoes. Julian’s
praises were thoroughly insincere, a compulsory _—
tribute to a cousin whom he hated and fearéd. ——~
IOTAIANOY KAISAPOS ETKOQMION ΕἸΣ
TON ATTOKPATOPA KONSTANTION
Πάλαι pe “προθυμούμενον, ὦ ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ,
τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ πράξεις ὑμνῆσαι καὶ
τοὺς πολέμους ἀπαριθμήσασθαι, καὶ τὰς τυραν-
νίδας ὅπως ἀνήρηκας, τῆς μὲν λόγῳ καὶ πειθοῖ
τοὺς δορυφόρους ἀποστήσας, τῆς δὲ τοῖς ὅπλοις
κρατήσας, τὸ μέγεθος εἶργε τῶν πράξεων, οὐ τὸ
βραχὺ λειφθῆναι τῷ λόγῳ τῶν ἔργων δεινὸν
κρίνοντα, ἀλλὰ τὸ παντελῶς τῆς ὑποθέσεως
διαμαρτεῖν δόξαι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ περὶ τοὺς πολιτικ-᾿
οὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὴν ποίησιν διατρίβουσιν οὐδὲν
θαυμαστὸν εἰ ῥᾳδίως ἔξεστιν ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς ἐπαί-
vols τῶν σοι πραχθέντων" περίεστι γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐκ 2
τῆς τοῦ λέγειν. μελέτης καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδεί-
ἕξεις συνηθείας τὸ θαρσεῖν ἐν δίκῃ. ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ μὲν
τοιούτου μέρους κατωλυγώρησαν, ὥρμησαν δ᾽ ἐφ᾽
ἕτερον παιδείας εἶδος καὶ λόγων ξυγγραφὴν οὐ
δήμῳ κεχαρισμένην οὐδ᾽ ἐς θέατρα παντοδαπὰ
τολμῶσαν ἀποδύεσθαι, πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις ἔ ἔχοιεν
ay εἰκότως εὐλαβεστέρως. ἔστι γὰρ οὐκ ἄδηλον
τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ποιηταῖς Μοῦσαι καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν B
ἐκεῖθεν ἐπυπνεομένους τὴν ποίησιν γράφειν ἄφθονον
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE
EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS
I nave long desired, most mighty Emperor, to
sing the praises of your valour and achievements,
to recount your campaigns, and to tell how you
suppressed the tyrannies; how your persuasive
eloquence drew away one usurper’s! bodyguard; how
you overcame another? by force of arms. But the
vast scale of your exploits deterred me, because
what I had to dread was not that my words
would fall somewhat short of your achievements,
but that I should prove wholly unequal to my
theme. That men versed in political debate, or
poets, should find it easy to compose a panegyric on
your career is not at all surprising. Their practice
in speaking, their habit of declaiming in public
supplies them abundantly with ἃ well-warranted
confidence. But those who have neglected this field
and chosen another branch of literary study which
devotes itself to a form of composition little adapted
to win popular favour and that has not the hardihood
to exhibit itself in its nakedness in every theatre,
no matter what, would naturally hesitate to make
speeches of the epideictic sort. As for the poets,
their Muse, and the general belief that it is she who
inspires their verse, obviously gives them unlimited
1 Vetranio, 2 Magnentius.,
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
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παρέχει τὴν ἐξουσίαν τοῦ πλάσματος: τοῖς
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τῶν ἔργων τῷ λόγῳ, καὶ ὅλως ἀντιτάττειν τῇ
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μάτων ἁπλῆν διήγησιν οὐδενὸς ἐπεισάκτου κόσμου
δεομένην, ἔδοξε κἀμοὶ προσήκειν, τοῦ ὃ ἀξίως
διηγήσασθαι τῶν ἔργων ἀνεφίκτου καὶ τοῖς προλα-.
βοῦσιν * ἤδη φανέντος. ἅπαντες γὰρ σχεδὸν οἱ
περὶ παιδείαν διατρίβοντές σεῦ ἐν μέτρῳ καὶ
καταλογάδην ὑμνοῦσιν, οἱ μὲν ἅπαντα περι-
λαβεῖν ἐν βραχεῖ τολμῶντες, οἱ δὲ μέρεσιν
αὑτοὺς ἐπιδόντες τῶν πράξεων ἀρκεῖν ὠήθησαν,
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6
3
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
license toinvent. To rhetoricians the art of rhetoric
allows just as much freedom ; fiction is denied them,
but flattery is by no means forbidden, nor is it
counted a disgrace to the orator that the object of his
panegyric should not deserve it. Poets who com-
pose and publish some legend that no one had
thought of before increase their reputation, because
an audience is entertained by the mere fact of
novelty. Orators, again, assert ! that the advantage
of their art is that it can treat a slight theme in
the grand manner, and again, by the use of mere
words, strip the greatness from deeds, and, in
short, marshall the power of words against that of
facts.
If, however, I had seen that on this occasion 1
should need their art, I should have maintained the
silence that befits those who have had no practice in
such forms of composition, and should leave your
praises to be told by those whom 1 just now men-
tioned. Since, on the contrary, the speech I am to
make calls for a plain narrative of the facts and
needs no adventitious ornament, 1 thought that even
I was not unfit, seeing that my predecessors had
already shown that it was beyond them to produce a
record worthy of your achievements. For almost all
who devote themselves to literature attempt to sing
your praises in verse or prose ; some of them venture
to cover your whole career in a brief narrative, while
others devote themselves to a part only, and think
that if they succeed in doing justice to that part
they have proved themselves equal to the task,
1 Tsocrates, Panegyricus, 42 Ὁ.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
εἰ τούτων τῆς ἀξίας μὴ διαμάρτοιεν. ἄξιον δὲ ἄγα-
σθαι τὴν προθυμίαν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἁπάντων, ὅσοι
τῶν σῶν ἐπαίνων ἥψαντο. οἱ μὲν γάρ, ὅπως μηδὲν
ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου τῶν σοι πραχθέντων ἀμαυρωθείη,
τὸν μέγιστον ὑποδῦναι πόνον ἐτόλμησαν, οἱ δέ,
ὅτι τοῦ παντὸς διαμαρτήσειν ἤλπιζον, τὴν αὑτῶν
γνώμην ἐν μέρει προύφηναν, ἄμεινον τοῦ τῆς
σιωπῆς ἀκινδύνου γέρως κρίναντες κατὰ δύναμίν
σοι τῶν οἰκείων πόνων ἀπάρξασθαι.
Ki μὲν οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς εἷς ὧν ἐτύγχανον τῶν τοὺς
ἐπιδεικτικοὺς ἀγαπώντων λόγους, ἐχρῆν ἐντεῦθεν
ἄρχεσθαι τῆς ὑποθέσεως, τὴν ἴσην εὔνοιαν ἀπαι-
τήσαντα τῆς. ὑπαρχούσης ἤδη σοι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ
δεηθέντα τῶν λόγων ἀκροατὴν εὐμενῆ γενέσθαι,
οὐχὶ δὲ ἀκριβῆ καὶ ἀπαραίτητον κριτὴν κατα-
στῆναι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐν ἄλλοις μαθήμασι τραφέντες
καὶ παιδευθέντες, καθάπερ ἐπιτηδεύμασι καὶ
νόμοις, ἀλλοτρίων κατατολμᾶν ἔργων δοκοῦμεν
οὐκ ὀρθῶς, μικρά μοι δοκεῖ χρῆναι καὶ περὶ
τούτων δηλῶσαι, οἰκειοτέραν ἀρχὴν προθέντα
τοῦ λόγου.
Νόμος ἐστὶ παλαιὸς παρὰ τοῦ πρώτου φιλοσο-
φίαν ἀνθρώποις φήναντος οὑτωσὶ κείμενος" ἅπαν-
τας πρὸς τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ πρὸς τὸ καλὸν βλέποντας
ἐπιτηδεύειν ἐν λόγοις, ἐν ἔργοις, ἐν ξυνουσίαις, ἐν
πᾶσιν ἁπλῶς τοῖς κατὰ τὸν βίον μικροῖς καὶ
μείζοσι τοῦ καλοῦ πάντως ἐφίεσθαι. πάντων δὲ
ὅτι κάλλμστον ἀρετή, Tis ἂν ἡμῖν τῶν νοῦν ἐχόν-
των ἀμφισβητήσειε; ταύτης τοίνυν ἀντέχεσθαι
διακελεύεται τοὺς μὴ μάτην τουτὶ περιοίσοντας
Los)
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naan bet
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Υ- σιν.
rT
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
Yet one can but admire the zeal of all who have
made you the theme of a panegyric. Some did not
shrink from the tremendous effort to secure every
one of your achievements from the withering touch
of time; others, because they foresaw that they could
not compass the whole, expressed themselves only
in part, and chose to consecrate to you their indi-
vidual work so far as they were able. Better this,
they thought, than “the reward of silence that
runs no risk.”’ !
Now if I were one of those whose Bybabive pursuit
is epideictic oratory, I should have to begin my
speech by asking from you no less goodwill than I
now feel towards yourself, and should beg you
graciously to incline your ear to my words and not
play the part of a severe and inexorable critic. But
since, bred as I have been and educated in other
studies, other pursuits, other conventions, I am
criticised for venturing rashly into fields that
belong to others, 1 feel that I ought to explain
myself briefly on this head and begin my speech
more after my own fashion.
There is an ancient maxim taught by him who first.
introduced philosophy to mankind, and it is as
follows. All who aspire to virtue and the beautiful
must study in their words, deeds, conversation, in
short, in all the affairs of life, great and small, to aim in
every way at beauty.. Now what sensible man would
deny that virtue is of all things the, most beautiful ?
Wherefore those are bidden to lay firm hold on her
who do not seek to blazon abroad her name in vain,
1 Simonides fr, 66. Horace, Odes 3. 2, 25.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
*,
a a 7
τοὔνομα, TPOTHKOV οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς σφετερισαμένους.
a ς IQs
ταῦτα δὴ διαγορεύων ὁ νόμος οὐδεμίαν ἰδέαν ἐπι-
/ a
τάττει λόγων, OVS ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος τραγικῆς
“Ὁ an 4 “
μηχανῆς, φησί, χρῆναι προαγορεύει τοῖς ἐντυγ-
Ν \
χάνουσι σπεύδειν μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀποφεύγειν
\ “ ς “ na
δὲ τὴν πονηρίαν, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς ὁδοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦτο
,ὔ an UA a \ > /
δίδωσι χρῆσθαι τῷ βουληθέντι μιμεῖσθαι τὴν ἐκεί-
/ \ /
vou φύσιν. καὶ yap παραίνεσιν ἀγαθὴν καὶ λόγων
Ξ a a /
TPOTPETTLKOV χρῆσιν καὶ TO μετ᾽ εὐνοίας ἐπιπλήτ-
τειν τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν ἐπαινεῖν τε αὖ τὰ καλῶς
7 /
πραχθέντα καὶ ψέγειν, ὅταν ἢ καιρός, τὰ μὴ
a la) 54 3.7 δὲ es 2 a ”
τοιαῦτα τῶν ἔργων. ἐφίησι δὲ Kal! Tats ἀλλαις
I \ \ / fal .
ἰδέαις, εἴ τις ἐθέλοι, πρὸς TO βέλτιστον TOV λόγων
a ΣΙΩΝ \ δὲ os \ / \ /
χρῆσθαι, ἐπὶ παντὶ δὲ οἶμαι καὶ λόγῳ Kal πράξει
n 7
μεμνῆσθαι προστάττων, ὅπῃ τούτων ὑφέξουσιν
᾽ 7 & Ἃ 7 3 / / \ +O\
εὐθύνας, ὧν av τύχωσιν εἰπόντες, λέγειν δὲ οὐδὲν
Ψ \ \ 3 \ \ / 3 /
Ore μὴ. πρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἀνοίσουσι.
τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐκ τοῦ νόμου ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα ἕτερα. ᾿
“Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἄρα τί ποτε δράσομεν, εἰργόμενοι μὲν
τῷ δοκεῖν ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς χάριν τὴν εὐφημίαν, τοῦ
γένους δὲ ἤδη τῶν ἐπαίνων διὰ τοὺς οὐκ ὀρθῶς
| μετιόντας t ὑπόπτου καθεστῶτος δεινῶς, καὶ κολα-
κείας ἀγεννοῦς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μαρτυρίας ἀληθοῦς τῶν
ἀρίστων ἔργων εἶναι νομισθέντος ; ἢ δῆλον ὅ ὅτι τῇ
περὶ τὸν ἐπαινούμενον ἀρετῇ πεπιστευκότες ἐπι-
δώσομεν ἑαυτοὺς θαρροῦντες τοῖς ἐγκωμίοις ; τίς
ἂν οὖν ἡμῖν ἀρχὴ καὶ τάξις τοῦ λόγου γένουτο
καλλίστη; ἢ δῆλον ὡς ἡ τῶν προγόνων ἀρετή, Ov
ἣν ὑπῆρξέ σοι καὶ τὸ τοιούτῳ γενέσθαι; τροφῆς
καὶ Reiske adds,
Lo
B
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
appropriating that which in no way belongs to them.
Now in giving this counsel, the maxim does not pre-
scribe any single type of discourse, nor does it
proclaim to its readers, like a god from the machine
in tragedy, “ Ye must aspire to virtue and eschew
evil.” Many are the paths that it allows a man to
follow to this goal, if he desire to imitate the nature
of the beautiful. For example, he may give good
advice, or use hortatory discourse, or he may rebuke
error without malice, or applaud what is well done,
or condemn, on occasion, what is ill done. It permits
men also to use other types of oratory, if they please,
so as to attain the best end of speech, but it enjoins
on them to take thought in every word and act
how they shall give account of all they utter, and to
speak no word that cannot be referred to the
standard of virtue and philosophy. That and
more to the same effect is the tenour of that
precept.
And now, what am I to do? What embarrasses
me is the fact that, if I praise you, I shall be thought
simply to curry favour, and in fact, the department
of panegyric has come to incur a grave suspicion due
to its misuse, and is now held to be base ilattery
rather than trustworthy testimony to heroic deeds.
Is it not obvious that I must put my faith in the
merit of him whom I undertake to praise, and with
full confidence devote my energies to this panegyric?
What then shall be the prelude of my speech and the
most suitable arrangement? Assuredly I must-
begin with the virtues of your ancestors through
which it was possible for you to come to be what
you are, Next I think it will be proper to describe
tj
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δὲ οἶμαι καὶ παιδείας ἑξῆς προσήκει μνησθῆναι,
ἥπερ σοι τὸ πλεῖστον εἰς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἀρετὴν
συνεισηνέγκατο, ἐφ’ ἅπασι δὲ τούτοις ὥσπερ
γνωρίσματα τῶν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀρετῶν τὰς πράξεις
διελθεῖν, καὶ τέλος ἐπιτιθέντα τῷ λόγῳ τὰς ἕξεις
δηλῶσαι, ὅθεν ὁρμώμενος τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν ἔργων
ἔδρασας καὶ ἐβουλεύσω. τούτῳ γὰρ οἶμαι καὶ
τῶν ἄλλων πάντων διοίσειν τὸν λόγον. οἱ μὲν
γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων ἵ ἵστανται, ἀποχρῆν οἰόμενοι
πρὸς τὴν. τελείαν εὐφημίαν τὸ τούτων μνησθῆναι,
ἐγὼ δὲ οἶμαι δεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀρετῶν τὸν πλεῖστον
λόγον ποιήσασθαι, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ὁρμώμενος ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον
τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἦλθες. τὰ “μὲν γὰρ πλεῖστα
τῶν ἔργων, σχεδὸν δὲ πάντα, τύχη καὶ δορυφόροι
καὶ στρατιωτῶν φάλαγγες καὶ τάξεις ἱππέων
συγκατορθοῦσι, τὰ δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα μόνου τέ
ἐστι τοῦ δράσαντος, καὶ ὁ ἐκ τούτων ἔπαινος
ἀληθὴς καθεστὼς ἰδιός ἐστι τοῦ κεκτημένου. οὐκ-
οῦν ἐπειδὴ ταῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν σαφῶς διώρισται, τῶν λόγων
ἄρξομαι.
ὋὉ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐπαίνων. νόμος οὐδὲν ἔλαττον
τῆς πατρίδος ἢ ἢ τῶν προγόνων ἀξιοῖ μεμνῆσθαι.
ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ οἶδα, τίνα χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπολαβεῖν
πατρίδα ony: ἔθνη γὰρ μυρία περὶ ταύτης ἀμφισ-
βητεῖ πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον. καὶ a μὲν βασιλεύουσα
τῶν ἁπάντων πόλις, μήτηρ οὖσα σὴ καὶ τροφὸς
καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν σοι μετὰ τῆς ἀγαθῆς τύχης
παρασχοῦσα, ἐξαίρετον αὑτῆς φησιν εἶναι τὸ
γέρας, οὐ τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐφ᾽ ἁπάντων τῶν αὐτοκρα-
τόρων δικαίοις χρωμένη: λέγω δὲ ὅτι, κἂν ἀλλα-
1 ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν MSS,
12
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
your upbringing and education, since these con-
tributed very much to the noble qualities that you
possess, and when I have dealt with all these, I must
recount your achievements, the signs and tokens, as
it were, of the nobility of your soul, and finally, as
the crown and consummation of my discourse, I shall
set forth those personal qualities from which was
evolved all that was noble in your projects and their
execution. It is in this respect that I think my
speech will surpass those of all the others. For some
limit themselves to your exploits, with the idea that
a description of these suffices for a perfect panegyric,
but for my part I think one ought to devote the
greater part of one’s speech to the virtues that were
the stepping-stones by which you reached the height
of your achievements. Military exploits in most
cases, nay in almost all, are achieved with the help
of fortune, the body-guard, heavy infantry and cavalry
regiments. But virtuous actions belong to the doer
alone, and the praise that they inspire, if it be
sincere, belongs only to the possessor of such virtue.
Now, having made this distinction clear, I will
begin my speech.
The rules of panegyric require that I should
mention your native land no less than your ancestors.
But I am at a loss what country I ought to consider
peculiarly yours. For countless nations have long
asserted their claim to be your country. The city!
that rules over them all was your mother and nurse,
and in an auspicious hour delivered to you the
imperial sceptre, and therefore asserts her sole title
to the honour, and that not merely by resorting to
the plea that has prevailed under all the emperors.
1 Rome.
oe
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
n Ul na
χόθεν τυγχάνωσι, τῷ μετέχειν ἅπαντας ἤδη τοῦ
πολιτεύματος καὶ τοῖς ἐκεῖθεν ἡμῖν καταδειχθεῖσιν
fol a /
ἔθεσι καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι πολῖται γεγόνασιν"
a \
οὔκουν οὕτως, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς τεκοῦσα THY σὴν μητέρα
a n ΄
καὶ θρεψαμένη βασιλικῶς καὶ τῶν ἐσομένων
an /
ἐκγόνων 2 ἀξίως. ἡ δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ Βοσπόρῳ πόλις,
ὅλον τοῦ γένους τοῦ Κωνσταντίων ἐπώνυμος,
΄Ζ \ a
πατρὶς μὲν οὐκ εἶναί φησι, γεγονέναι δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ
n € a \ >
σοῦ πατρὸς ὁμολογεῖ, Kal δεινὰ πάσχειν οἰήσεται,
a fal / a 7
εἰ ταύτης γοῦν τις αὐτὴν τῷ λόγῳ τῆς συγγενείας
> a 3 \ hie 2 2 a UA
ἀφαιροῖτο. ᾿Ιλλυριοὶ δέ, ὅτι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς γέγονας,
οὐκ ἀνέξονται τοῦ καλλίστου τῶν εὐτυχημάτων
/ bY / 7
στερόμενοι, εἴ τις ἄλλην σοι πατρίδα προσνέμοι.
2 A \ » \ a cur 4 \ /
ἀκούω δὲ ἔγωγε Kal TOV ἑῴων ἤδη τινὰς λέγειν,
[τ Mi x “ 3 / n \
ὅτε μὴ δίκαια. δρῶμεν ἀφαιρούμενοι σφᾶς τὸν
SEN \ / > \ f Ν / 3 1
ἐπὶ σοὶ λόγον: αὐτοὶ γάρ φασι τὴν τήθην ἐπὶ
Ν fa) a /
_TOV τοῦ μητροπάτορος τοῦ σοῦ προπέμψαι γάμον.
\ “
καὶ σχεδὸν ἅπαντες οἱ λοιποὶ προφάσεις ἐπι-
A \ x / a a
νοοῦντες μικρὰς ἢ μείζονας αὑτοῖς σεῦ εἰσποιεῖν
/
ἐκ παντὸς ἐγνώκασιν. ἐχέτω μὲν οὖν TO γέρας
ἃ Δ΄. Ἃ 52 ἡ \ ἃ > “ / \
ἣν αὐτὸς ἐθέλεις, καὶ ἣν ἀρετῶν μητέρα καὶ
διδάσκαλον πολλάκις ἐπαινῶν εἴρηκας, τυγχαν-
, Le +s RS es ς \ A
ovTwy δὲ ἑκάστη κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ai λοιπαὶ τοῦ
προσήκοντος. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπαινεῖν μὲν ἁπάσας
1 γεγόνασιν" οὐκοῦν ws MSS, οὔκουν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς Μ, οὔκουν οὕτως,
ἀλλ ws Hertlein suggests.
2 éxydvev Wright, ἐγγόνων MSS, Hertlein.
® oe Schaefer adds.
14
6
—-. ae
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
I mean that, even if men are born elsewhere, they
all adopt. her constitution and use the laws and
customs that she has promulgated, and by that fact
become Roman citizens. But her claim is different,
namely that she gave your mother birth, rearing her
royally and as befitted the offspring who were to.be
born to her. Then again, the city on the Bosporus
which is named after the family of the Constantii,
though she does not assert that she is your native
place, but acknowledges that she became your
adopted land by your father’s act, will think she is
cheated of her rights if any orator should try to
deprive her of at least this claim to kinship.
Thirdly, the Illyrians, on whose soil you were born,
will not tolerate it if anyone assign you a different
fatherland and rob them of the fairest gift of fortune.
And now 1 hear some even of the Eastern provinces
protest that it is unjust of me to rob them of
the lustre they derive from you. For they say
that they sent forth your grandmother to be the
consort of your grandfather on the mother’s side,
Almost all the rest have hit on some pretension
of more or less weight, and are determined, on
one ground or another, to adopt you for their own.
Therefore let that country! have the prize which
you yourself prefer and have so often praised as
the mother and teacher of the virtues; as for the
rest, let each one according to her deserts obtain
her due. I should be glad to praise them all,
worthy as they are of glory and honour, but I am
1 Rome.
a5
¢
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἐθέλοιμ᾽ ᾿ ἂν ἀξίας οὔσας δόξης * καὶ τιμῆς, ὀκνῶ
δὲ μὴ διὰ τὸ μῆκος, εἰ καὶ δοκεῖ λίαν οἰκεῖα τοῦ
παρόντος λόγου, διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἀλλότρια φανῇ.
τῶν μὲν οὖν ἄλλων τοὺς ἐπαίνους διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀφή-
σειν μοι δοκῶ, τῆς “Ῥώμης δὲ τὸ κεφάλαιον τῶν
ἐπαίνων αὐτός, ὦ βασιλεῦ, συλλαβὼν ἐ ἐν βραχεῖ
καὶ διδάσκαλον ἀρετῆς προσειπών, τῷ δοῦναι τὸ
κάλλιστον τῶν ἐγκωμίων, τοὺς παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων
λόγους ἀφήρησαι. τί γὰρ λέξομεν ἡμεῖς περὶ
αὐτῆς τοιοῦτον ἕτερον; τί δὲ ἄλλος τις εἰπεῖν
ἔχει; ; ὥστε μοι δοκῶ σεβόμενος εἰκότως τὴν. πόλιν
τούτῳ τιμᾶν αὐτὴν πλέον, τῷ παραχωρεῖν cot
τῶν εἰς αὐτὴν λόγων.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐγενείας τῆς σῆς ἴσως ἄξιον
ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐν βραχεῖ διελθεῖν. ἀπορεῖν δὲ
ἔοικα κἀνταῦθα, πόθεν ἄρχεσθαι χρή. πρόγονοί
τε γάρ εἰσί σοι καὶ πάπποι καὶ γονεῖς ἀδελφοί τε
καὶ ἀνεψιοὶ καὶ ξυγγενεῖς βασιλεῖς ἅπαντες,
αὐτοὶ κτησάμενοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐννόμως ἢ παρὰ τῶν
κρατούντων εἰσποιηθέντες. καὶ τὰ μὲν. παλαιὰ
τί δεῖ λέγειν, Κλαυδίου μνησθέντα, καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς
τῆς ἐκείνου ἐναργῆ παρέχειν καὶ γνώριμα, πᾶσι
τεκμήρια, τῶν ἀγώνων τῶν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν
Ἴστρον οἰκοῦντας βαρβάρους ἀναμιμνήσκοντα,
καὶ ὅπως τὴν ἀρχὴν ὁσίως ἅμα καὶ δικαίως ἐκτή-
σατο, καὶ τὴν ἐν βασιλείᾳ τῆς διαίτης λιτότητα,
καὶ τὴν ἀφέλειαν τῆς ἐσθῆτος ἐπὶ τῶν εἰκόνων
ὁρωμένην ἔτι; τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν πάππων τῶν σῶν
ἐστι μὲν τούτων νεώτερα, λαμπρὰ δὲ οὐ μεῖον
1 ἐθέλοιμ᾽ ἄν Cobet, ἔχοιμ᾽ ἄν Hertlein, εὔχομαι MSS.
2 δόξης Wyttenbach ἀξίας MSS, Hertlein.
3 τῶν Hertlein adds.
16
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
afraid that my compliments, however germane they
may seem to my subject, might, on account of their
length, be thought inappropriate to the present
oecasion. For this reason, then, I think it better to
omit a eulogy of the others, but as for Rome, your
imperial Majesty summed up her praises in two
words when you called her the teacher of virtue,
and, by bestowing on her the fairest of all
encomiums, you have forestalled all that others
might say. What praise of mine would come up to
that? What indeed is left for anyone to say? So
I feel that I, who naturally hold that city in
reverence, shall pay her a higher honour if I leave
her praise in your hands.
Now perhaps I ought at this point to say a few
words about your noble ancestors. Only that here
too I am at a loss where to begin. For all your
ancestors, grandfathers, parents, brothers, cousins
and kinsfolk were emperors, who had either
acquired their power by lawful means or were —
adopted by the reigning house. Why should I
recall ancient history or hark back to Claudius
and produce proofs of his merit, which are manifest
and known to all? To what end recount his
campaigns against the barbarians across the
Danube or how righteously and justly he won the
empire? How plainly he lived while on the throne! \)
How simple was his dress, as may be seen to ἃ
this day in his statues | What I might say about
your grandparents! is comparatively recent, but
1 Constantius Chlorus and Maximianus.
17
VOL. I. ο
pv
ς
ᾧ
of Ly
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἐκείνων. ἔτυχον μὲν yap. ἄμφω τῆς ἀρχῆς ov
ἀρετὴν ἀξίω κριθέντε, γενομένω δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν πραγ-
μάτων οὕτω πρός τε ἀλλήλους εὐνοϊκῶς ἔσχον καὶ
πρὸς τὸν μεταδόντα τῆς βασιλείας εὐσεβῶς, ὥσθ᾽
ὁ μὲν ὡμολόγει μηδὲν τούτου πώποτε κρεῖττον
βεβουλεῦσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα σωτήρια τοῖς
κοινοῖς ἐξευρών, οἱ δὲ τὴν μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων κοινωνίαν
a XN \ Lal [τὰ > / ν᾽ , >
μᾶλλον ἢ THY τῶν ὅλων ἀρχήν, εἴπερ οἷόν τε ἦν,
ἑκάστῳ περυγενομένην ἠγάπων. οὕτω δὲ διακεί-
μενοι τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν ἔργων ἔδρων τὰ κάλλιστα,
σεβόμενοι μὲν μετὰ τὴν κρείττονα φύσιν τὸν τὴν
ἀρχὴν οΕὐτοῖς παρασχόντα, τοῖς ὑπηκόους δὲ
πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως χρώμενοι, καὶ τοὺς
βαρβάρους οὐκ ἐλαύνοντες μόνον πάλαι κατοι-
κοῦντας καὶ νεμομένους καθάπερ τὴν οἰκείαν
ἀδεῶς τὰ ἡμέτερα, φρούρια δὲ ἐπιτειχίζοντες
αὐτοῖς τοσαύτην πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰρήνην τοῖς ὑπη-
κόοις κατέστησαν, ὅσην οὐδὲ εὔξασθαι τότε ῥᾷδιον
ἐδόκει. GAN ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων οὐκ ἄξιον ἐν
παρέργῳ λέγειν. τῆς δὲ ὁμονοίας αὐτῶν τῆς
πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὸ μέγιστον σημεῖον παραλιπεῖν
οὐδαμῶς εὔλογον, καὶ ἄλλως προσῆκον τῷ λόγῳ.
κοινωνίαν γὰρ τὴν καλλίστην τοῖς αὑτῶν παισὶν
ἐπινοήσαντες τῶν σῶν πατέρων τοὺς γάμους
ἥρμοσαν. προσήκει δὲ οἶμαι καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐν
βραχεῖ διελθεῖν, ὅπως μὴ τῆς ἀρχῆς φανῇς μόνον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς κληρονόμος. τὴν μὲν οὖν βασι-
λείαν ὅπως μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς κατέσχε τελευτὴν
αὐτοῦ τε ἐκείνου τῇ κρίσει καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων
ἁπάντων τῇ ψήφῳ πατὴρ ὁ σός, τί χρὴ νῦν περι-
1 apdws Cobet, ὁσίως MSS, Hertlein.
18
“an inal ἀν tes
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
equally remarkable. Both of them acquired the
imperial sceptre as the reward of conspicuous merit,
and having assumed the command, they were on
such good terms with each other and displayed
such filial piety to him! who had granted them
a share in the empire, that he used to say that of
all the safeguards designed by him for the realm,
and they were many, this was his master-stroke.
They, meanwhile, valued their mutual understanding
more than undivided empire, supposing that it could
have been bestowed on either of them separately.
This was the temper of their souls, and nobly they
played their part in action, while next to the
Supreme Being they reverenced him who had
placed authority in their hands. With their sub-
jects they dealt righteously and humanely, and
expelled the barbarians who had for years settled
in our territory and had occupied it with impunity
as though it were their own, and they built forts to
hinder encroachment, which procured for those
subjects such peaceful relations with the barbarians
as, at that period, seemed to be beyond their dreams.
This, however, is a subject that deserves more than
a passing mention. Yet it would be wrong to omit
the strongest proof of their unanimity, especially
as it is related to my subject. Since they desired
the most perfect harmony for their children, they
arranged the marriage of your father and mother.’
On this point also I think I must say a few words to
show that virtue was bequeathed to you as well,
asa throne. But why waste time in telling how
your father, on his father’s death, became emperor ~
both by the choice of the deceased monarch and ne ae
<<
1 Diocletian. 2 Constantine and Fausta. par
19
ere
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
εργάξεσθαι ; ; τὴν δὲ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ῥώμην ἐκ
τῶν ἔργων μᾶχλον ἢ διὰ τῶν λόγων ἄν τίς γνωρί-
σειε. τυραννίδας γάρ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ βασιλείας ἐννόμους
καθαιρῶν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐπῆλθεν ἅπασαν. το-
σαύτην δὲ εὔνοιαν αὑτοῦ τοῖς ὑπηκόοις παρέστησεν,
ὥσθ᾽ οἱ μὲν στρατευόμενοι τῆς περὶ τὰς δωρεὰς
καὶ τὰς χάριτας μεγαλοψυχίας ἔτι μεμνημένοι
καθάπερ θεὸν διατελοῦσι σεβόμενοι" τὸ δὲ ἐ ἐν ταῖς
πόλεσι καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν πλῆθος, οὐχ οὕτω τῆς
τῶν τυράννων ἀπαλλαγῆναι βαρύτητος εὐχόμενοι,
ὡς “παρὰ τοῦ σοῦ πατρὸς. ἀρχθῆναι, τὴν κατ᾽
ἐκείνων αὐτῷ νίκην ἐπηύχοντο. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἁπάντων
κύριος κατέστη, ὥσπερ ἐξ αὐχμοῦ τῆς ἀπληστίας
τοῦ δυναστεύσαντος πολλῆς ἀπορίας χρημάτων
οὔσης καὶ τοῦ πλούτου τῶν βασιλείων ἐ ἐν μυχοῖς
συνεληλαμένου, τὸ κλεῖθρον ἀφελὼν ἐπέκλυσεν
ἀθρόως τῷ πλούτῳ πάντα, πόλιν τε ἐπώνυμον
αὑτοῦ κατέστησεν ἐν οὐδὲ ὅλοις ἔτεσι δέκα,
τοσούτῳ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπασῶν μείζονα, ὅσῳ τῆς
Ῥώμης ἐλαττοῦσθαι δοκεῖ, ἧς τὸ ὃ δευτέραν" τετάχθαι
μακρῷ βέλτιον ἐ ἔμοιγε φαίνεται ἢ τὸ τῶν ἄλλων
ἁπασῶν πῥώτην νομίξεσθαι. καλὸν ἵἴ ἴσως ἐνταῦθα
καὶ τῶν ἀοιδίμων ᾿Αθηνῶν μνησθῆναι, ἃ ἃς ἐκεῖνος
ἔργοις καὶ λόγοις τιμῶν τὸν πάντα χρόνον διετέλει.
βασιλεὺς γὰρ ὧν καὶ κύριος πάντων, στρατηγὸς
ἐκείνων ἠξίου καλεῖσθαι, καὶ τοιαύτης εἰκόνος
τυγχάνων μετ᾽ ἐπιγράμματος ἐγάνυτο πλέον ἢ
τῶν μεγίστων τιμῶν ἀξιωθείς. ἀμειβόμενος δὲ
ἐπ᾿ αὐτῇ τὴν πόλιν, πυρῶν μεδίμνους δίδωσι
πολλάκις μυρίους καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος δωρεὰν καρ-
ποῦσθαι, ἐξ ὧν ὑπῆρχε τῇ πόλει μὲν ἐν ἀφθόνοις
20
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
the vote of all the armies? His military genius was
made evident by his achievements and needs no
words of mine. He traversed the whole civilised
world ‘desing tyrants, but never those who ruled ©’
ay by tant His subjects he inspired with such affection
nis veterans still remember how generous he
was with largess and other rewards, and to this day
worship him as though he were a god. As for
the mass of the people, in town and country alike,
they prayed that your father might be victorious
over the tyrants, not so much because they would be
delivered from that oppression as because they would
then be governed by him. But when he had made
his power supreme, he found that the tyrant’s!
greed had worked like a drought, with the result
that money was very scarce, while there were great
hoards of treasure in the recesses of the palace; so
he unlocked its doors and on the instant flooded the
whole country with wealth, and then, in less than
ten years, he founded and gave his name to a city ?
that as far surpasses all others as it is itself inferior
to Rome; and to come second to Rome seems to me
a much greater honour than to be counted first and
foremost of all cities beside. Here it may be proper
to mention Athens “the illustrious,’? seeing that
during his whole life he honoured her in word and
deed. He who was emperor and lord of all did
not disdain the title of General of the Athenians,
and when they gave him a statue with an inscription
to that effect he felt more pride than if he
had been awarded the highest honours. To repay
Athens for this compliment he bestowed on her
annually a gift of many tens of thousands of bushels
1 Maxentius. 2 Constantinople. 3 Pindar fr. 46
21
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
\ \ a
εἶναι, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἔπαινοι Kal τιμαὶ παρὰ τῶν
βελτίστων.
“ Ἂ » AN \ an
Πολλῶν δὲ καὶ καλῶν ἔργων τῷ πατρὶ TO σῷ
ne / \ \ \
πραχθέντων, ὧν τε ἐπεμνήσθην καὶ ὅσα διὰ τὸ
- al n / BA
μῆκος παραλιπεῖν δοκῶ, πάντων ἄριστον ἔγωγε
/ 7 3 Ν \ \ A «“
φαίην ἂν, οὐμαι δὲ. καὶ τοὺς Gove Cras
ὁμολογήσειν, τὴν σὴν γένεσιν καὶ τροφὴν καὶ
παιδείαν" ἐξ ἧς ὑπάρχει τοῖς λοιποῖς οὐ τὸ πρὸς
ὀλίγον ἀπολαῦσαι τῆς ἀρίστης ἀρχῆς, ἀλλ’ ws
οἷόν τέ ἐστιν εἰς πλείονα χρόνον. δοκεῖ γοῦν
ἄρχειν ἐκεῖνος εἰσέτι. καὶ Κύρῳ μὲν οὐχ ὑπῆρχε
τοῦτο. τελευτήσαντος γὰρ ὁ παῖς ὥφθη μακρῷ
φαυλότερος, ὥστε ὁ μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο πατήρ, ὁ δὲ
ἐπωνομάσθη δεσπότης. σὲ δὲ πρᾳότερον μὲν τοῦ
πατρὸς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς κρείττονα σαφῶς
te! οἶδα, καὶ δηλώσω τοῦ καιροῦ φανέντος ἐν τῷ
λόγῳ. ἐκείνῳ δὲ προσήκειν καὶ τούτου νομίζω
μεταδόντι σοι τῆς ἀρίστης τροφῆς, ὑπὲρ ἧς ἤδη
λέγειν πειράσομαι, μητρὸς καὶ ἀδελφῶν τῶν σῶν
ἐπιμνησθείς.
Τῇ μὲν γὰρ εὐγενείας τοσοῦτον περιῆν καὶ κάλ-
λους σώματος καὶ τρόπων ἀρετῆς, ὅσον οὐκ ἄλλῃ
γυναικὶ ῥᾳδίως ¢ ἄν τις ἐξεύροι. ἐπεὶ καὶ Περσῶν
ἀκούω τὸν ὑπὲρ Παρυσάτιδος λόγον, ὅτι μόνη γέ-
yovev ἀδελφὴ καὶ μήτηρ καὶ γαμετὴ καὶ παῖς βασι-
λέως. ἀλλ᾽ ἣν γε αὕτη τοῦ γήμαντος ἀδελφὴ τῇ
φύσει, νόμος δὲ ἐδίδου γαμεῖν ἀδελφὴν τῷ Πέρσῃ. ;
τὴν σὴν δὲ μητέρα κατὰ τοὺς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν νόμους
ἀχράντους καὶ καθαρὰς τὰς οἰκειότητας ταύτας
δ re Cobet, εὖ MSS, Hertlein.
22
9
ὩΣ 1
ΟὟ
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
of wheat, so that while she enjoyed plenty, he won
applause and reverence from the best of men.
Your father’s achievements were many and
brilliant. Some I have just mentioned, and others I
must omit for the sake of brevity. But the most
notable of all, as I make bold to say and I think all
will agree, was that he begat, reared and educated
you. This secured to the rest of the world the
advantages of good government, and that not for a
limited time but for a period beyond his own life-
time, as far as this is possible. At any rate your
father seems still to be on the throne. This is more
than Cyrus himself could achieve. When he died
his son proved far inferior, so that while men called
Cyrus “ father,” his successor was called “ master.” ὦ
But you are even less stern than your father, and
surpass him in many respects, as I well know and will
demonstrate in my speech as occasion shall arise.
Yet, in my opinion, he should have the credit of this
as well, since it was he who gave you that admirable
training concerning which I shall presently speak,
but not till I have described your mother and
brothers.”
Your mother’s ancestry was so distinguished, her
personal beauty and nobility of character were such
that it would be hard to find her match among
women. I have heard that saying of the Persians
about Parysatis, that no other woman had been the
sister, mother, wife, and daughter of kings. Pary-
satis, however, was own sister of her husband, since
their law does not forbid a Persian to marry his
sister. But your mother, while in accordance with
our laws she kept pure and unsullied those ties
1 Herodotus 3. 89. 2 Constantine I. and Constans.
23
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
lal \ 5 Qn
φυλάττουσαν συνέβαινε" τοῦ μὲν εἰναι παῖδα,
γαμετὴν δὲ € ἑτέρου, καὶ ἀδελφὴν ἄλλου, καὶ πολλῶν
αὐτοκρατόρων, οὐχὶ δὲ ἑ ἑνὸς μητέρα. ὧν ὁ μέν τις
τῷ πατρὶ συγκατειργάσατο τὸν πρὸς τοὺς τυράν-
νους πόλεμον, ὁ δὲ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Γέτας ἡμῖν
εἰρήνην τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατήσας ἀσφαλῆ παρεσ-
κεύασεν, ὁ δὲ ἐτήρησεν ἄβατον τοῖς ,πολεμίοις
τὴν χώραν, αὐτὸς ἐπιστρατεύων ἐκείνοις TON-
λάκις, ἕως ἐπέτρεπον οἱ μικρὸν ὕστερον τῶν εἰς
ἐκεῖνον ἀδικημάτων δίκην ὑποσχόντες. πολλῶν
δὲ ὑπαρχόντων ἐκείνοις περιφανῶν. ἔργων, ἐφ᾽
οἷς ἄν τίς αὐτοὺς δικαίως ἐπαινεῖν. ἔχοι, καὶ
τῶν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀγαθῶν περιουσίας. οὔσης,"
οὐδέν ἐστι τοιοῦτον τῶν ἄλλων, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μακα-
ρίζων ἄν 5 τις αὐτοὺς εἰκότως σεμνύνοι, ὡς ὅτι
τῶν μὲν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν δὲ ἔκγονοι * γεγόνασιν.
ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ μακρότερα περὶ αὐτῶν λέγων τὸν
ὀφειλόμενον τοῖς ἐπαίνοις τοῖς σοῖς καιρὸν
ἀναλώσω τοῦ . λόγου, πειράσομαι λοιπὸν ὡς ἡμῖν
ἄξιον, μᾶλλον δέ, εἰ δεῖ μηδὲν ὑποστειλάμενον
εἰπεῖν, μακρῷ τῶν προγόνων ἐπιδείξω σεῦ
σεμνότερον.
Φήμας μὲν δὴ καὶ μαντείας καὶ ὄψεις τὰς
ἐν τοῖς ὕπνοις, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα θρυλεῖν εἰώθασιν
ἐπὶ τῶν οὕτω λαμπρὰ καὶ περιφανῆ πραξάν-
των, Κύρου καὶ τοῦ τῆς ἡμετέρας οἰκιστοῦ
πόλεως καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φιλίππου, καὶ
p
εἴ τις ἄλλος τοιοῦτος γέγονεν; ἑκὼν ἀφίημι"
1 συνέβαινε Reiske, lacuna Hertlein.
2 οὔσης Wyttenbach adds, περιουσίας" MSS, Hertlein.
ἣν ἐξ Schaefer adds.
4 ἔκγονοι Petavius, ἔγγονοι MSS, Hertlein.
> γεγόνασιν Wyttenbach adds. 5 ge Wyttenbach adds.
24
10
B
2 he le Ee eee
é
“ Δι." Di ei tm
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
of kinship, was actually the daughter of one
emperor,! the wife of another, the sister of a third,
and the mother not of one emperor but of several.
Of these one aided your father in his war against the
tyrants ; another conquered the Getae and secured
for us a lasting peace with them; the third? kept our
frontiers safe from the enemy’s incursions, and often
led his forces against them in person, so long at least
as he was permitted by those who were so soon
punished for their crimes against him. Though by
the number and brilliance of their achievements they
have indeed earned our homage, and though all the
blessings of fortune were theirs in abundance, yet in
the whole tale of their felicity one could pay them no
greater compliment than merely to name their sires
and grandsires. But I must not make my account of
them too long, lest I should spend time that I ought
to devote to your own panegyric. So in what
follows I will, as indeed I ought, endeavour—or
rather, since affectation is out of place, let me say I
will demonstrate—that you are far more august than
your ancestors.
Now as for heavenly voices and prophecies and
visions in dreams and all such portents? as are common
gossip when men like yourself have achieved brilliant
and conspicuous success, Cyrus, for instance, and the
founder‘ of our capital, and Alexander, Philip’s son,
and the like, I purposely ignore them. Indeed
1 Maximianus. - 3 Constans.
3 Isocrates, Hvagoras 21. 4 Romulus,
25
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δοκεῖ yap ov πόρρω ταῦτα τῆς ποιητικῆς ἐξου-
σίας εἶναι. καὶ τὰ παρὰ τὴν πρώτην ὑὕὑπάρ-
ἕαντά σοι γένεσιν ὡς λαμπρὰ καὶ βασιλικὰ
καὶ! τὸ λέγειν εὔηθες. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τῆς ἐν τοῖς
παισὶν ἀγωγῆς ὁ καιρὸς ὑπομέμνηκεν, ἔδει σοι
τῆς βασιλικῆς τροφῆς δήπουθεν, ἣ τὸ μὲν σῶμα
> ς
πρὸς ἰσχὺν καὶ ῥώμην καὶ εὐεξίαν καὶ κάλλος
ἀσκήσει, τὴν ψυχὴν δὲ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιο-
σύνην καὶ σωφροσύνην καὶ φρόνησιν ἐμμελῶς
παρασκευάσει. ταῦτα δὲ οὐ ῥάδιον διὰ τῆς
ἀνειμένης ὑπάρχειν διαίτης, θρυπτούσης μέν, ὡς
εἰκός, τὰς ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα, ἀσθενεστέρας δὲ
ἐργαζομένης πρός τε τοὺς κινδύνους τὰς γνώμας
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους τὰ σώματα. οὐκοῦν τῷ μὲν
ἔδει γυμναστικῆς, τῷ σώματι, τὴν ψυχὴν δὲ τῇ τῶν
λόγων ἐκόσμεις μελέτῃ. ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἀμφο-
τέρων ἄξιον διελθεῖν: ἀρχὴ γάρ τις αὕτη τῶν μετὰ
ταῦτα πράξεων γέγονε. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἐπιμελείας τῆς
περὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν οὐ τὸ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιδείξεις ἁρμόζον
ἤσκησας, ἥκιστα βασιλεῖ πρέπειν ὑπολαβὼν τῶν
τὰς παλαίστρας κατειληφότων τὴν θρυλουμένην EvE-
ξίαν, μέλλοντι τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἀγώνων μεθέξειν, ὕπ-
νου τε ἐλαχίστου δεομένῳ καὶ τροφῆς οὐ πολλῆς,
καὶ ταύτης οὔτε κατὰ πλῆθος οὔτε κατὰ ποιότητα
πάντως ὡρισμένης οὔτεκατὰ τὸν καιρόν,ὃν χρὴ προσ-
φέρεσθαι, τῆς ἐπιτυχούσης δέ, ἐπειδὰν αἱ πράξεις
τὸν καιρὸν ἐνδῶσιν. ὅθεν ᾧου δεῖν καὶ τὰ γυμνάσια
πρὸς ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι,Σ πολλὰ καὶ στρατιωτικά,
1
7 \ ᾽ ». of λ ὃ / Nees , B
χορεῖαν THV EV τοῖς OTTAOLS, OPOMOV TOV εν TOUTOLS,
\ e \ / « / >
τὴν ἱππικὴν τέχνην, ols ἅπασι διατετέλεκας ἐξ
1 καὶ Wyttenbach adds.
2. ποιεῖσθαι Wyttenbach, ποιεῖσθαι εἶναι δὲ MSS, Hertlein,
26
- watt
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIVS
I feel that poetic license accounts for them ai
‘ And it is foolish even to state that at the hour of your
birth all the circumstances were brilliant and suited
- toa prince. And now the time has come for me to
speak of your education as a boy. You were of
course bound to have the princely nurture that
should train your body to be strong, muscular,
healthy, and handsome, and at the same time duly
equip your soul with courage, justice, temperance,
and wisdom. But this cannot result from that loose
indulgence which naturally pampers body and soul,
weakening men’s wills for facing danger and their
bodies for work. Therefore your body required
training by suitable gymnastics, while you adorned
your mind by literary studies. But I must speak at
greater length about both branches of your education,
since it laid the foundation of your later career., In
your physical training you did not pursue those
exercises that fit one merely for public display.
What professional athletes love to call the pink of
condition you thought unsuitable for a king who
must enter for contests that are not make-believe.
Such a one must put up with very little sleep and
scanty food, and that of no precise quantity or
quality or served at regular hours, but such as can
be had when the stress of work allows. And so you
thought you ought to train yourself in athletics with
a view to this, and that your exercises must be
military and of many kinds, dancing and running in
heavy armour, and riding. All these you have
27:
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I :
“ /
ἀρχῆς ἐν καιρῷ χρώμενος" καὶ κατώρθωται Tapa
an »
σοὶ τούτων ἕκαστον ὡς παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων
a a / \ Ἄλον
ὁπλιτῶν. οὐκοῦν ὁ μέν τις ἐκείνων, πεζὸς WV
\ / / ς ͵7
ἀγαθός, τὴν ἱππικὴν τέχνην ἠγνόησεν, ὁ δέ, ἐπι-
an fal ἴω ’ an \ >
στάμενος χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἱππικοῖς, ὀκνεῖ πεζὸς εἰς
Ἂ \
μάχην ἰέναι. μόνῳ δὲ ὑπάρχει σοὶ τῶν μὲν
/ /
ἱππέων ἀρίστῳ φαίνεσθαι παραπλησίως ἐκείνοις
/ \ \ ς 7
σταλέντι, μετασκευασαμένῳ δὲ ἐς τοὺς ὁπλίτας
κρατεῖν ἁπάντων ῥώμῃ καὶ τάχει καὶ τῇ τῶν
a / 4 \ \ \ /
ποδῶν κουφότητι. ὅπως δὲ μὴ Tas ἀνέσεις
᾽ BA lal lal
ῥᾳθύμους εἶναι μηδ᾽ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων ποιεῖσθαι
UA
συμβαίνῃ, ἐπίσκοπα τοξεύειν ἤσκησας. καὶ TO
“ \ fal /
μὲν σῶμα διὰ τῶν ἑκουσίων πόνων πρὸς TOUS
ἀκουσίους εὖ ἔχειν παρεσκεύασας, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ
a an / \
ἡγεῖτο μὲν ἡ τῶν λόγων μελέτη καὶ τὰ προ-
a / Ὁ“ Ν \
σήκοντα τοῖς τηλικούτοις μαθήματα. ὅπως δὲ μὴ
3
παντάπασιν ἀγύμναστος ἢ μηδὲ καθάπερ ἄσματα
καὶ μύθους τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρετῶν ἐπακούῃ λόγους,
la! bp Ass
ἔργων δὲ ἀγαθῶν καὶ πράξεων ἄπειρος οὗσα τὸν
an / / 4 ¢ al
τοσοῦτον διαμείνῃ χρόνον, καθάπερ ὁ γενναῖος
5.) / ἐς \ \ - \ /
ἠξίωσε Ἰ]λάτων οἱονεὶ πτερὰ τοῖς παισὶ χαριζό-
be \ \ “ > 4 1 A >
μενον καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἀναβιβάζοντα ἄγειν εἰς
7
τὰς μάχας, θεατὰς ἐσομένους ὧν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν
ἀγωνιστὰς ἐχρὴν καταστῆναι, πατέρα τὸν σὸν
ὃ / 7 XA > / a n "
ιανοηθέντα φαίην ἂν εἰκότως τοῖς Κελτῶν ἔθνεσιν
b] a ἙΝ , \ / /
ἐπιστῆσαί σε φύλακα καὶ βασιλέα, μειράκιον
ἔτι, μᾶλλον δὲ παῖδα κομιδῇ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐπεὶ τῇ
7 μιδῇ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐπεὶ τῇ γε
A pe a ον a na 3 na
συνέσει Kal ῥώμῃ τοῖς καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσιν
1 ἀναβιβάζοντα Cobet, ἀνάγοντα MSS, Hertlein.
28
12
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
continued from early youth to practise at the right
time, and in every exercise you have attained to
greater perfection than any other hoplite. Usually
a hoplite who is a good infantryman cannot ride, or,
if he is an expert horseman, he shirks marching on
foot to battle. But of you alone it can be said that
you can put on the cavalry uniform and be a match
for the best of them, and when changed into a hop-
lite show yourself stronger, swifter, and lighter on
your feet than all the rest. Then you practised
shooting at a mark, that even your hours of leisure
might not be hours of ease or be found without the
exercise of arms. So by work that was voluntary
you trained your body to stand the exertions that
you would be compelled to undertake.
Your mind, meanwhile, was trained by practice in
public speaking and other studies suitable to your
years. But it was not to be wholly without the
discipline of experience, nor was it for you to listen
merely to lectures on the virtues as though they
were ballads or saga stories, and so wait all that time
without actual acquaintance with brave works
and undertakings. Plato, that noble philosopher,
advised! that boys should be furnished as it were
with wings for flight by being mounted on horse-
back, and should then be taken into battle so that
they may be spectators of the warfare in which they
must soon be combatants. This, I make bold to say,
was in your father’s mind when he made you
governor and king of the Celtic tribes while you
were still a youth, or rather a mere boy in point of
years, though in intelligence and endurance you
could already hold your own with men of parts..
’ 1 Republic 467 8.
29
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἐνάμιλλον ἤδη. τοῦ μὲν ἀκίνδυνον γενέσθαι σοι
τὴν πολεμικὴν ἐμπειρίαν ὁ πωτὴρ προυνόησε
καλῶς, εἰρήνην ἐπιτάξας πρὸς τοὺς ὑπηκόους ἄγειν
τοῖς βαρβάροις: μάχεσθαι δὲ ἀναπείθων καὶ στα-
σιάξειν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἐν ταῖς ἐκείνων συμφοραῖς
καὶ τοῖς σώμασι στρατηγικὴν ἐδίδασκε τέχνην,
ἀσφαλέστερον βουλευόμενος τοῦ σοφοῦ Ἰ]λάτωνος.
τῷ μὲν γάρ, εἰ πεζὸς ἐπέλθοι πολεμίων στρατός,
οἱ παῖδες θεαταὶ καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἤν που
δεηθῶσι, τοῖς πατράσι γένοιντ᾽ av κρατούντων δὲ
ἱππεῦσι τῶν πολεμίων, ὥρα μηχανᾶσθαι τοῖς
μειρακίοις σωτηρίας τρόπον δυσεπινόητον. τὸ δὲ
ἐν ἀλλοτρίοις κινδύνοις τοὺς παῖδας ἐθίζειν πο-
λεμίων ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἀρκούντως
καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν δοκεῖ βεβουλεῦσθαι.
"Ev μὲν δὴ τούτοις σοι πρὸς ἀνδρείαν ὑπῆρχε
μελέτη. φρονήσεως δὲ ἡ μὲν φύσις, ἣν εἴληχας,
αὐταρκὴς ἡγεμών" παρῆσαν δὲ οἶμαι καὶ τῶν πολι-
τῶν οἱ κράτιστοι τὰ πολιτικὰ διδάσκοντες. καὶ
παρεῖχον ἠθῶν καὶ νόμων καὶ ξένων ἐπιτηδευμάτων
ἐμπειρίαν αἱ πρὸς τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν THOE
βαρβάρων ἐντεύξεις. καίτοι τὸν ᾽Οδυσσέα συνε-
τὸν Ομηρος ἐκ παντὸς ἀποφῆναι προαιρούμενος
πολύτροπον εἶναί φησι καὶ πολλῶν Woe
TOV νοῦν καταγνῶναι καὶ ἐπελθεῖν τὰς πόλεις," ν᾽
ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐπιλεξάμενος ἔχοι τὰ εράφθ ἢ
καὶ πρὸς παντοδαποὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁμιλεῖν
δύναιτο. ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν ὃς 2 οὐκ ἐβασίλευσε
1 ras πόλεις Cobet, ταῖς πόλεσιν MSS, Hertlein.
2 τῷ μὲν ὃς Wright, τὸν μὲν MSS, Hertlein, τὸ μὲν V.
ων. τ. ae
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
Your father wisely provided that your experience of
war should be free from risks, having arranged that
the barbarians should maintain peace with his
-subjects. But he instigated them to internal feuds
and civil war, and so taught you strategy at the
expense of their lives and fortunes. This was a
safer policy than the wise Plato’s. For, by his
scheme, if the invading army were composed of
infantry, the boys could indeed be spectators of
their fathers’ prowess, or, if need arose, could even
take part. But supposing that the enemy won in a
cavalry engagement, then, on the instant, one would
have to devise some means to save the boys, which -
would be difficult indeed. But to inure the boys to
face the enemy, while the hazard belongs to others,
is to take counsel that both suffices for their need
and also secures their safety.
It was in this way then that you were first trained
in manliness. But as regards wisdom, that nature
with which you were endowed was your self-sufficing
guide. But also, I think, the wisest citizens were
‘at your disposal and gave you lessons in statecraft.
Moreover, your intercourse with the barbarian leaders
in that region gave you an acquaintance at first hand
with the manners, laws, and usages of foreigners.
Indeed, when Homer set out to prove the con-
summate wisdom of Odysseus, he called him “ much-
travelled,’ and said that he had come to know the
minds of many peoples and visited their cities, so
that he might choose what was best in every one
and be able to mix with all sorts and conditions of
men. Yes, even Odysseus, who never ruled an
31
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
/ > nm 3 / / \ \ \
ποικίλων ἠθῶν ἐμπειρίας χρεία: τὸν δὲ πρὸς 1
τοσαύτην ἡγεμονίαν τρεφόμενον οὐκ ἐν οἰκίσκῳ
ἥἄου χρῆν διδάσκεσθαι οὐδὲ τὴν βασιλείαν,
7 ς “ ᾽ὔ “ 50ῸΧ
καθάπερ ὁ Κῦρος, παίζοντα μιμεῖσθαι οὐδὲ
,ὔ ἮΝ ΚΟΥ, θ 7 2 la) /
χρηματίζειν τοῖς ἥλιξι, καθάπερ ἐκεῖνον λέγουσιν,
> 2 ΜΝ e a \ / n
ἀλλ᾽ ἔθνεσιν ὁμιλεῖν καὶ δήμοις, Kal στρατιωτῶν
τάγμασιν ἐπιτάττειν ἁπλῶς τὸ πρακτέον: ὅλως δὲ
? \ 3 / / ἂν ᾽ n +
οὐδενὸς ἀπολείπεσθαι τούτων, ὧν ἐχρῆν ἄνδρα
γενόμενον ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας πράττειν.
Οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ τὰ παρὰ τούτοις ἐδιδάχθης
καλῶς, ἐπὶ τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον μετιὼν τοῖς
Παρθυαίων καὶ Μήδων ἔθνεσιν ἀντετάχθης
, ς , ᾿ S328 κα 7
μόνος. ὑποτυφομένου δὲ ἤδη τοῦ πολέμου
7]
καὶ οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν μέλλοντος ἀναρριπίζεσθαι,
\
ταχέως καὶ τούτου κατέγνως τὸν τρόπον, Kal
τὴν τῶν ὅπλων ἰσχὺν ἐμιμήσω, καὶ πρὸς τὴν
ὥραν τοῦ θέρους εἴθισας καρτερεῖν τὸ σῶμα.
πυνθάνομαι" δὲ ᾿Αλκιβιάδην μόνον ἐξ ἁπάντων
“Ἑλλήνων οὕτως εὐφυῶς μεταβολὰς ἐνεγκεῖν, ὡς
καὶ μιμήσασθαι πρῶτον! μὲν τὴν τῶν Λακεδαι-
μονίων ἐγκράτειαν, ἐπειδὴ Σπαρτιἄταις αὑτὸν
25 ὃ ’ > / \ / “
ἐδεδώκει, εἶτα Θηβαίους, καὶ Θράκας ὕστερον, καὶ
2-_\ , \ mn a / > ».8 tal
ἐπὶ τέλει τὴν τῶν ἹΪερσῶν τρυφήν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος
\ a /
μὲν τοῖς χωρίοις συμμεταβάλλων Kal τὸν τρόπον
> / a
ἀνεπίμπλατο πολλῆς δυσχερείας Kal TO πάτριον
3 7 lal a ε
ἐκινδύνευε παντελῶς ἀποβαλεῖν, σὺ δὲ τῆφιὲν
1 πρῶτον Cobet adds.
32
ee ee ee
δ, ὃ er ore
Ae ett nt a ae.
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
empire, needed experience of the many and divers
minds of men. How much more necessary that one
who was being brought up to guide an empire like
this should not fit himself for the task in some
modest dwelling apart ; neither should he, like young
Cyrus in his games, play at being emperor, nor give
audiences to his playmates, as they say! Cyrus did.
Rather he ought to mix with nations and peoples,
and give orders to his troops definitely indicating
what is to be done, and generally he should be found
wanting in none of those things which, when he
comes to manhood, he must perform without fear.
Accordingly, when you had gained a thorough
knowledge of the Celts, you crossed to the other
continent and were given sole command against the
Parthians and Medes. There were already signs
that a war was smouldering and would soon burst
into flame. You therefore quickly learned how to
deal with it, and, as though you took as model the
hardness of your weapons, steeled yourself to bear
the heat of the summer season. I have heard say
that Alcibiades alone, among all the Greeks, was
naturally so versatile that when he cast in his lot
with the Spartans he copied the self-restrai. of the
Lacedaemonians, then in turn Theban and Thracian
manners, and finally adopted Persian luxury. But
Alcibiades, when he changed his country changed
his character? too, and became so tainted with
perversity and so ill-conditioned that he was likely to
lose utterly all that he was born to. You, however,
thought it your duty to maintain your severity of
1 Herodotus 1. 114.
2 Cf. Aeschines Against Ctesiphon 78. Horace Epistles 1.
11. 27.
33
VOL, I, ‘D
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1
ἐγκρατοῦς διαίτης ὥου δεῖν ἔχεσθαν πανταχοῦ,
ἐθίζων δὲ τὸ σῶμα τοῖς πόνοις πρὸς τὰς μεταβολὰς
ῥᾷον ἤνεγκας τὴν ἐκ Γαλατῶν εἰς Παρθυαίους
ἄνοδον i)? τῶν πλουσίων οἱ ταῖς ὥραις τὴν οἴκησεν
συμμεταβάλλοντες, εἰ παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν βιασθεῖεν.
καί μοι δοκεῖ θεὸς εὐμενὴς πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὅλων
ἡγεμονίαν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν παρασκευάζειν
ἐθέλων, κύκλῳ σε περιωγαγεῖν καὶ ἐπιδεῖξαι τῆς
ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης ὅρους καὶ πέρατα καὶ φύσιν χωρίων
καὶ μέγεθος χώρας καὶ δύναμιν ἐθνῶν καὶ πλῆθος
πόλεων καὶ φύσιν δήμων καὶ τὸ κράτιστον αὐτῶν
ἐκείνων τὴν περιουσίαν" ὧν οὐδενὸς ἀπολελεῖφθαι
χρῤὴ τὸν πρὸς τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν τρεφόμενον. TO
μέγιστον δὲ μικροῦ με διέφυγεν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι τούτων
ἁπάντων ἄρχειν ἐκ παίδων διδασκόμενος, ἄρχεσθαι
κρεῖττον ἔμαθες, ἀρχῇ τῇ πασῶν ἀρίστῃ καὶ
δικαιοτάτῃ, φύσει Te καὶ νόμῳ, σαυτὸν ὑποτιθείς"
πατρὶ γὰρ ὑπήκουες ἅμα καὶ βασιλεῖ: ὧν εἰ καὶ
θάτερον ὑπῆρχεν ἐκείνῳ μόνον, ἄρχειν αὐτῷ
πάντως προσῆκον ἣν. καίτοι τίνα ποτ᾽ ἄν τις
ἐξεύροι βασιλικὴν τροφὴν καὶ παιδείαν ἀμείνω
ταύτης πάλαι γενομένην; οὔτε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι
τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οἵπερ δὴ δοκοῦσιν ἀρίστης ἀρχῆς
τῆς τῶν βασιλέων μεταλαβεῖν, οὕτω τοὺς ‘Hpa-
κλείδας ἐπαίδευον, οὔτε τῶν βαρβάρων οἱ Kapyn-
1 ἤνεγκας Cobet, διήνεγκας MSS, Hertlein.
2 ἢ Reiske adds.
3 περιουσίαν Petavius, γερουσίαν MSS, Hertlein.
34
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
life wherever you might be, and by hard work
inuring your constitution to change, you easily bore
the march inland from Galatia to Parthia, more easily
in fact than a rich man who lives now here, now
there, according to. the season, would bear it if he
were forced to encounter unseasonable weather. 1
think Heaven smiled on you and willed that you
should govern the whole world, and so from the first
trained you in virtue, and was your guide when you
journeyed to all points, and showed you the bounds:
and limits. of the whole empire, the character of each
region, the vastness of your territory, the power of
every race, the number of the cities, the charac-
teristics of the masses, and above all the vast
number of things that one who is bred to so great a
kingship cannot afford to neglect. But 1 nearly
_ forgot to mention the most important thing of all.
From a boy you were taught to govern this great
empire, but a better thing you learned, to be
governed, submitting yourself to the authority that
is the best im the world and the most: just, that is to»
say, nature and law. I mean that both as son and
subject_you_obeyed your father. Indeed, had he ὃς
been only your father or only your king, obedience
was his due.
Now what rearing and education for a king eould
one find in: history better than this? Consider the
Greeks. Not; thus. did the Spartans train the
Heracleidae, though they are thought to have
enjoyed the best form of government, that of their
kings. As for the barbarians, not even. the Cartha-
35
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1
n δε ors
δόνιοι, βασιλευόμενοι διαφερόντως, THs ἀρίστης
ἐπιμελείας τὸν ἄρξοντα! σφῶν ἠξίουν: ἀλλὰ
πᾶσιν ἦν κοινὰ τὰ παρὰ τῶν νόμων τῆς ἀρετῆς
γυμνάσια καὶ τὰ παιδεύματα, καθάπερ ἀδελφοῖς
τοῖς πολίταις ἄρξειν τε καὶ ἀρχθήσεσθαι μέλ-
\ >O\ hi a > ὃ 7
λουσι, Kal οὐδὲν διάφορον προσῆν εἰς παιδείας
λόγον τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῶν ἄλλων. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ
εὔηθες ἀπαιτεῖν μὲν ἀρετῆς μέγεθος ἀνυπέρβλητον
παρὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων, προνοεῖν δὲ μηδέν, ὅπως
ἔσονται τῶν πολλῶν διαφέροντες; καὶ τοῖς μὲν
βαρβάροις, ἅπασιν ἐν κοινῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ταύτης
προκειμένης, τὸ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν ἠθῶν ὁμοίαν
γίγνεσθαι παράσχοι συγγνώμην: τὸν Λυκοῦργον
δὲ τοῖς ἀφ᾽ Ηρακλέους ἀστυφέλικτον τὴν βασι-
/ ὃ / 2 ὃ ’ ¢ \ > Ὁ
λείαν διαφυλάττοντα “ μηδεμίαν ὑπεροχὴν ἐν ταῖς
ἐπιμελείαις τῶν νέων εὑρόντα σφόδρα ἄν τις
2 a7 7 > δὲ \ > ΄ :
εἰκότως μέμψαιτο. οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰ πάντας Λακεδαι-
/ > \ 2 a \ / bY cad
μονίους ἀθλητὰς ἀρετῆς Kal τροφίμους weTo δεῖν
εἶναι, τῆς ἴσης ἀξιοῦν ἐχρῆν τροφῆς καὶ παιδείας
τοὺς ἰδιώτας τοῖς ἄρξουσιν. ἡ γὰρ τοιαύτη κατὰ
μικρὸν παραδυομένη“ συνήθεια ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐνέ-
texev® ὑπεροψίαν τῶν κρειττόνων" ὅλως γὰρ οὐδὲ
κρείττονας νομιστέον τοὺς οὐ Ot ἀρετὴν πρωτεύειν
1 ἄρξοντα Hertlein suggests, ἄρχοντα MSS.
2 διαφυλάττοντα [καὶ] Hertlein.
3 4 ἄρξουσιν Cobet, ἄρχουσιν MSS, Hertlein.
4 παραδυομένη Wright, cf. Rep. 424 p, ὑποδυυμένη MSS,
Hertlein.
5 ἐνέτεκεν Wyttenbach, ἐντεκεῖν MSS, Hertlein, πέφυκεν
ἐντεκεῖν Petavius.
36
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
ginians, though they were particularly well-governed
by their kings, chose the best method of training
their future rulers. The moral discipline and the
studies prescribed by their laws were pursued. by all
alike, as though the citizens were brothers, all
destined both to govern and be governed, and in the
matter of education they made πὸ difference
between their princes and the rest of the citizens.
Yet surely it is foolish to demand superlative
excellence from one’s rulers when one takes no
pains to make them better than other men. Among
the barbarians, indeed, no man is debarred from
winning the throne, so one can excuse them for
giving the same moral training to all. But that
Lycurgus, who tried to make the dynasty of the
Heracleidae proof against all shocks,! should not
have arranged for them a special education better
than that of other Spartan youths is an omission for
which he may well be criticised. He may have
thought that all the Lacedaemonians ought to enter
the race for virtue, and foster it, but for all that
it was wrong to provide the same nurture and
education for private citizens as for those who were
to govern. The inevitable familiarity little by little
steals into men’s souls and breeds contempt for their
betters. Though, for that matter, they are not
in any sense one’s betters unless it was their own
merit that earned them the right to rule. This, in
cf, Xenophon Rep. Lac. 15. 7.
37
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
λαχόντας. τοῦτο δὲ οἶμαι Kal Σπαρτιάτας χαλε-
πωτέρους ἀρχθῆναι τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παρεῖχε πολ-
λάκις. χρήσαιτο δ᾽ ἄν τις σαφεῖ τεκμηρίῳ τῶν
ῥηθέντων τῇ Λυσάνδρου πρὸς ᾿Αγησίλαον φιδο-
τιμίᾳ καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν, ἐπιὼν τὰ πεπραγμένα
τοῖς - ἀνδράσιν.
᾿Αλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ἡ πολιτεία τὰ πρὸς ἀρετὴν
ἀρκούντως παρασκευάζουσα, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν δια-
φέρον ἐπιτηδεύειν ἐδίδου τῶν πολχῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸ
καλοῖς κἀγαθοῖς ὑπάρχειν παρεῖχεν ἀνδράσι"
Καρχηδονίων δὲ οὐδὲ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἐπιτηδευ-
΄ 9 a bd > 4 A fal τ
μάτων ἐπαινεῖν ἄξιον. ἐξελαύνοντες γὰρ τῶν
a nA \ a /
οἰκιῶν οἱ γονεῖς τοὺς παῖδας ἐπέταττον εὐπο-
ρεῖν διὰ τῶν πόνων τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἀναγ-
καίων, τὸ δρᾶν τι τῶν δοκούντων αἰσχρῶν ἄπαγο-
ρεύὔοντες. τὸ δὲ ἣν, οὐ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἐξελεῖν τῶν
νέων, ἀλλὰ λαθεῖν πειρᾶσθαι τι δρῶντα" προστάτ-
τειν. πέφυκε γὰρ οὐ τρυφὴ μόνον ἦθος διαφθεί-
by \ ΔΌΣ a > / 2 \ 7
pew, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεὴς δίαιτα,
ἐφ’ ὧν οὔπω τὸ κρίνειν ὁ λόγος προσλαβὼν
Ψ a / ς \ a 2 7 > 4
ἕπεται ταῖς χρείαις ὑπὸ THs ἐπιθυμίας ἀναπειθό-
} “4 n
μενος, ἄλλως τε εἰ καὶ τούτου μὴ κρατοίη τοῦ
y, , γ
πάθους, πρὸς χρηματισμὸν ἐκ παΐδων συνεθιζό-
vi a 7
μενος Kal τινας ἀμοιβὰς ἐμποριῶν Kal καπηλείας
τὰς μὲν αὐτὸς εὑρὼν τὰς δὲ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων
μαθών, ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ λέγειν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ἀκούειν
1 τὰ Wyttenbach adds.
2 λαθεῖν Cobet, τὸ λαθεῖν MSS, Hertlein, τοῦ λαθεῖν
Schaefer. ® τὶ δρῶντα Spanheim, ἱδρῶτα MSS, Hertlein,
38
5 a ..)
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
my opinion, is the reason why the Spartan kings
often found their subjects hard toe govern. In proof
of what I say one might quote the rivalry of
Lysander and Agesilaus, and many other instances,
if one should review the history of the Spartan
Kings.
The Spartan polity, however, by securing a
satisfactory development of the moral qualities in
their kings, even if it gave them a training in no
way different from that of the crowd, at least
endowed them with the attributes of well-bred
men. But as for the Carthaginians, there was
nothing to admire even in the discipline that they
all shared. The parents turned their sons out of
doors and bade them win the necessaries of life
by their own efforts, with the injunetion to do
nothing that jis considered disgraceful. The effect
of this was not to uproot the evil inclinations of the
young, but to require them to take pains not to be
caught in wrong-doing. For it is not self-indulgence
only that ruins character, but the lack of mere
necessaries may produce the same result. This is
true at any rate in the case of those whose reason
has not yet assumed the power to decide, being
swayed by physical needs and persuaded by desire.
It is especially true when one fails to control the
passion for money-getting, if from ‘boyhood one is
accustomed to it and to the trading and bartering of
the market-places. This business, unfit for a youth
of gentle birth to mention, or so much as hear
spoken of, whether the youth finds it out for himself
39
mH
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἄξιον ἐλευθέρῳ παιδί, πλείστας ἂν κηλῖδας
ἐναπόθοιτο τῇ ψυχῇ, ὧν πασῶν καθαρὸν εἶναι
χρὴ καὶ τὸν ἐπιεικῆ πολίτην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὸν βασιλέα
καὶ στρατηγὸν μόνον.
ἐμοὶ δὲ οὐκ ἐπιτιμᾶν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐκείνοις
προσήκει: δείξω δὲ μόνον τῆς τροφῆς" τὸ
διαφέρον, ἡ χρησάμενος κάλλει καὶ ῥώμῃ καὶ
δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ σωφροσύνῃ διήνεγκας, διὰ μὲν
τῶν πόνων τὴν εὐεξίαν περιβαλόμενος, διὰ δὲ
τῶν νόμων τὴν σωφροσύνην κατακτησάμενος, "
καὶ τῷ μὲν σώματι ῥωμαλεωτέρῳ διὰ τὴν ἐγκρά-
τειαν τῆς ψυχῆς, τῇ ψυχῇ δ᾽ αὖ διὰ τὴν τοῦ
σώματος καρτερίαν δικαιοτέρᾳ χρώμενος, τὰ μὲν
ἐκ φύσεως ἀγαθὰ συναύξων ἐ ἐκ παντός, τὰ δὲ ταῖς
ΕΥ̓ με Χείεῖς ἔξωθεν ἀεὶ προσλαμβάνων" καὶ δεό-
μενος μὲν οὐδενός, ἐ ἐπαρκῶν δ᾽ ἄλλοις καὶ χαριζό-
μενος μεγάλας δωρεὰς καὶ ὅσαι τοὺς λαβόντας
ἤρκουν ἀποφῆναι τῷ Λυδῶν δυνάστῃ παραπλη-
σίους, ἐνδεέστερον μὲν ἀπολαύων αὐτὸς τῶν
ὑπαρχόντων ἀγαθῶν ἢ Σπαρτιατῶν ὁ σωφρονέ-
στατος, τοῦ τρυφᾶν δὲ παρέχων ἄλλοις χορηγίαν,
καὶ τοῖς βουλομένοις “σωφρονεῖν παρέχων σαυτὸν
μιμεῖσθαι, ἄρχων μὲν πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως
τῶν ἄλλων, ἀρχόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς σω-
pees καὶ ὡς εἷς τῶν πολλῶν τὸν ἅπαντα
ετέλεις χρόνον. παιδὶ μὲν ὄντι σοι καὶ μειρακίῳ
ταῦτά τε ὑπῆρχε καὶ ἄλλα πλείονα, περὶ ὧν νῦν
λέγειν μακρότερον ἂν εἴη τοῦ καιροῦ,
1 τροφῆς MSS, Cobet, διατροφῆς V, Hertlein.
2 κατακτησάμενος Cobet ’ κτησάμενος MSS, Hertlein, κατα-
χρησάμενος V.
3 δεόμενος MSS, Cobet, évdedueves Hertlein,
40
16
C
.
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
or learns it from those of greater experience, leaves
many scars on the soul ; and even a respectable citizen
ought to be free from all this, not a king or general
alone.
But it is not for me to criticise the Cartha-
ginians in this place. I will only point out how
different was your education, and how you profited
by it and have come to excel in looks, strength,
justice, and temperance. By your active life you
achieved perfect health ; your temperance was
the result of obedience to the laws ; you enjoy a
body of unusual strength by reason of your self-
control, and a soul of unusual rectitude because
of your physical powers of endurance. You left
nothing undone to improve your natural talents, but
ever acquired new talents by new studies. You
needed nothing yourself but gave assistance to
others, and lavished such generous gifts that the
recipients seemed as rich as the monarch of the
Lydians.!. Though you indulged yourself less in the
good things that were yours than the most austere Be.
of the Spartans, you gave others the means of
luxury in abundance, while those who preferred <> οἷς '
temperance could imitate your example. As ἃ ruler{>\~ ἢ
you were mild and humane ; as your father’s subject ©) ἘΠ <
“you were ever as modest _as any one of his people. > δὰ
All this was true of you in boyhood and youth, and Ὁ...)
much more about which there is now no time to |
speak at length.
1 Gyges,
~~
At
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
/ \ 9.43 ς uA A
Γενόμενος δὲ ἐφ ἡλικίας, καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τὴν
\ “ 4 2
εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν τοῦ Saipoves μάλα ὀλβίαν
/ > / a 4 4 cal
παρασχόντος, οὔ μόνον τῷ πλήθει καὶ κάλλει τῶν
ἐπενεχθέντων τὸν τάφον ἐκόσμεις, γενέσεως καὶ
τροφῆς ἀποτίνων τὰ χαριστήρια, πολὺ δὲ πλέον
τῷ μόνος ἐκ πάντων τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων ζῶντος
μὲν ἔτι καὶ πιεζομένου τῇ νόσῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι,
τελευτήσαντος δὲ τὰς μεγίστας τιμὰς καταστῆσαι,
ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐξαρκεῖ καὶ τὸ μνησθῆναι. καλοῦσι γὰρ
ἡμᾶς ἐφ᾽ αὑτὰς αἱ πράξεις ὑπομιωνήσκουσαι τῆς
C7 a b] J > / “ \ /
ῥώμης, Ths εὐψυχίας, εὐβουλίας τε ἅμα καὶ δικαιό-
ΝΥ 5 \ > 7 \
τητος, οἷς ἄμαχος ὥφθης καὶ ἀνυπέρβλητος, τὰ
\ \ \ LO€) \ \ \ / \
μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς πολίτας Kal
\ 7 , \ \ 4
τοὺς πατρῴους σοι φίλους καὶ τὰ στρατεύματα
/ \ ᾿
δικαίως καὶ σωφρόνως καταστησάμενος" πλὴν εἴ
\ n n
που βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν καιρῶν ἄκων ἑτέρους
ἐξαμαρτεῖν οὐ διεκώλυσας:" τὰ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς
πολεμίους ἀνδρείως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ THs
“. ᾿ / “
προὐπαρχοὕύσης ἀξίως τοῦ γένους δόξης κατα-
στησάμενος. τοῖς μὲν δι’ ὁμονοίας τὸν ἅπαντα
χρόνον συγγέγονας, ἀστασίαστον μὲν τὴν πόλιν
, ΄ὕ \ \ > \ ΄
διαφυλάττων καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς συνάρχοντας
θεραπεύων ἀεί, τοῖς φίλοις δὲ τῆς ἰσηγορίας" μετα-
διδοὺς καὶ τῆς παρρησίας μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν
ἀφθόνως, κοινωνῶν μὲν ἅπασι τῶν ὑπαρχόντων,
\ \ μὰ “ > \ / \
μεταδιδοὺς δὲ ὧν ἕκαστος ἐνδεὴς δόξειε. καὶ
τούτων μάρτυσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις εἰκότως ἄν τις
χρήσαιτο, καὶ τὰ πράγματα δὲ τοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσι
1 ἰσηγορίας Petavius, tens παρηγορίας MSS, Hertlein.
42
1
as ΜΝ
τῳ»;
ι
᾿» 4
ἡ ες PR Le σ᾽
aie Mite
oh enka
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
When you had come to man’s estate, and after
fate had decreed the ending of your father’s life!
and Heaven had granted that his last hours should
be peculiarly blest, you aderned his tomb not only
by lavishing on it splendid decorations? and so paying
the debt of gratitude for your birth and education,
but still more by the fact that you alone of his sons’
hastened to him when he was still alive and stricken
by illness, and paid him the highest possible honours
after his death. But all this I need only mention in
passing. For now it is your exploits that ery aloud
for notice and remind me of your energy, courage,
good judgment, and justice. In these qualities you »
ee unrivalled. In your dealings with
_your brothers,® your subjects, your father’s friends,
and your armies you displayed justice and modera-
tion; except ‘that, in some cases, forced as you were
by the critical state of affairs, you could not, in spite
of your own wishes, prevent others from going
astray. Towards the enemy your demeanour was
_brave, generous, and worthy of the previous reputa-
tion of your house. While you maintained the
friendly relations that already existed, kept the capital
free from civil discord, and continued to cherish
your brothers who were your partners in empire, you
granted to your friends, among other benefits,
the privilege of addressing you as an equal and full
freedom of speech without stint, and perfect frank-
ness. Not only did you share with them all whatever
you possessed, but you gave to each what he seemed
most to need. Anyone who wants testimony to all
this mtight reasonably call your friends to witness,
but if he does not know your friends, the facts
1 At Nicomedia 337 a.p. 2 Isocrates, Hvagoras 1.
Ὁ Constans and Constantine.
43
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
.
τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους συνουσίας ἱκανὰ δηλῶσαι τὴν
προαίρεσιν τοῦ βίου παντός.
“Ῥητέον δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἤδη τῶν “πράξεων ἀνα-
βαλλομένοις. τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἕξεων λόγον. Πέρσαι
τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἁπάσης πάλαι κρατήσαντες καὶ τῆς
Εὐρώπης τὰ πολλὰ καταστρεψάμενοι, μικροῦ δέω
φάναι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην περιβαλόμενοι
κύκλῳ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἐπειδὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπὸ
Μακεδόνων ἀφήρηντο, τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου στρατη-
γίας ἔργον γενόμενοι, μᾶλλον δὲ παίγνιον,
areas φέροντες τὸ δουλεύειν, ὡς ἐκεῖνον
ἤσθοντο τετελευτηκότα, τῶν διαδόχων ἀποστάντες
Maxesics TE εἰς τὴν ἀντίπαλον δύναμιν αὖθις
κατέστησαν καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ λειπόμενον τῆς Μακεδόνων
ἀρχῆς κατακτησαμένοις ἀξιόμαχοι διὰ τέλους
ἔδοξαν εἶναι πολέμιοι. καὶ τῶν μὲν παλαιῶν τί χρὴ
νῦν ὑπομιμνήσκειν, Ἀντωνίου καὶ Κράσσου, στρατη-
γῶν αὐτοκρατόρων, | καὶ ὡς ἐκεῖνα διὰ μακρῶν ἀπω-
σάμεθα κινδύνων τὰ αἴσχη, πολλῶν καὶ σωφρόνων
αὐτοκρατόρων ἀναμαχεσαμένων τὰ πταίσματα;
τί δὲ χρὴ τῶν δευτέρων ἀτυχημάτων μεμνῆσθαι
Kab TOV ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῦ Κάρου πράξεων, ὅσπερ
μετὰ. τὰς συμφορὰς ἠρέθη στρατηγός ; " ἀλλ᾽ οἱ
τὴν θαυμαστὴν καὶ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀγαπωμένην
εἰρήνην ἐπιτάξαντες ἐ ἐκείνοις ἄγειν, οἱ πρὸ τοῦ σοῦ
πατρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν κατασχόντες, οὐχ ὁ μὲν
καῖσαρ καθ᾽ αὑτὸν συμβαλὼν αἰσχρῶς ἀπήλ.-
λαξεν; ἐπιστραφέντος δὲ τοῦ τῆς οἰκουμένης
ἁπάσης ἄρχοντος καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις τῆς ἡγεμονίας
1 φέροντες πρὸς MSS.
ἢ ὅσπερ... : στρατηγός MSS,
41
18
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
themselves are sufficient to demonstrate the policy
of your whole life.
But I must postpone the description of your
personal qualities and go on to speak of your
achievements. The Persians in the past conquered
the whole of Asia, subjugated a great part of Europe,
and had embraced in their hopes I may almost say
the whole inhabited world, when the Macedonians
deprived them of their supremacy, and they provided
Alexander’s generalship with a task, or rather with
a toy. But they could not endure the yoke of
slavery, and no sooner was Alexander dead, than
they revolted from his successors and once more
opposed their power to the Macedonians, and so
successfully that, when we took over what was left
of the Macedonian empire, we counted them to the
end as foes with whom we must reckon. I need not
now remind you of ancient history, of Antony and
Crassus, who were generals with the fullest powers,
or tell how after long-continued dangers we suc-
ceeded in wiping out the disgrace they incurred, and
how many a prudent general retrieved their blunders.
Nor need I recall the second chapter of our mis-
fortunes and the exploits of Carus? that followed,
when after those failures he was appointed general.
Among those who sat on the throne before your
father’s time and imposed on the Persians conditions
of peace admired and welcomed by all, did not the
Caesar ὃ incur a disgraceful defeat when he attacked
them 6n his own account? It was not till the
ruler of the whole world? turned his attention to
1 Defeated at Carrhae B.c. 53: the Roman standards were
recovered by Augustus B.o. 20. 2 Emperor 282-283 a.p.
. 8. Galerius Maximianus, son-in-law of Diocletian, was de-
feated in Mesopotamia, 296 a.p., by Narses, 4 Diocletian.
45
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἁπάσης ἐκεῖσε τρέψαντος καὶ προκαταλαβόντος
τὰς εἰσβολὰς στρατεύμασι καὶ καταλόγοις ὅπλι-
τῶν παλαιῶν καὶ νεολέκτων καὶ παντοδαπαῖς
παρασκευαῖς, δεδιότες μόλις τὴν εἰρήνην ἠγάπη-
σαν. ἣν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως περιόντος τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ
σοῦ συγχέαντες καὶ συνταράξαντες, τῆς μὲν Tap
ἐκείνου τιμωρίας διήμαρτον, ἐν ταῖς πρὸς τὸν
πόλεμον παρασκευαῖς τὸν βίον μεταλλάξαντοφ"
σοὶ δὲ ὑπέσχον τὴν δίκην ὕστερον τῶν τετολμη-
μένων. μέλλων δὲ ἔτει δὴ τῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς
ἀγώνων γενομένων σοι πολλάκις ἅπτεσθαι τοσοῦ-
τον ἀξιῶ σκοπεῖν τοὺς ἀκροωμένους, ὅτε τοῦ
τρίτου μορίου τῆς ἀρχῆς καθεστὼς κύριος οὐδα-
μῶς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐρρῶσθαι δοκοῦντος, οὐχ
ὅπλοις, οὐκ ἀνδράσι τοῖς στρατευομένοις, οὐδενὶ
τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσα πρὸς τηλικοῦτον πόλεμον ἐχρῆν
ἐπιρρεῖν ἄφθονα, πρὸς τούτοις δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν ἀδελ-
dav σοι δι ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας τὸν πόλεμον
ἐχαφρυνόντων: καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδεὶς οὕτως avaic-
χυντος οὐδὲ βάσκανος συκοφάντης, ὃς οὐκ αἰτιώ-
τατοι γενέσθαι σὲ τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ὁμονοίας
φήσει: ὄντος δὲ οἶμαι τοῦ πολέμου καθ᾽ αὑτὸν
δυσχεροῦς, τὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων πρὸς τὴν μετα-
βολὴν διεταράττετο, τὸν μὲν παλαιὸν σφῶν
ἡγεμόνα ποθεῖν ἐκβοῶντες, ὑμῶν δὲ ἄρχειν ἐθέλ-
οντες" καὶ ἄλλα μυρία ἄτοπα καὶ δυσχερῆ παντα-
χόθεν ἀναφυόμενα χαλεπωτέρας τὰς ὑπὲρ τοῦ
πολέμου παρεῖχεν ἐλπίδας: ᾿Αρμένιοε παλαιοὶ
σύμμαχοι στασιάζοντες καὶ μοῖρα σφῶν οὐ φαύλη
Πέρσαις προσθέμενοι, τὴν ὅμορον σφίσι λῃσταῖς
κατατρέχοντες" καὶ ὅπερ ἐν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐφαί-
46
Β
191
“Τὰ «ἃ om
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
them, directing thither all the forces of the empire,
occupying all the passes with his troops and
levies of hoplites, both veterans and new recruits,
and employing every sort of military equipments,
that fear drove them to accept terms of peace.
That peace they somehow contrived to disturb and
break during your father’s lifetime, but they escaped
punishment at his hands because he died in the
midst of preparations for a campaign. It was left
for you later on to punish them for their audacity.
I shall often have to speak of your campaigns against
them, but this one thing I ask my hearers to
observe. You became master of a third of the
empire,! that part in fact which seemed by no
means strong enough to carry on a war, since it
had neither arms nor troops in the field, nor any
of those military resources which ought to flow in
abundantly in preparation for so important a war.
Then, too, your brothers, for whatever reason, did
nothing to make the war easier for you. And yet
there is no sycophant so shameless and so envious
as not to admit that the harmony existing between
you was mainly due to you. The war in itself
presented peculiar difficulties, in my opinion, and
the troops were disaffected owing to the change
of government ; they raised the cry that they missed
their old leader and they wished to control your
actions. Nay, more; a thousand strange and _per-
plexing circumstances arose on every hand to render
your hopes regarding the war more difficult to
realise. The Armenians, our ancient allies, revolted,
and no small part of them went over to the Persians
and overran and raided the country on their borders.
In this crisis there seemed to be but one hope of
1 The provinces of the East. 47
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
VETO μόνον σωτήριον, TO σὲ TOV πραγμάτων ἔχεσθαι
καὶ βουλεύεσθαι, τέως οὐχ ὑπῆρχε διὰ τὰς πρὸς
τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐν Παιονίᾳ συνθήκας, ἃς αὐτὸς
παρὼν οὕτω διῴκησας, ὡς μηδεμίαν apoppay
ἐκείνοις παρασχεῖν μέμψεως. μικροῦ pe ἔλαθεν ἡ"
τῶν πράξεων ἀρχὴ διαφυγοῦσα καλλίων ἁπασῶν
ἢ ταῖς καλλίσταις ἐξ ἴσης θαυμαστή. τὸ γὰρ
ὑπὲρ τοσούτων πραγμάτων βουλευόμενον μηδὲν
ἐλαττοῦσθαι δοκεῖν, εἰ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς τὸ πλέον
ἔχεν ἑκὼν συγχωροίης, σωφροσύνης καὶ
μεγαλοψυχίας μέγιστον ἂν εἴη σημεῖον. νῦν
δὲ εἰ μέν τις τὴν πατρῴαν οὐσίαν πρὸς
τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς νεμόμενος ἑκατὸν ταλάντων,
κείσθω δέ, εἰ βούλει, τοσούτων ἄλλων, εἶτα
ἔχων πεντήκοντα" μναῖς ἔλαττον ἠγάπησε δή, καὶ
μικροῦ παντελῶς ἀργυρίου τὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους ὁμό-
νοιαν ἀνταλλαξάμενος, ἐπαίνων ἂν ἐδόκει καὶ
τιμῆς ἄξιος ὡς χρημάτων. κρείττων, ὡς εὔβουλος
φύσει, ξυνελόντι δὲ εἰπεῖν, ὡς καλὸς κἀγαθός.
ὃ δὲ ὑ ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ὅλων ἀρχῆς οὕτω μεγαλοψύχως
καὶ σωφρόνως δοκῶν βεβουλεῦσθαι, ὡς τὸν μὲν ἐκ
τῆς ἐπιμελείας αὑτῷ μείζονα μὴ προσθεῖναι πόνον,
τῶν δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς προσόδων ἑκὼν ὑφίεσθαι
ὑπὲρ ὁμονοίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς addy ous Ῥωμαίων
ἁπάντων εἰρήνης, πόσων ἐπαίνων ἄξιον κρινεῖ τις;
οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνο λέγειν ἔνεστιν ἐνταῦθα, ὡς
καλῶς μέν, ἀλυσιτελῶς δέ: λυσιτελὲς ὃ μὲν γὰρ
1 ἢ Schaefer adds.
2 πεντήκοντα μναῖς Reiske, Cobet, μνᾶς MSS.
3 λυσιτελῶς δέ: λυσιτελὲς ἘΘΌΟΥΒΑ, Wyttenbach, Hertlein,
ἀλυσιτελὲς MSS.
48
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
safety, that you should take charge of affairs and
plan the campaign, but at the moment this was
impossible, because you were in Paeonia! making
treaties with your brothers. Thither you went in
person, and so managed that you gave them no
opening for criticism. Indeed, I almost forgot to —
mention the very first of your achievements, the |
noblest of all, or at any rate equal to the noblest. |
For there is no greater proof of your prudence and
magnanimity than the fact that, in planning for)
interests of such importance, you thought it no dis-.
advantage if you should, of your own free will,
concede the lion’s share to your brothers. Imagine,
for instance, a man dividing among his brothers their |
father’s estate of a hundred talents, or, if you prefer,
twice as much. Then suppose him to have been
content with fifty minae less than the others, and to |
raise no objection, because he secured their goodwill
in exchange for that trifling sum. You would think
he deserved all praise and respect as one who had a
soul above money, as far-sighted, in short as a man of
honour. But here is one whose policy with regard”
to the empire of the world seems to have been so
high minded, so prudent, that, without increasing
the burdens of administration, he willingly gave up
some of the imperial revenues in order to secure
harmony and peace among all Roman citizens. What
praise such a one deserves! And certainly one can-
not, in this connection, quote the saying, “ Well
done, but a bad bargain.” Nothing, in my opinion,
2 Regularly in Greek for Pannonia.
49
VOL. I, E
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
οὐδέν, 6, TL μὴ TO αὐτὸ Kal καλόν, ἔμοιγε φαίνεται.
ὅλως δὲ εἴ τινι καθ᾽ αὑτὸ τὸ συμφέρον ἐξετάζειν
δοκεῖ, κρινέτω μὴ πρὸς ἀργύριον σκοτέῶν μηδὲ
προσόδους χωρίων ἀπαριθμούμενος, καθάπερ. οἱ
φιλάργυροι γέροντες ὑπὸ τῶν κωμῳδῶν ἐπὶ τὴν
ee ¢ / > \ \ \ / na
σκηνὴν ἑλκόμενοι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς TO μέγεθος τῆς
ἀρχῆς καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν. φιλονεικῶν μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ.
τῶν ὁρίων καὶ δυσμενῶς ἔχων ἐκείνων ἂν ἦρξε
μόνων ὧν ἔλαχεν, εἰ καὶ πλέον ἔχων ἀπήῆει"
ὑπερορῶν δὲ τῶν μικρῶν καὶ καταφρονήσας ἦρχε
μὲν ἁπάσης μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης,
ἐπεμελεῖτο δὲ τοῦ λαχόντος μέρους, ἀπολαύων
μὲν τελείας τῆς τιμῆς, μετέχων δὲ ἔλαττον τῶν ἐπ᾽
αὐτῇ πόνων.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων καὶ αὖθις, ἐξέσται
διὰ μακροτέρων δηλῶσαι. ὅπως δὲ τῶν πραγ-
μάτων ἐπεμελήθης, τοσούτων κύκλῳ περιστάν-
των μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν κινδύνων
καὶ παντοδαπῶν πραγμάτων, θορύβου," πολέμου
ἀναγκαίου," πολλῆς καταδρομῆς, Upp ν ἀπο-
στάσεως, στρατοπέδων ἀταξίας, ὅσα ἐν τότε
δυσχερῆ κατελάμβανεν, ἴ ἴσως ἤδη διελθεῖν ἄξιον.
ἐπειδὴ γάρ σοι τὰ τῶν συνθηκῶν μετὰ τῆς ἀρίστης
ὁμονοίας διῴώκητο, παρῆν δὲ ὁ καιρὸς τοῖς πράγ-
μᾶσιν ἐπιτάττων βοηθεῖν κινδυνεύουσι, πορείαις
ταχείαις 8 ρησάμενος ὅπως μὲν ἐκ Παιόνων ἐν
Σύροις ὥφθης, οὐδὲ τῷ λόγῳ δεῖξαι ῥᾷδιον' ἀρκεῖ
1 πραγμάτων θορύβου Wyttenbach, θορύβου πραγμάτων MSS,
Hertlein. ; ἀναγκαίου Capps suggests, γενναίου MSS, Hertlein.
3 πορείαις ταχείαις Capps suggests, πορείας μὲν τάχει MSS,
Hertlein. 4 ὅπως μὲν éx Petavius, ἀθρόως ἐκ MSS, Hertlein.
50
oo
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
ean be called a good bargain if it be not honourable
as well. In general, if anyone wish to apply the test
of expediency alone, he ought not to make money
his criterion or reckon up his revenues from estates,
like those old misers whom writers of comedy bring
on to the stage, but he should take into account the
vastness of the empire and the point of honour in-
volved. If the Emperor had disputed about the
boundaries and taken a hostile attitude, he might
have obtained more than he did, but he would have
governed only his allotted share. But he scorned
and despised such triflés, and the result was that
he really governed the whole world in partnership
with his brothers, but had the care of his own portion
only, and, while he kept his dignity unimpaired, he
had less than his share of the toil and trouble that
go with such a position.
On that subject, however, I shall have a chance
later to speak in more detail. This is perhaps the
right moment to describe how you controlled the
situation, encompassed as you were, after your
father’s death, by so many perils and difficulties of
all sorts—confusion, an unavoidable war, numerous
hostile raids, allies in revolt, lack of discipline in the
garrisons, and all the other harassing conditions of
the hour. You concluded in perfect harmony the
negotiations with your brothers, and when the time
had arrived that demanded your aid for the dangerous
crisis of affairs, you made forced marches, and imme-
diately after leaving Paeonia appeared in Syria.
But to relate how you did this would tax my powers
of description, and indeed for those who know the
51
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δὲ τοῖς ,ἐγνωκόσιν ἡ πεῖρα. ὅπως δὲ πρὸς τὴν
παρουσίαν τὴν σὴν ἀθρόως ἅπαντα μεταβαλόντα
καὶ μεταστάντα πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον οὐ μόνον͵ τῶν
ἐπικρεμασθέντων ἡ ἡμᾶς ἀπήχλαξε φόβων, a ἀμείνους
δὲ μακρῷ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν μελλόντων παρέσχεν
ἐλπίδας, τίς ἂν ἀρκέσειε τῶν ἁπάντων εἰπεῖν; τὰ
μὲν τῶν στρατοπέδων, πλησίον γενομένου μόνον,
ἐπέπαυτο τῆς ἀταξίας καὶ μεθειστήκει πρὸς
κόσμον, ᾿Αρμενίων δὲ οἱ προσθέμενοι τοῖς πολε-
μίοις εὐθὺς μετέστησαν, σοῦ τοὺς μὲν αἰτίους τῆς
φυγῆς τῷ τῆς χώρας ἐκείνης ἄρχοντι παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς
ἐξαγαγόντος, τοῖς φεύγουσι δὲ τὴν ἐς τὴν οἰκείαν
κάθοδον ἀδεᾶ παρασκευάσαντος. οὕτω δὲ φιλαν-
θρώπως τοῖς τε παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀφικομένοις ἄρτι Ι
χρησαμένου καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς μετὰ τοῦ
σφῶν ἄρχοντος κατεληλυθόσι πράως ὁμιλοῦντος,
οἱ μέν, ὅτι καὶ πρότερον. ἀπέστησαν, αὑτοὺς ἀπω-
λοφύραντο, οἱ δὲ τὴν παροῦσαν τύχην τῆς πρόσθεν
ἠγάπων μᾶλλον δυναστείας. καὶ οἱ μὲν φεύγοντες
ἔμπροσθεν ἔργῳ σωφρονεῖν ἔφασαν ἐκμαθεῖν, οἱ
δὲ τοῦ μὴ μεταστῆναι τῆς ἀμοιβῆς ἀξίας τυγ-
χάνειν. τοσαύτῃ δὲ ἐχρήσω περὶ τοὺς κατελ-
θόντας ὑπερβολῇ δωρεῶν καὶ τιμῆς, ὥστε μηδὲ
τοῖς ἐχθίστοις σφῶν εὖ πράττουσι καὶ τὰ εἰκότα |
τιμωμένοις ἄχθεσθαι μηδὲ βασκαίνειν. ταῦτα δὲ
ἐν βραχεῖ καταστησάμενος καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ᾿Αραβίας :
λῃστὰς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ταῖς πρεσβείαις ἷ
τρέψας, ἐπὶ τὰς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευὰς ἦλθες,
ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ χεῖρον ἐν βραχεῖ προειπεῖν.
52
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
facts their own experience is enough. But who in
the world could describe adequately how, at the pro-
spect of your arrival, everything was changed and
improved all at once, so that we were set free from
the fears that hung over us and could entertain
brighter hopes than ever for the future? Even
before you were actually on the spot the mutiny
among the garrisons ceased and order was restored.
The Armenians who had gone over to the enemy at
once changed sides again, for you ejected from the
country and sent to Rome those who were re-
sponsible for the governor's! exile, and you secured
for the exiles a safe return to their own country.
You were so merciful to those who now came to
Rome as exiles, and so kind in your dealings with
those who returned from exile with the governor,
that the former did, indeed, bewail their misfortune in
having revolted, but still were better pleased with their
present condition than with their previous usurpa-
tion; while the latter, who were formerly in exile,
declared that the experience had been a lesson in
prudence, but that now they were receiving a worthy
reward for their loyalty. On the returned exiles
you lavished such magnificent presents and rewards
that they could not even resent the good fortune of
their bitterest enemies, nor begrudge their being
duly honoured. All these difficulties you quickly
settled, and then by means of embassies you turned
the marauding Arabs against our enemies. Then
you began preparations for the war, about which I
may as well say a few words.
1 Tiranus, King of Armenia, was now, 337 A.D., deposed
and imprisoned by Sapor. His son, Arsaces, succeeded him
in 341. Julian is describing the interregnum. Gibbon, chap.
18, wrongly ascribes these events to the reign of Tiridates,
who died 314 a.p.
53
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
Τῆς yap εἰρήνης τῆς πρόσθεν τοῖς μὲν στρα-
τευομένοις ἀνείσης τοὺς πόνους, τοῖς λειτουργοῦσι
δὲ κουφοτέρας τὰς λειτουργίας παρασχούσης,
τοῦ πολέμου δὲ χρημάτων καὶ σιτηρεσίου καὶ
χορηγίας λαμπρᾶς δεομένου, πολὺ δὲ πλέον ἰσχύος
καὶ ῥώμης καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐμπειρίας τῶν
/ ς / δὲ 1) 4 \
στρατευομένων, ὑπάρχοντος δὲ οὐδενὸς σχεδὸν
τῶν τοιούτων, αὐτὸς ἐξηῦρες καὶ κατέστησας, τοῖς
μὲν ἐν" ἡλικίᾳ στρατεύεσθαι λαχοῦσιν ἀποδείξας
τῶν πόνων μελέτην, παπαπλησίαν δὲ τοῖς πολε-
μίοις ἱππικὴν καταστησάμενος δύναμιν, τῷ πεζῷ
δὲ ἐπιτάξας τῶν πόνων ἔχεσθαι" καὶ ταῦτα οὐ
gf / »O\ >¢ 2 / a A
ῥήμασι μόνον οὐδὲ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος, μελετῶν δὲ
αὐτὸς καὶ συνασκούμενος καὶ δεικνύων ἔργῳ τὸ
πρακτέον, πολέμων ἐργάτας ἄφνω κατέστησας.
χρημάτων δὲ ἐπενόεις πόρους, οὐκ αὔξων τοὺς
/ 90." / / > lal
φόρους οὐδὲ τὰς συντάξεις, καθάπερ ᾿Αθηναῖοι
/ > \ 7 x \ > \ /
πρόσθεν, εἰς TO διπλάσιον ἢ Kal ἐπὶ πλέον KaTA-
στήσας, ἐμμένων δὲ οἶμαι τοῖς ἀρχαίοις πλὴν εἴ
που πρὸς βραχὺ καὶ πρὸς καιρὸν ὃ ἐχρῆν aic-
θέσθαι δαπανηροτέρων τῶν λειτουργημάτων. ἐν
τοσαύτῃ δὲ τοὺς στρατευομένους ἦγες ἀφθονίᾳ, ὡς
μήτε ὑβρίζειν τῷ κόρῳ μήτε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας
πλημμελεῖν ἀναγκασθῆναι. ὅπλων δὲ καὶ ἵππων
παρασκευὴν καὶ νεῶν τῶν ποταμίων καὶ μηχανη-
μάτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων τὸ πλῆθος σιωπῆ
κατέχω. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς τέλος εἶχε
1 ἃς λειτουργίας Reiske adds. 2 ἐν Reiske adds.
5. καιρὸν Cobet, εὔκαιρον MSS, Hertlein. ἄκαιρον V, ἀκαριᾶιον
Hertlein conjectures, 4 δὲ Wright, re Schaefer, Hertlein,
54
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
The previous period of peace had relaxed the
labours of the troops, and lightened the burdens of
those who had to perform public services, But the
war called for money, provisions, and supplies on a
vast scale, and even more it demanded endurance,
energy, and military experience on the part of the
troops. In the almost entire absence of all these,
you personally provided and organised everything,
drilled those who had reaehed the age for military
service, got together a force of cavalry to match the
enemys, and issued orders for the infantry to
persevere ir. their training. Nor did you confine.
yourself to speeches and giving orders, but yourself
trained and drilled with the troops, showed them
their duty by actual example, and straightway made
them experts in the art of war. Then you dis-
covered ways and means, not by increasing the
tribute or the extraordinary contributions, as the
Athenians did in their day, when they raised these
to double or even more. You were content, I
understand, with the original revenues, except in
cases where, for a short time, and to meet an
emergency, it was necessary that the people should
find their services to the state more expensive. The
troops under your leadership were abundantly
supplied, yet not so as to cause the satiety that leads
to insolence, nor, on the other hand, were they driven
to insubordination from lack of necessaries.
I shall say nothing about your great array of arms,
horses, and river-boats, engines of war and the like.
But when all was ready and the time had come to
55
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
L ἔδ nod ἢ θεῖ ἰς δέ
καὶ ἔδει χρῆσθαι τοῖς προρρηθεῖσιν εἰς δέον,
ἐζεύγνυτο μὲν ὁ Τίγρης σχεδίᾳ πολλάκις, ἤρθη
δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτῷ φρούρια, καὶ τῶν πολεμίων οὐδεὶς
ἐτόλμησεν ἀμῦναι τῇ χώρᾳ πορθουμένῃ, πάντα
δὲ παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἤγετο τἀκείνων ἀγαθά, τῶν μὲν οὐδὲ
εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι τολμώντων, τῶν θρασυνομένων δὲ
παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὴν τιμωρίαν ὑποσχόντων. τὸ μὲν δὴ
κεφάλαιον τῶν εἰς τὴν πολεμίαν εἰσβολῶν τοιοῦ-
τον. καθ᾽ ἕκαστον γὰρ ἐπεξιέναι τίς ἂν ἀξίως ἐν
βραχεῖ λόγῳ δυνηθείη, τῶν μὲν τὰς συμφορὰς τῶν
δὲ τὰς ἀριστείας ἀπαριθμούμενος; τοσοῦτον δὲ
ἴσως εἰπεῖν οὐ χαλεπόν, ὅτι πολλάκις τὸν ποτα-
μὸν ἐκεῖνον περαιωθεὶς ξὺν τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ
πολὺν ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ διατρίψας 1 χρόνον, λαμπρὸς
ἐπανήεις τοῖς τροπαίοις, τὰς διὰ σὲ πόλεις ἐλευ-
θέρας ἐ ἐπιὼν καὶ χαριζόμενος εἰρήνην καὶ πλοῦτον,
πάντα ἀθρόως τὰ ἀγαθά, καὶ τῶν πάλαι ποθου-
μένων διδοὺς ἀπολαύειν, νίκης κατὰ τῶν βαρ-
βάρων, τροπαίων ἐγειρομένων κατὰ τῆς Παρθυαίων
ἀπιστίας καὶ ἀνανδρίας," ὧν τὸ μὲν ἐπεδείξαντο
τὰς σπονδὰς λύσαντες καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην συγ-
χέαντες, τὸ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντες ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας καὶ
τῶν φιλτάτων ἀμύνεσθαι.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅπως μή τίς ὑπολάβῃ με τούτων μὲν
ἡδέως μεμνῆσθαι. τῶν ἔργων, ὀκνεῖν δὲ ἐκεῖνα,
περὶ ἃ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις πλεονεκτῆσαι παρέσχεν
ἡ τύχη, μᾶλλον δὲ ἡ “χώρα τὴν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ
προσλαβοῦσα ῥοπήν, ὡς αἰσχύνην ἡμῖν, οὐχὶ δὲ
1 ; διατρίψας Cobet, τρίψας MSS, Hertlein.
2 ἀνανδρίας [καὶ δειλίας] Hertlein. M omits καὶ before
δειλίας, hence Petavius omits δειλίας.
56
eR CS iad Nee ha > ΒΟ A
ure
he EPO
ES
»
oy
AA ae
SS ee
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
make appropriate use of all that I have mentioned,
the Tigris was bridged by rafts at many points and
forts were built to guard the river. Meanwhile the
enemy never once ventured to defend their country
from plunder, and every useful thing that they
possessed was brought in to us. This was partly
because they were afraid to offer battle, partly
because those who were rash enough to do so were
punished on the spot. This is a mere summary of
your invasions of the enemy’s country. Who, indeed,
in a short speech could do justice to every event, or
reckon up the enemy’s disasters and our successes?
But this at least I have space to tell. You -often
crossed the Tigris with your army and spent a
long time in the enemy’s country, but you always
returned crowned with the laurels of victory. Then
you visited the cities you had freed, and bestowed
on them peace and _ plenty, all possible blessings and
all at once. Thus at your hands they received what
they had so long desired, the defeat of the barbarians
and: the erection of trophies of victory over the
treachery and cowardice of the Parthians. Treachery
they had displayed when they violated the treaties
and broke the peace, cowardice when they lacked
the courage to fight for their country and all that
they held dear.
But lest anyone should suppose that, while I
delight in recalling exploits like these, I avoid
mentioning occasions when luck gave the enemy
the advantage—or rather it was the nature of the
ground combined with opportunity that turned
57
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
» \ \ 7 Ν ς “αὶ
ἔπαινον καὶ τιμὴν φέροντα, καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων
πειράσομαι δηλῶσαι διὰ βραχέων, οὐ πρὸς τὸ
λυσιτελέστατον ἐμαυτῷ τοὺς λόγους πλάττων,
\ > / δὲ > a > cal ὩΣ 7 ge,
τὴν ἀλήθειαν δὲ ἀγαπῶν ἐν πᾶσιν. AS εἴ τις ἐκὼν
ἁμαρτάνοι, τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κολακεύειν αἰσχύνην
οὐδαμῶς ἐκφεύγει, προστίθησι δὲ τοῖς ἐπαυνουμέ-
vous τὸ δοκεῖν pnd ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων εὖ ἀκούειν
κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν: ὃ παθεῖν εὐλαβησόμεθα. δείξει
Sr / 5% 2 fa) \ a \ an
δὲ ὁ λόγος αὐτός, εἰ μηδαμοῦ TO ψεῦδος πρὸ τῆς
ἀληθείας τετίμηκεν. οὐκοῦν εὖ οἶδα, ὅτι πάντες
ἂν μέγιστον φήσειαν πλεονέκτημα τῶν βαρβάρων
τὸν πρὸ τῶν Σιγγάρων πόλεμον. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐκείνην
τὴν μάχην ἴσα μὲν ἐνεγκεῖν τοῖς στρατοπέδοις τὰ
δυστυχήματα, δεῖξαι δὲ τὴν σὴν ἀρετὴν περίγενο-
μένην τῆς ἐκείνων τύχης φαίην ἂν εἰκότως, καὶ
ταῦτα στρατοπέδῳ χρησαμένου ᾿ θρασεῖ καὶ TOA-
μηρῷ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὥραν καὶ τὴν τοῦ πνίγους
ῥώμην οὐχ ὁμοίως ἐκείνοις συνήθει. ὅπως δὲ
ἕκαστον ἐπράχθη, διηγήσομαι. θέρος μὲν γὰρ ἣν
ἀκμάζον ἔτι, συνήει δὲ ἐς ταὐτὸν τὰ στρατόπεδα
a 7ὔ
πολὺ πρὸ τῆς μεσημβρίας. ἐκπληττόμενοι. δὲ οἱ
πολέμιοι τὴν εὐταξίαν καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τὴν ἡσυ-
/ 3. ASIN / \ ΄ κει
χίαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ πλήθει θαυμαστοὶ φανέντες, ἤρχετο
μὲν οὐδεὶς τῆς μάχης, τῶν μὲν εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι πρὸς
οὕτω παρεσκευασμένην δύναμιν ὀκνούντων, τῶν δὲ
περιμενόντων ἐκείνους ἄρχειν, ὅπως ἀμυνόμενοι
ἴω b] a Naa \ > \ / \ \
μᾶλλον ἐν πᾶσιν, οὐχὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ πολέμου μετὰ τὴν
1 χρησαμένου Hertlein suggests, χρησάμενον V, χρησαμένην
MSS.
58
Be
C
3
Pp
7
a
a:
r
+
5
ETE A A αν oes ce πεν αοΝ»
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
the scale—and that I do so because they brought
us no honour or glory but only disgrace, I will
try to give a brief account of those incidents
also, not_adapting my_narrative with an_eye to my
own interests, but preferring the truth in every
ease. For when aman deliberately sins against the
_truth he cannot escape the reproach of flattery, and
moreover he inflicts on the object of his panegyric
the appearance of not deserving the praise that
he receives on other accounts. This is a mis-
take of which I shall beware. Indeed my speech
will make it clear that in no case has fiction been
preferred to the truth. Now I am well aware that
all would say that the battle we fought before
Singara! was a most important victory for the
barbarians, But I should answer and with justice
that this battle inflicted equal loss on both armies,
but proved also that your valour could accom-
plish more than their luck; and that although
the legions under you were violent and reckless
men, and were not accustomed, like the enemy, to
the climate and the stifling heat. I will relate
exactly what took place.
It was still the height of summer, and the legions
mustered long before noon. Since the enemy were
awestruck by the discipline, accoutrements and calm
bearing of our troops, while to us they seemed
amazing in numbers, neither side began the battle ;
for they shrank from coming to close quarters with
forces so well equipped, while we waited for them to
begin, so that in all respects we might seem to be
acting rather in self-defence, and not to be respon-
1 In Mesopotamia, 348 Α.Ὁ. (Bury argues for 344 a.p.)
| 59
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
“Ὁ 7 \ ς n
εἰρήνην ἄρχοντες φανεῖεν. τέλος δὲ ὁ τῆς Bap-
an 7
βαρικῆς ἐκείνης δυνάμεως ἡγεμών, μετέωρος ἀρθεὶς
a \ a
ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀσπίδων καὶ καταμαθὼν τὸ πλῆθος ἐν
4 3 “ / / > / /
τάξει, οἷος ἐξ οἵου γέγονε Kal ποίας ἀφίει φωνάς ;
ἐς n \ \ ς \ a -
προδεδόσθαι βοῶν καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τοῦ πολέμου
7 na
πείσαντας αἰτιώμενος, φεύγειν ῴετο χρῆναι διὰ
a / \
τάχους Kal τοῦτο μόνον οἱ πρὸς σωτηρίαν ap-
Ν \ a
κέσειν, εἰ φθήσεται τὸν ποταμὸν διαβῆναι, ὅσπερ
- -“ / > ΤΑ \ \
ἐστὲ τῆς χώρας ἐκείνης πρὸς τὴν ἡμετέραν
ὅρος ἀρχαῖος. ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς ἐκεῖνος πρῶτον
/
ἐπὶ πόδα σημαίνει τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, Kal κατ᾽
n 4
ὀλίγον προστιθεὶς τῷ τάχει τέλος ἤδη Kap-
a 4 ΨΥ > / ς / > >
τερῶς ἔφευγεν, ἔχων ὀλίγους ἱππέας ἀμφ
vA a A
αὑτόν, τὴν δύναμιν ἅπασαν τῷ παιδὶ Kal τῷ
an , / 7 a
πιστοτάτῳ τῶν φίλων ἐπιτρέψας ἄγειν. ταῦτα
a \
ὁρῶντες TO στράτευμα καὶ χαλεπαίνοντες, ὅτι
, / a /
μηδεμίαν ὑπέσχον TOV τετολμημένων δίκην, ἐβόων
“ / > Z
ἄγειν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, καὶ κελεύοντος σοῦ" μένειν ἀχθό-
μενοι μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἔθεον ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχε
Ἅ, ‘
ῥώμης Te καὶ τάχους, ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες αὐτοὶ τέως
n n , \ « nr
τῆς σῆς στρατηγίας, εἰς δὲ «τὴν ἡλικίαν ὁρῶντες
a 7
ἄμεινον αὑτῶν τὸ συμφέρον κρίνειν ἧττον ἐπί-
στευον' καὶ τῷ πολλὰς" συγκατειργάσθαι τῷ
πατρὶ τῷ σῷ μάχας καὶ κρατῆσαι πανταχοῦ τὸ
a 5 /
δοκεῖν ἀηττήτους εἶναι συνηγωνίζετο. τούτων δὲ
> \ δ \ \ / /
οὐδενὸς ἔλαττον τὸ παρεστὼς Παρθυαίων δέος
ἐπῆρεν ὡς οὐκ ἀγωνισαμένους * πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας
1 κελεύοντος σοῦ Hertlein suggests, κελεύοντος MSS.
2 τῷ πολλὰς Cobet, τὸ MSS, Hertlein.
3 σὺ Cobet, τῷ MSS, Hertlein. 4 ἀγωνισαμένους Rouse
suggests, ἀγωνισομένους MSS, Hertlein.
60
aE rls Sei
Ege Faye vo
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
sible for beginning hostilities after the peace. But
at last the leader! of the barbarian army, raised high
on their shields, perceived the magnitude of our
forces drawn up in line. What a change came over
him! What exclamations he uttered! He cried
out that he had been betrayed, that it was the fault
of those who had persuaded him to go to war, and
decided that the only thing to be done was to flee
with all speed, and that one course alone would
secure his safety, namely to cross, before we could
reach it, the river, which is the ancient boundary-
line between that country and ours. With this
purpose he first gave the signal for a retreat in good
order, then gradually increasing his pace he finally
- took to headlong flight, with only a small following
of cavalry, and left his whole army to the leadership
of his son and the friend in whom he had most con-
fidence. When our men saw this they were enraged
that the barbarians should escape all punishment for
their audacious conduct, and clamoured to be led in
pursuit, chafed at your order to halt, and ran after
the enemy in full armour with their utmost energy
and speed. For of your generalship they had had
no experience so far, and they could not believe
that you were a better judge than they of what was
expedient. Moreover, under your father they had
fought many battles and had always been victorious,
a fact that tended to make them think themselves
invincible. But they were most of all elated by the
terror that the Parthians now shewed, when they
thought how they had fought, not only against the
enemy, but against the very nature of the ground,
1 Sapor.
7 61
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal πρὸς THY χώραν αὐτήν, καὶ εἴ τι
μεῖζον ἔξωθεν προσπίπτοι, καὶ τούτου πάντως
κρατήσοντας. ταχέως οὖν ἑκατὸν μεταξὺ στάδια
διαδραμόντες ἐφειστήκεσαν ἤδη Παρθυαίοις εἰς τὸ
τεῖχος καταπεφευγόσιν, ὃ πρότερον ἤδη πεποίητο
σφίσιν ὥσπερ στρατόπεδον. ἑσπέρα δὲ ἣν λοιπὸν
καὶ ὁ πόλεμος αὐτόθεν EvveppHyvuTo. καὶ τὸ μὲν
τεῖχος αἱροῦσιν εὐθέως τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κτείναντες"
γενόμενοι. δὲ εἴσω τῶν ἐρυμάτων πολὺν μὲν ἠρίσο-
τευον χρόνον, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ δίψους ἀπειρηκότες ἤδη
καὶ λάκκοις ὕδατος ἐ ἐντυχόντες ἔνδον, τὴν καλλίστην
νίκην διέφθειραν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις παρέσχον
ἀναμαχέσασθαι τὸ πταῖσμα. τοῦτο τέλος τῆς
μάχης ἐκείνης γέγονε, τρεῖς μὲν ἢ τέτταρας
ἀφελομένης τῶν Tap ἡμῖν, Παρθυαίων δὲ τὸν
ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ τρεφόμενον, ἁλόντα πρότερον,
καὶ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν παμπληθεῖς ξυνδιαφθειράσης.
τούτοις δὲ ἅπασι δρωμένοις ὃ ὃ μὲν τῶν βαρβάρων
ἡγεμὼν οὐδὲ ὄναρ παρῆν' οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπέσ € τὴν
φυγὴν πρὶν ἢ κατὰ νώτου τὸν ποταμὸν ἐποιή-
σατο" αὐτὸς δὲ διέμενες ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις δι᾽ ὅλης
ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς ἁπάσης, συμμετέχων μὲν τοῖς
κρατοῦσι τῶν ἀγωνισμάτων, τοῖς πονοῦσι δὲ ἐ ἐπαρ-
κῶν διὰ ταχέων. ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς. ἀνδρείας καὶ τῆς εὐψυ-
χίας εἰς τοσοῦτον τὸν ἀγῶνα μετέστησας, ὥστε
αὐτοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν αὑτῶν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιλχαβού.
σης ἀσμένως ἀποσώξεσθαι, ἀναχωρεῖν δὲ ἐκ τῆς
μάχης, ἑπομένου σου, καὶ τοὺς τραυματίας" οὕτω
D
25
τὸ δέος πᾶσιν ἀνῆκας τῆς φυγῆς. ποῖον οὖν Β
1 διαδραμόντες Naber, δραμόντες MSS, Hertlein.
2 τοὺς ὑπὲρ MSS, Cobet (τοὺς ἀμυνομένους) ὑπὲρ Hertlein.
62
ee eS γον τ
a
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
and if any greater obstacle met them from some
fresh quarter, they felt that they would _ over-
come it as well. Accordingly they ran at full
speed for about one hundred stades, and only
halted when they came up with the Parthians,
who had fied for shelter into a fort that they
had lately built to serve as a camp. It was,
by this time, evening, and they engaged battle
forthwith. Our men at once took the fort and
slew its defenders. Once inside the fortifications
they displayed great bravery for a long time,
but they were by this time fainting with thirst,
and when they found cisterns of water inside, they
spoiled a glorious victory and gave the enemy a
chance to retrieve their defeat. This then was the
issue of that battle, which caused us the loss of only
three or four of our men, whilst the Parthians lost
the heir to the throne! who had previously been
taken prisoner, together with all his escort. While all
this was going on, of the leader of the barbarians
not even the ghost was to be seen, nor did he stay
his flight till he had put the river behind him. You,
on the other hand, did not take off your armour for
a whole day and all the night, now sharing the strug-
gles of those who were getting the upper hand, now
giving prompt and efficient aid to those who were hard-
pressed. And by your bravery and fortitude you so
changed the face of the battle that at break of day the
enemy were glad to beat a safe retreat to their own
territory, and even the wounded, escorted by you,
could retire from the battle. Thus did you relieve them
all from the risks of flight. Now what fort was taken
1 Sapor’s son.
63
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1
ἥλω φρούριον; τίς δὲ ἐπολιορκήθη πόλις; τίνος
δὲ ἀ ἀποσκευῆς οἱ πολέμιοι. κρατήσαντες ἔσχον ἐφ᾽
ὅτῳ σεμνύνωνται μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον;
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἴσως, φήσει τις, τὸ μηδέποτε τῶν πολε-
μίων ἧττον ἔχοντα ἀπελθεῖν εὐτυχὲς καὶ εὔδαιμον
ἡγητέον, τὸ δὲ ἀντιστῆναι τῇ τύχῃ ῥωμαλεώτερον
καὶ" μείζονος ἀρετῆς ὑπάρχει σημεῖον.
Τίς μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὸς κυβερνήτης ἐν εὐδίᾳ τὴν
ναῦν κατευθύνων, γαλήνης ἀκριβοῦς κατεχούσης
τὸ πέλαγος ; τίς δὲ ἡνίοχος ἅρματος δεξιὸς ἐν
ὁμαλῷ καὶ λείῳ χωρίῳ εὐπειθεῖς καὶ πρῴους καὶ
ταχεῖς ἵππους ξευξάμενος, εἶτα ἐν τούτοις ἐπιδεικ-
νύμενος τὴν τέχνην; πόσῳ δὲ ἀμείνων νεὼς
μὲν ἰθυντὴρ ὁ καὶ τὸν μέλλοντα χειμῶνα προμα-
θὼν καὶ προαισθόμενος καὶ πειραθείς γε τοῦτον
ἐκκλῖναι, εἶτα δι᾽ ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας ἐμπεσὼν
καὶ διασώσας ἀπαθῆ τὴν ναῦν αὐτῷ φόρτῳ;
ἅρματος δ᾽ ἐπιστάτης ὁ καὶ πρὸς χωρίων ἀγω-
νιζόμενος τραχύτητα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους μετατιθεὶς
ἅμα καὶ βιαζόμενος, ἤν τι πλημμελῶσιν; ὅλως
δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἄξιον τέχνην μετὰ τῆς τύχης ἐξετά-
ζειν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῆς σκοπεῖν. οὐδὲ
στρατηγὸς ἀμείνων ὁ Κλέων Νικίου, ἐπειδὴ τὰ
περὶ τὴν Πύλον ηὐτύχησεν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν
τύχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ κρατούντων. ἐγὼ δὲ εἰ μὴ
καὶ τὴν τύχην τὴν σὴν ἀμείνω καὶ δικαιοτέραν
τῆς τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων, μᾶλλον δὲ τῆς ἁπάντων
ἀνθρώπων κρατίστην φήσαιμι, ἀδικεῖν ἂν εἰκότως
1 ἡγητέον Schaefer, ἡγεῖ τὸ δὲ Cobet, Hertlein, ἡγεῖτο δὲ
Υ, Μ, ἡγῇ τὸ δὲ MSS.
2 καὶ Reiske, ὃ καὶ MSS.
64
20
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
by the enemy? What city did they besiege? What
military supplies did they capture that should give
them something to boast about after the war?
But perhaps some one will say that never to come
off worse than the enemy must indeed be considered
good fortune and felicity, but to make a stand
against fortune calls for greater vigour and is a
proof of greater valour.
Is a man a skilful pilot because he can steer his
ship in fair weather when the sea is absolutely
calm? Would you call a charioteer an expert driver
who on smooth and level ground has in harness
horses that are gentle, quiet and swift, and under
such conditions gives a display of his art? How
much more skilful is the pilot who marks and perceives
beforehand the coming storm and tries to avoid its
path, and then, if for any reason he must face it,
‘brings off his ship safe and sound, cargo and all? .
Just so, the skilful charioteer is he who can contend
against the unevenness of the ground, and guide his
horses and control them at the same time, if they
grow restive. In short, it is not fair to judge of skill
of any sort when it is aided by fortune, but.one must
examine it independently. Cleon was not a better
general than Nicias because he was fortunate in the
affair of Pylos, and the same may be said of all
whose success is due to luck rather than to good
judgment. But if I did not claim that your fortune
was both better and better deserved than that of
your opponents, or rather of all men, I should with
reason be thought to do it an injustice, since it
65
VOL. I. F
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δοκοίην, τὴν μὴ παρασχοῦσαν τοῖς πολεμίοις
αἰσθέσθαι τὸ πλεονέκτημα. χρὴ γὰρ οἶμαι TOV
δικαίως ὑπὲρ τῶν ῥηθέντων κρινοῦντα ᾿ τὸ μὲν
ἐλάττωμα τῇ τοῦ πνίγους ἀναντωγωνίστῳ ῥώμῃ
λογίζεσθαι, τὸ δὲ εἰς ἴσον καταστῆσαι τοὺς
πολεμίους ταῖς συμφοραῖς τῆς σῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργον
ς a \ ‘\ a \ 5: > ,
ὑπολαβεῖν, τὸ δὲ τῶν μὲν οἰκείων αἰσθέσθαι
συμφορῶν, ἀγνοῆσαι δὲ τὰ κατορθώματα τῆς
ἀγαθῆς τύχης ἔργον λογίζεσθαι.
Ε] >, Ψ \ / \ / /
AX’ ὅπως μὴ μακρότερα “περὶ τούτων λέγὼν
τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν μειξόνων καιρὸν ἀναλώσω, πειρά-
σομαι λοιπὸν τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο περιστὰν ἡμᾶς τῶν
πραγμάτων πλῆθος διεξιέναι 5 καὶ τῶν κινδύνων
τὸ μέγεθος, καὶ ὅπως ἅπασιν ἀντισχὼν τυράννων
/ ie 3
pev πλῆθος, βαρβάρων δὲ ἐτρέψω υνάμεις. ἣν
μὲν γὰρ ὁ χειμὼν ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδοις ἤδη, ἕκτον που
μάλιστα μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἔτος, οὗ μικρῷ πρό-
> F. ᾿ Ν > / ς ΓΑ
σθεν ἐμνήσθην, ἧκε δὲ ἀγγέλλων τις, ὡς ᾿αλατία
μὲν συναφεστῶσα τῷ τυράννῳ ἀδελφῷ τῷ σῷ
ἐβούλευσέ τέ καὶ ἐπετέλεσε τὸν φόνον, εἶτα ὡς
Ἰταλία καὶ Σικελία κατείληπται, τὰ δὲ ἐν
Ἰλλυριοῖς στρατόπεδα ταραχωδῶς ἔχει καὶ Ba-
σιλέα, σφῶν ἀπέδειξε τὸν τέως στρατηγὸν ἀντι-
σχεῖν ἐθέλοντα πρὸς τὴν ἄμαχον δοκοῦσαν τῶν
τυράννων φοράν. ἱκέτευε δὲ αὐτὸς οὗτος χρήματα
πέμπειν καὶ δύναμιν τὴν βοηθήσουσαν, σφόδρα
ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ δεδιὼς καὶ τρέμων, μὴ πρὸς τῶν
τυράννων Kparn bein. καὶ τέως μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο
τὰ προσήκοντα δράσειν, οὐδαμῶς αὑτὸν ἀξιῶν
1 κρινοῦντα Cobet, κρίνοντα MSS, Hertlein.
2 διεξιέναι Reiske, lacuna Hertlein following Petavius.
66
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
prevented the enemy from even perceiving their
advantage. For, in my opinion, an impartial judge
of my narrative ought to ascribe our reverse to the
extreme and insupportable heat, and the fact that
you inflicted loss on the enemy equal to ours he
would regard as achieved by your valour, but that,
though they were aware of their losses, they took no
account of their success, he would regard as brought
about by your good fortune,
That I may not, however, by saying more on this
subject, spend time that belongs to more important
affairs, I will try to describe next the multitude of
difficulties that beset us, the magnitude of our perils,
and how you faced them all, and not only routed
the numerous following of the usurpers, but the
barbarian forces as well.
About six years had passed since the war I have
just described, and the winter was nearly over, when
a messenger arrived with the news! that Galatia?
had gone over to the usurper, that a plot had been
made to assassinate your brother and had been
carried out, also that Italy and Sicily had been
occupied, lastly that the Illyrian garrisons were in
revolt and had proclaimed their general ® emperor,
though for a time he had been inclined to resist
what seemed to be the irresistible onset of the
usurpers.* Indeed, he himself kept imploring you
to send money and men to his aid, as though he
were terribly afraid on his own account of being
overpowered by them. And for a while he kept
protesting that he would do his duty, that for
his part he had no pretensions to the throne, but
1 ef. Demosthenes, De Corona 169. 2 Gaul.
3 Vetranio. 4 Demosthenes, De Corona 61,
67
F 2
HE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
A ae ᾧ δ ao, δ \ \ /
τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐπίτροπον δὲ οἶμαι πιστὸν Kal φύλακα
/ > / x \ 9 >
παρέξειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος: ἔμελλε δὲ οὐκ εἰς
Ν Ba a / ς /
μακρὰν ἄπιστος φανεῖσθαι καὶ δίκην ὑφέξειν
καίτοι! φιλάνθρωπον. ταῦτα πυθόμενος οὐκ ᾧου
a > ς , fal \ / > 7
δεῖν ἐν ῥᾳστώνῃ πολλῇ τὸν χρόνον ἀναλίσκειν
/ Pe \ \ \ τας al / /
μάτην. ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν ἐπὶ TH Συρίᾳ πόλεις
μηχανημάτων καὶ φρουρᾶς καὶ σίτου καὶ τῆς
ἄλλης παρασκευῆς" ἐμπλχήσας, καὶ ἀπὼν ἀρκέσειν
τοῖς τῇδε προσεδόκησας, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς
τυράννους ὁρμᾶν ἐβουλεύου.
Πέρσαι δὲ ἐξ ἐκείνου τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον
παραφυλάξαντες, ὡς ἐξ ἐφόδου τὴν Συρίαν
ληψόμενοι, πᾶσαν ἐξαναστήσαντες ἡλικίαν καὶ
φύσιν καὶ τύχην ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς ὥρμηντο, ἄνδρες,
μειράκια, πρεσβῦται καὶ γυναικῶν πλῆθος καὶ
θεραπόντων, οὐ μόνον τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον
ὑπουργιῶν χάριν, ἐκ περιουσίας δὲ πλεῖστον
ἑπόμενον. διενοοῦντο γὰρ ὡς καὶ τὰς πόλεις
καθέξοντες καὶ τῆς χώρας ἤδη κρατήσαντες
κληρούχους ἡμῖν ἐπάγειν." κενὰς δὲ ἀπέφηνεν
αὐτοῖς τὰς προσδοκίας τῆς παρασκευῆς τῆς σῆς
τὸ μέγεθος. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐς πολιορκίαν κατέ-
στησαν, ἐπετειχίξζετο “μὲν ἡ πόλις κύκλῳ τοῖς
χώμασιν, ἐπέρρει δὲ ὁ Μυγδόνιος πελαγίξων τὸ
περὶ τῷ τείχει χωρίον, καθάπερ ὁ Νεῖλος, φασί,
τὴν Αὔγυπτον. προσήγετο δὲ ἐπὶ νεῶν ταῖς
>? / \ / \ > lal 7
ἐπάλξεσι τὰ μηχανήματα, καὶ ἐπιπλεῖν ἄλλοι
1 καίτοι Reiske, καὶ MSS, Hertlein, Petavius omits καὶ.
2 παρασκευῆς V, παρασκευῆς ἁπάσης MSS.
3 ἐπάγειν Hertlein suggests, γεν γῶν Wyttenbach, ἐπαύξουσι
V, ἐπάξρυσι MSS.
68
27
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
would faithfully guard and protect it for you. Such
were his assertions, but it was not long before
his treachery came to light and he received his
punishment, tempered though it was with mercy.
On learning these facts you thought you ought not
to waste your time in idleness to no purpose. The
cities of Syria you stocked with engines of war,
garrisons, food supplies, and equipment of other
kinds, considering that, by these measures, you
would, though absent, sufficiently protect the in-
habitants, while you were planning to set out in
person against the usurpers.
But the Persians ever since the last campaign
had been watching for just. such an opportunity,
and had planned to conquer Syria by a single
invasion. So they mustered all forces, every age,
sex, and condition, and marched against us, men
and mere boys, old men and crowds of women
and slaves, who followed not merely to assist in
the war, but in vast numbers beyond what was
needed. For it was their intention to reduce the
cities, and once masters of the country, to bring
in colonists in spite of us. But the magnitude of
your preparations made it manifest that their ex-
pectations were but vanity. They began the siege
and completely surrounded the city! with dykes,
and then the river Mygdonius flowed in and
flooded the ground about the walls, as they say
the Nile floods Egypt. The siege-engines were
brought up against the ramparts on boats, and their
} Nisibis.
69
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
διενοοῦντο τοῖς τείχεσιν, ἄλλοι δὲ ἔβαλλον ἀπὸ
τῶν χωμάτων τοὺς ἀμυνομένους ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως.
οἱ δὲ ἐκ τῶν τειχῶν ἤμυνον καρτερῶς τῇ πόλει.
μεστὰ δὲ ἦν ἅπαντα σωμάτων καὶ ναυαγίων καὶ
ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν, τῶν μὲν ἄρτι καταδυομένων,
τῶν δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῆς βίας κατε-
νεχθέντα κατέδυ, κουφιζομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ κύματος.
ἀσπίδες μὲν ἐπενήχοντο βαρβάρων παμπληθεῖς
καὶ νεῶν σέλματα' συντριβομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς τῶν
μηχανημάτων. βελῶν πλῆθος ἐπινηχόμενον μι-
κροῦ δεῖν ἐπεῖχεν ἅπαν τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τείχους
καὶ τῶν χὡμάτων. ἐτέτραπτο δὲ ἡ λίμνη πρὸς
λύθρον, καὶ κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος ἐπήχουν οἰμωγαὶ
βαρβάρων ὀχλύντων μὲν οὐδαμῶς, ὀχλυμένων 5
δὲ πολυτρόπως καὶ τιτρωσκομένων ποικίλοις
τραύμασι.
Τίς ἂν ἀξίως τῶν δρωμένων διηγοῖτο ; ; πῦρ μὲν
ἐνίετο ταῖς ἀσπίσιν, ἐξέπιπτον δὲ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν
ἡμίκαυτοι πολλοί, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀποδιδράσκοντες
τὴν φλόγα τὸν- ἐκ τῶν βελῶν οὐκ ἀπέφευγον
κίνδυνον: GAN οἱ μὲν ἔτι νηχόμενοι τὰ νῶτα
τρωθέντες. ἐς βυθὸν κατεδύοντο, οἱ δὲ ἐξαλ-
λόμενοι τῶν μηχανημάτων πρὶν ὕδατος ἅψασθαι
βληθέντες οὐ σωτηρίαν, κουφότερον δὲ εὗρον τὸν ὃ
θάνατον. τοὺς δὲ οὐδὲ νεῖν εἰδότας ἀκλεέστερον
τῶν πρόσθεν ἀπολλυμένους τίς ἂν ἀξιώσειεν
ἀριθμοῦ καὶ μνήμης ; ἐπιλείψει με, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
εἰ πᾶσιν ἐπεξελθεῖν βουλοίμην, ὁ χρόνος" τὸ
1 σέλματα Reiske, ἕρματα MSS, Hertlein. Reiske suggests
συντριβομένων. ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς δὲ μηχανημάτων καὶ βελῶν πλῆθος.
5 ὀλλυμένων Cobet, ἀπολλυμένων MSS, Hertlein.
8 εὗρον τὸν Cobet, népovro Hertlein, εὗρον τὸν V, εὕραντῳ
MSS.
79
ἐν ὼ ὦ.
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
plan was that one force should sail to attack the
walls while the other kept shooting on the city’s
defenders from the mounds. But the garrison made
a stout defence of the city from the walls. The
whole place was filled with corpses, wreckage,
armour, and missiles, of which some were just
sinking, while others, after sinking from the violence
of the first shock, floated on the waters. A vast
number of barbarian shields and also ship’s benches,
as a result of the collisions of the siege-engines on
the ships, drifted on the surface. The mass of floating
weapons almost covered the whole surface between
the wall and the mounds. The lake was turned to
gore, and all about the walls echoed the groans of
the barbarians, slaying not, but being slain! in
manifold ways and by all manner of wounds.
Who could find suitable words to describe all
that was done there? They hurled fire down on
to the shields, and many of the hoplites fell half-
burned, while others who fled from the flames
could not escape the danger from the missiles. But -
some while still swimming were wounded in the
back and sank to the bottom, while others who
jumped from the siege-engines were hit before they
touched the water, and so found not safety indeed
but an easier death. As for those who knew not
how to swim, and perished more obscurely than those
just mentioned, who would attempt to name or
number them? Time would fail me did I desire to
recount all this in detail. It is enough that you
5
1 of. Iliad, 4, 451, ὀλλύντων τε καὶ ὀλλυμένων.
71
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
/ v4
κεφάλαιον δὲ ἀκούειν ἀπόχρη. ταύτην ἥλιος B
a \
ἐπεῖδε τὴν μάχην ἄγνωστον ἀνθρώποις τὸν ἔμπρο-
an \ ,
σθεν χρόνον" ταῦτα τὴν παλαιὰν ἀλαζονείαν
a an / n a
ἤλεγξε τῶν Μήδων τῦφον ὄντα κενόν" ταῦτα τῆς
a / / \ /
Ξέρξου παρασκευῆς ἀπιστουμένης τέως TO μέγεθος,
Ν
εἰ τοσαύτη γενομένη τέλος ἔσχεν αἰσχρὸν καὶ
ἐπονείδιστον, ἐναργέστερον τῶν δοκούντων εἶναι
γνωρίμων ἡμῖν κατέστησεν. ὁ μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο πλεῖν
7ὔ an ΄
καὶ πεζεύειν ἀπεναντίον τῇ φύσει μαχόμενος
‘ fal /
καί, ὥσπερ οὖν ῴετο, κρατῶν ἠπείρου. φύσεως
\ θ / » ὃ \ / ς na / \
καὶ θαλάττης avdpos"EXXAnVOSs ἡττᾶτο σοφίας καὶ
ῥώμης στρατιωτῶν οὐ τρυφᾶν μεμελετηκότων οὐδὲ
/ > » 1 / A \ lal >
δουλεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλευθέρως ἄρχεσθαι καὶ πονεῖν εἰ-
al a κέ,
δότων. ὁ δὲ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς ἐκείνου καταδεέστε-
of Raft it ah \ a 7, \
pos, ἔμπληκτος δὲ μᾶλλον καὶ TH μανίᾳ τοὺς
Ε] /
Αλωάδας ὑπερβαλλόμενος μόνον οὐχὶ τὸ πλησίον
ὄρος ἐγνωκὼς ἀμφικαλύψαι τῇ πόλει, ἐπαφιεὶς δὲ
ποταμῶν ῥεύματα καὶ τὰ τείχη διαλύσας οὐδὲ
7 a / /
ἀτειχίστου τῆς πόλεως περιγενόμενος ἔσχεν ἐφ᾽
“ 7 θ ΄ ς = / la) "AO /
ὅτῳ σεμνύνηται, καθάπερ ὁ Ἐξέρξης ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις
3 \ \ / > / \ / rn
ἐμβαλὼν τὴν φλόγα. ἐπανήει δὲ τεττάρων μηνῶν
ἀναλώσας χρόνον μυριάσι πολλαῖς ἧττον ἀπάγων
εν ¢
TO σράτευμα, Kal THY ἡσυχίαν ἠγάπησεν ὁ πρόσ-
» / a \ \ > 7 ἂς ΠΆΧΟΣ
θεν ἄφορητος δοκῶν, τὴν σὴν ἀσχολίαν καὶ τὴν
τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν πραγμάτων ταραχὴν ὥσπερ ἔρυμα
τῆς αὑτοῦ προβαλλόμενος σωτηρίας.
“ n >
Ταῦτα καταλιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίας τρόπαια καὶ
72
C
:
ἐ δ
ἱ
i
i
= οὐ 5: Sh
oe
wees
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
should hear the sum of the matter. On that day the
sun beheld a battle the like of which no man had ever
known before. These events exposed the historic
boastings of the Medes as only empty conceit. Till
then men had hardly believed that Xerxes could
have had so huge av armament, seeing that for all
its size its fate was so shameful and ignominious ;
but these events made the fact clearer to us than
things long familiar and obvious. Xerxes tried to
sail and to march by fighting against the laws of
nature, and, as he thought, overcame the nature of
the sea and of the dry land, but he proved to be no
match for the wisdom and endurance of a Greek
whose soldiers had not. been bred in the school of
luxury, nor learned to be slaves, but knew how to
obey and to use their energies like free-born men.
That man,! however, though he had no such vast
armament as Xerxes, was even more insensate, and
outdid the Aloadae in his infatuation, as if almost
he had conceived the idea of overwhelming the city
with the mountain? that was hard by. Then he
turned the currents of rivers against its walls and
undermined them, but even when the city had lost
its walls he could not succeed in taking it, so that
he had not even that triumph to boast of, as Xerxes
had when he set fire to Athens. So, after spending
four months, be retreated with an army that had lost
many thousands, and he who had always seemed to
be irresistible was glad to keep the peace, and to
use as a bulwark for his own safety the fact that you
had no time to spare and that our own affairs were
in confusion.
Such were the trophies and_ victories that you
1 Sapor. 2 Odyssey 8. 49.
73
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
/ “εν \ > / > a 3 \ P
νίκας, ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐὐρώπην ἀκμῆτας yes TO oTpa-
τευμα, τὴν οἰκουμένην ἅπασαν ἐμπλῆσαι τροπαίων
ἐγνωκώς. ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρκεῖ! τὰ πρόσθεν ῥηθέντα, εἰ
\ a 3 /
καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι περὶ σοῦ λέγειν εἶχον σεμνότερον,
a / 6 a
πρὸς TO πάντων ἀποφῆναί σε τῶν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς
n / /
αὐτῆς σοι μετασχόντων τύχης συνέσει καὶ ῥώμῃ
κρατοῦντα. τὸ γὰρ ἀπαθῶς ὥσασθαι μὲν τὴν
n 7 > / >O\ 4, > b
Περσῶν δύναμιν, οὐ πόλιν οὐδὲ φρούριον, ἀλλ
a / /
οὐδὲ στρατιώτην τῶν ἐκ καταλόγου προέμενον,
/ \ 7 2 a \ \
πολιορκίᾳ δὲ τέλος ἐπιθεῖναι λαμπρὸν καὶ οἷον
7 n
οὔπω πρόσθεν ἠκούσαμεν, τίνι χρὴ τῶν ἔμπροσ-
a : ; 4
θεν παραβαλεῖν ἔργων; περιβόητος γέγονεν ἡ
a a /
Καρχηδονίων ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς τόλμα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτελεύτη-
2 / pa \ \ \
σεν εἰς συμφοράς: λαμπρὰ τὰ περὶ τὴν [{λα-
7 / /
ταιέων πολιορκίαν γενόμενα, ἐχρήσαντο δὲ οἱ
δείλαιοι γνωριμώτερον τοῖς δυστυχήμασι. τί χρὴ
7 Ν A ἃ τς. A > ,ὕ
Μεσσήνης καὶ Πύλου μεμνῆσθαι, οὔτε ἀγωνισαμέ-
a Ud \ / 4
νων καρτερῶς οὔτε ἁλόντων ξὺν Bia; Συρακούσιοι
δὲ τὸν σοφὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀντιτάξαντες ταῖς παρα-
a a 7 aA a a
σκευαῖς τῆς ἡμετέρας πόλεως Kal TO καλῷ κἀγαθῷ
a / ba
στρατηγῷ τί πλέον ὥναντο; οὐχ ἑάλωσαν μὲν
a 5 7 > , \ \ ς /
τῶν ἄλλων αἴσχιον, ἐσώζοντο δὲ καλὸν ὑπόμνημα
n a ς 3 γ᾽ > 4
τῆς τῶν ἑλόντων πρᾳότητος; Αλλ εἰ πάσας
a /
ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι τὰς πόλεις βουλοίμην, αἱ πρὸς τὰς
/
ὑποδεεστέρας οὐ κατήρκεσαν παρασκευάς, πόσας
" , > / n ς , \ 7
οἴει μοι βίβλους ἀρκέσειν; τῆς Ῥώμης δὲ ἴσως
ἄξιον μνησθῆναι πάλαι ποτὲ χρησαμένης τύχη
/ n 3 \ a 2 δας
τοιαύτῃ, Γαλατῶν οἶμαι καὶ Κελτῶν ἐς ταὐτὸ
1 ἀρκεῖ Cobet, ἤρκει MSS, Hertlein,
74
29
ΤῈ
ste ae
Pa ee eee eal
ΕΣ
ae Tris
>
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
left behind you in Asia, and you led your troops to
Europe in perfect condition, determined to fill the
whole world with the monuments of your victories.
Even if I had nothing more wonderful to relate
about you, what I have said is enough to demon-
strate that in good sense and energy you surpass all
those in the past whose fortune was the same as
yours. Indeed to have repulsed the whole strength
of Persia and remain unscathed, not to have lost so
much as a soldier from the ranks, much less a town
or fort, and finally to have brought the siege to so
brilliant and unprecedented ἃ conclusion,—what
achievement I ask in the past could one compare
with this? The Carthaginians were famous for their
daring in the face of danger, but they ended in
disaster. The siege of Plataea shed lustre on its
citizens, but all that their valour could do for those
unhappy men was to make their misfortunes more
widely known. What need to quote Messene or
Pylos, since there the defeated did not make a
brave defence nor was a vigorous assault necessary
to subdue them? As for the Syracusans, they had
their famous man of science! to aid them against
the armaments of Rome and our illustrious general,?
but what did he avail them in the end? Did they
not fall more ignominiously than the rest, and were
only spared to be a glorious monument of their
conqueror’s clemency? But if I wished to reckon
up all the states that could not withstand armaments
inferior to their own, how many volumes do you
think would suffice? Rome, however, I ought
perhaps to mention, because long ago she had just
such a fortune, I mean when the Galatians and
1 Archimedes. 2 Marcellus 212 B.c.
75
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
/ \ / 9.3 | eee P θ /
πνευσάντων καὶ φερομένων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν καθάπερ
7 b] / , \ \ \
χειμάρρους ἐξαίφνης. κατέλαβον μὲν yap Tov
a lal \ / ὰ
λόφον ἐκεῖνον, οὗ τὸ τοῦ Διὸς ἀφίδρυται βρέτας"
/
γέρροις δὲ καί τισι τοιούτοις οἱονεὶ τείχει φραξά-
4 \ / a
μενοι, πολυπραγμονούντων οὐδὲν προσιέναι τῶν
/ / rd 3 /
πολεμίων βίᾳ Sonera ἐκράτησαν. tes.»
Ταύτῃ παραβαλεῖν ἄξιον τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τὴν
vy a / a ΄ > a BA
ἔναγχος τῷ τέλει τῆς τύχης, ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε ἔργοις
a a / \
οὐδεμιᾷ TOV ὅσαι πάλαι γεγόνασι. Tis yap ἔγνω
, /
κυκλουμένην μὲν ὕδασι πόλιν, λόφοις δὲ ἔξωθεν
a » \
καθάπερ δικτύοις περιβληθεῖσαν, Kal ποταμὸν
a ΄
ἐπαφιέμενον οἱονεὶ μηχάνημα, συνεχῶς ῥέοντα καὶ
n ᾿ 7 n
προσρηγνύμενον τοῖς τείχεσι, τάς τε ὑπὲρ τῶν
ε / / eS ς \ A /
ὑδάτων μάχας Kal ὅσαι περὶ τῷ τείχει KaTEVE-
θέ iy 9 aN \ 3 cf »
χθέντι γεγόνασιν; " ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν, ὅπερ ἔφην,
/ n / “
ἀπόχρη καὶ ταῦτα: τὰ λειπόμενα δέ ἐστι μακρῷ
90
/ \ \ > a BA [τ
TEMVOTEPA. καὶ τυχὸν οὐδαμῶς εὔλογον ἅπαξ B
ἑλόμενον ἁπάντων ἐς δύναμιν μνησθῆναι τῶν σοι
πραχθέντων, ἀκμαζουσῶν ἔτι τῶν πράξεων,
ἀφεῖναι τὴν διήγησιν. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἔτι τοῖς
ἔργοις προσκαθήμενος, ὧν μικρῷ πρόσθεν ἐμ-
νήσθην, περὶ τὴν Εὐρώπην διῴκησας, πρεσβείας
πέμπων καὶ ἀναλίσκων χρήματα καὶ στρατόπεδα
τὰ προσκαθήμενα τοῖς Σκύθαις ἐν Ilasovia ἐκ-
πέμπων, τοῦ μὴ κρατηθῆναι τὸν πρεσβύτην ὑπὸ
1 πόλιν Reiake; τὴν πόλιν MSS.
2 γεγόνασιν; Wright, γεγόνασιν. Hertlein,
76
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
Celts! conspired together, and without warning
poured down on the city like a winter torrent.?
The citizens occupied the famous hill? on which
stands the statue of Jupiter. There they intrenched
themselves with wicker barricades and such like
defences, as though with a wall, while the enemy
offered no hindrance nor ventured to approach to
attack at close quarters, and so they won the day.
It is with this siege that the recent one may
well be compared, at least in the issue of its
fortunes; for the actual occurrences could not be
paralleled in all history. For who ever heard of
surrounding a city with water, and from without
throwing hills about it like nets, then hurling at it,
like a siege-engine, a river that flowed in a steady
stream and broke against its walls, or of fighting like
that which took place in the water and about the
wall where it had fallen in? For my purpose, this
is, as I said, evidence. enough. But what remains to
tell is far more awe-inspiring. And perhaps, since
I have undertaken to record, as far as possible, all
that you accomplished, it is not fair to break off my
narrative at the point where you were at the very
height of your activity. For even while you were
occupied by the interests I have just described, you
arranged your affairs in Europe, despatching em- ἡ
bassies, spending money, and sending out the legions
that were garrisoning Paeonia against the Scythians,
all of which was with the intention of preventing
that feeble old man* from being overpowered by the
1 The Galatians, 1.6. the Gauls, and Celts are often thus
incorrectly distinguished, cf. 34 ο. 36 B. 124 4.
2 390 B.c. under Brennus.
3 The Capitoline. 4 Vetranio.
ay
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἴω lal ἴω a ’
τοῦ τυράννου προνοῶν, πῶς ἄν τις ἐν βραχεῖ λόγῳ
παραστῆσαι δύναιτο καὶ πάνυ σπουδάζων;
3 \ a, \ \ / e f
Ezrei δέ, ἤδη σου πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὡρμημένου,
> 5 "ὦ , > \ \ a \
οὐκ οἶδα Tap ὅτου δαιμόνων ἐξαιρεθεὶς τὸν νοῦν καὶ
\ \ - ,
τὰς φρένας ὁ τέως πιστὸς μενεῖν φύλαξ ἐπαγγελλό-
n
μενος Kal χρήμασι Kal στρατοπέδοις καὶ τοῖς
/ a /
ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ὑπὸ σοῦ περισωζόμενος εἰρήνην
ὡμολόγησε τῷ πάντων. ἀνθρώπων ἀνοσιωτάτῳ
A e , >
Kal πολεμίῳ κοινῇ μὲν ἁπάντων, ὁπόσοις εἰρήνης
/
μέλει Kal THY ὁμόνοιαν ἐκ παντὸς στέργουσιν, ἰδίᾳ
δὲ Ν \ / a » 4 » EO “-“
€ σοὶ καὶ πλέον τῶν ἄλλων: οὔτε E0ELTAS τῆς
“ / n
παρασκευῆς TO μέγεθος οὔτε ἀπίστων ἀνδρῶν
, / 4 Task / a 54
ξυμμαχίαν πλέον ἔχειν ὑπέλαβες τῆς ἔμφρονος
[οἷ / a
γνώμης. ἐγκαλῶν δέ, ὡς εἰκός, TO μὲν ἀπιστίαν,
fal a \ /
τῷ δὲ πρὸς ταύτῃ πράξεων ἐναγῶν καὶ παρανόμων
Ὗ 3 7 7 n
τολμήματα, TOV μὲν εἰς δίκην. καὶ κρίσιν ἐπὶ τῶν
a \
στρατοπέδων προυκάλεις, TOD δὲ κριτὴν ὑπελάμ-
9 \ / > > > \ aA e
Baves εἶναι τὸν πόλεμον. GAN ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ὁ
καλὸς καὶ συνετὸς ἀπήντα πρεσβύτης, εὐχερέστε-
/ if.
pov παιδαρίου τινὸς μετατιθέμενος τὰ δόξαντα καὶ
er
ὧν ev πάθοι δεόμενος μετὰ τὴν χρείαν ἐπιλήσμων"
~ \ bf ς a / \ 4
παρῆν δὲ ἄγων ὁπλιτῶν φάλαγγας Kal τάξεις
\ / /
ἱππέων, WS, εἰ μὴ πείθοι, βιασόμενός ce? ὀπίσω
7
πάλιν ἀπιέναι τὴν αὐτὴν ἄπρακτον: οὐδὲν ἐκ-
/ ἃ Ν a
πλαγείς, OTL TOV σύμμαχον Kal στρατηγὸν μενεῖν
> / / $4 > y bd
ἐπαγγελλόμενον πολέμιον εἶδες ἐξ ἴσης ἄρχειν
/ / n a
ἐθέλοντα, καίτοι τῷ πλήθει τῶν στρατευμάτων
1 πλέον ἔχειν Hertlein suggests, πλέον MSS.
2 σε Hertlein adds.
78
D
31
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
usurper.!. But how could one, with the best will in
the world, present all this in a short speech?
No sooner had you set out for the seat of war, than
this very man, who had all along protested that he
would joyally continue to guard your interests,
though you had reinforced him with money, troops,
and everything of the sort, was driven to folly and
madness by I know not what evil spirit, and came
to terms with the most execrable of mankind, the
common enemy of all who care for peace and cherish
harmony above all things, and more particularly
your enemy for personal reasons. But you were
undismayed by the magnitude of his preparations,
nor would you admit that a conspiracy of traitors
could overreach your own wise purpose. One? of
the pair you justly accused of treason, the other ® of
infamous crimes besides, and deeds of lawless
violence, and you summoned the former to trial and
judgment before the legions, the latter you decided
to leave to the arbitrament of war. Then he met
you face to face, that honourable and prudent old
man, who used to change his opinions more easily
than any child, and, though he had begged for them,
forgot all your favours as soon as the need had
passed. He arrived with his phalanxes of hoplites
and squadrons of cavalry, intending to compel, if he
could not persuade you, to take no action and return
the way you came. When, then, you saw this man,
who had protested that he would continue to be
your ally and general, playing an enemy's part and
claiming an equal share of your empire, you were
not at all dismayed, though his troops outnumbered
1 Magnentius. 2 Vetranio. 3 Magnentius.
79
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
> ΄ 4. 4G Sas ΄ “ \ ΄
ἐλαττούμενος, ἐπεὶ μὴ πάντες εἵποντο, πρὸς πλήθει Β
a /
κρατοῦντα διαγωνίζεσθαι τολμηρὸν μὲν ἴσως,
Ν δὲ , Trait \ \ /
σφαλερὸν δὲ πάντως ὑπολαβὼν Kal κρατήσαντι
τῇ μάχῃ διὰ τὸν ἐφεδρεύοντα τοῖς Kaipots καὶ τοῖς
+ lal
πράγμασιν ἄγριον τύραννον, ἐβουλεύσω καλῶς
/
μόνον εἶναι σὸν ἐθέλων τὸ κατόρθωμα, Kal παρήεις
fal \ “ / Ἶ
ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα μετὰ τοῦ τέως συνάρχοντος" cUVHEL
7 an , -
δὲ ὁπλίτης δῆμος στίλβων τοῖς ὅπλοις, τὰ ξίφη
: / 7 A n
γυμνὰ καὶ τὰ δόρατα προτείνοντες, δειλῷ μὲν φρικῶ- C
δες καὶ δεινὸν θέαμα, εὐψύχῳ δὲ καὶ θ λέῳ καὶ
ἐριαμε οθθενολίδομαι εὐψύχῳ oe καὶ θαρραλέῳ καὶ
" n > “Ὁ >
οἷος αὐτὸς γέγονας ὄφελος γενναῖον. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ
n a / t
πρῶτον ἤρξω τῶν λόγων, σιγὴ μὲν ἐπέσχε, πρὸς τὴν
/
ἀκοὴν ὡρμημένων πάντων, τὸ στράτευμα: δάκρυα δὲ
προυχεῖτο πολλοῖς, καὶ ἐς τὸν οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖρας
ὦρεγον, συγῇ καὶ ταῦτα δρῶντες, ὡς μήτις αἴσθηται.
τὴν εὔνοιαν δὲ οἱ μὲν ἐνεδείκνυντο Kal? διὰ τῆς
ὄψε i δὲ τῷ σφόδρα ὡρμῆσθαι τῶν XO
ως, πάντες 0€ τῷ σφοῦρα ὡρμῆσθαι τῶν λόγων
> 4 / ς a /
ἀκούειν. ἀκμαζούσης δὲ τῆς δημηγορίας συνενθου- D
al an /
σιῶντες τῷ λόγῳ πάντες ἐπεκρότουν, εἶτα αὖθις
> 7 3 fe) ς / ᾿ς \ ς \
ἀκούειν ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἡσύχαζον. τέλος δὲ ὑπὸ,
τῶν λόγων ἀναπειθόμενοι σὲδ μόνον ἐκάλουν
βασιλέα, μόνον ἄρχειν ἠξίουν ἁπάντων, ἡγεῖσθαι
n PEAY 4 3. \ \ / > /
σφῶν ἐκέλευον ἐπὶ τὸν πολέμιον, ἀκολουθήσειν
@. / > / > 7ὔ ἴω > n
ὡμολόγουν, ἀπολαμβάνειν ἠξίουν τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ
γνωρίσματα. σὺ δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν χεῖρα προσάγειν
a \ / ς \ \
@ov δεῖν οὐδὲ ἀφελέσθαι ξὺν Bia: ὁ δὲ ἄκων μὲν
5 7 7 a
καὶ μόλις, εἴξας δὲ ὅμως ὀψέ ποτε, φασί, TH
1 πάντως Hertlein suggests, ἄλλως MSS, ef. 222 a 8358 Ο.Ψ
2 καὶ Hertlein adds. 3 σὲ Reiske adds.
80 ;
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
yours. For you had not brought your whole force with
you, since you decided that to fight it out with such
odds against you might be courageous but was in
every way hazardous, even if you won the battle,
because of that other savage usurper! who was
lying in wait for a favourable opportunity? when
you should be in difficulties. You therefore made
a wise resolve in preferring to achieve success
single-handed, and you mounted the platform with
him who for the moment was your colleague in
empire. He was escorted by a whole host of
hoplites with glittering weapons,’ presenting drawn
swords and spears, a sight to make a coward shake
with fear, though it inspired and supported one
so brave and gallant as yourself. Now when first
you began to speak, silence fell on the whole army
and every man strained his ears to hear. Many
shed tears and raised their hands to heaven, though
even this they did in silence, so as to be unobserved.
Some again showed their affection in their faces, but
all showed it by their intense eagerness to hear your
words. When your speech reached its climax, they
were carried away by enthusiasm and burst into
applause, then eager to miss no word they became
quiet again. Finally, won by your arguments, they
hailed you as their only Emperor, demanded that
you alone should: rule the whole empire, and bade
you lead them against your adversary, promising to
follow you and begging you to take back the imperial
insignia. You, however, thought it beneath you to
stretch out your hand for them or to take them by
force. Then against his will and with reluctance, but
1 Magnentius. 2 Demosthenes, De Chersoneso 42.
3 Euripides, Andromache 1146.
&1
VOL, ; Λ ἱ G
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
Θετταλικῇ πειθανάγκῃ, προσῆγέ σοι περιελόμενος 32
τὴν ἁλουργίδα. οἷός τις ἐνταῦθα γέγονας τοσού-
των μὲν ἐθνῶν καὶ στρατοπέδων καὶ χρημάτων ἐν
ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ γεγονὼς κύριος, τὸν πολέμιον δέ, εἰ καὶ
μὴ τοῖς ἔργοις, ἀλλὰ τῇ γνώμῃ φανέντα, τὴν
ἀρχὴν ἀφελόμενος καὶ τοῦ σώματος κρατήσας;
ἾΑρ᾽ οὐ τούτῳ μὲν ἄμεινον καὶ δικαιότερον
προσηνέχθης ἢ Κῦρος τῷ πάππῳ, τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν
δὲ τὰς τιμὰς διεφύλαξας οὐδὲν οὐδενὸς ἀφελόμενος,
προσθεὶς δὲ οἶμαι δωρεὰς πολλοῖς; τίς δέ «1 B
εἶδεν ἢ πρὸ τοῦ κρατῆσαι σκυθρωπὸν λίαν ἢ μετὰ
τοῦθ᾽ ὑπερηδόμενον ; καίτοι Tas” ἄξιον ἐπαινεῖν
᾿ἐστί σε δημηγόρον ἅμα καὶ στρατηγὸν ἢ βασιλέα
χρηστὸν καὶ γενναῖον ὁπλίτην προσαγορεύοντας ;
ὃς πάλαι μὲν ἀπορραγὲν τὸ στρατηγεῖον5 ἀπὸ τοῦ
βήματος ἐς ταὐτὸν πάλιν ἐπαναγαγεῖν ἠξίωσας
σχῆμα, μιμούμενος οἶμαι ᾽Οδυσσέα καὶ Νέστορα
καὶ τοὺς ἐξελόντας Καρχηδόνα Ῥωμαίων στρατη- C
yous, of φοβερωτέρους αὑτοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος
τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν ἢ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπὶ τῆς παρατά-
ἕξεως ἀεὶ κατέστησαν. Δημοσθένους δὲ καὶ ὅστις
τοῦτον ἐζήλωκε τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ἰσχὺν αἰδού-
μενος, τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς δημηγορίας οὔποτ᾽ ἂν
ἀξιώσαιμι τῷ σῷ παραβαλεῖν τἀκείνων θέατρα.
οὐ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὁπλίταις ἐδημηγόρουν οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ
τοσούτων κινδυνεύοντες, GAN ὑπὲρ χρημάτων ἢ
, 3 σ᾽ Reiske adds. 2 ἴσως Hertlein suggests.
3 στρατηγεῖον Cobet, Hertlein στρατήγιον MSS.
4 After τῷ Petavius adds σῷ.
82
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
yielding at last to what is called Thessalian persua-
sion,! he took off the purple robe and offered it to
you. What a heroic figure yours was then, when, in a
single day, you became master of all those races, those
legions, all that wealth, when you stripped of his
power and took prisoner one who, if not in fact
yet in intention, had shown that he was your enemy !
Did you not behave more nobly and more gener-
ously to him than Cyrus did to his own grandfather?
For you deprived your enemy’s followers of nothing,
but protected their privileges and, I understand,
gave many of them presents besides. Who saw you
despondent before your triumph or unduly elated
after it? Orator, general, virtuous emperor, dis-
tinguished soldier, though men give you all these
titles, how can any praise of ours be adequate?
Long had the orator’s platform been wholly dis-
connected from the general's functions? ; and it
was reserved for you to combine them once more
in your person, in this surely following the example
of Odysseus and Nestor and the Roman generals
who sacked Carthage; for these men were always
even more formidable to wrong-doers whom they
attacked from the platform than to the enemy in the
field of battle. Indeed I pay all the homage due to
the forcible eloquence of Demosthenes and_ his
imitators, but when I consider the conditions of
your harangue I can never admit that there is any
comparison between your theatre and theirs. For
they never had to address an audience of hoplites
nor had they such great interests at stake, but only
1 A proverb for necessity disguised as a choice, cf. 274 0
2 Aeschines, Ctesiphon 74. 18.
83
a 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
τιμῆς ἢ δόξης, ἢ φίλοις συνερεῖν ἐπωγγειλάμενοι,
ἀπήεσαν οἶμαι πολλάκις ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, τοῦ
΄, “
δήμου θορυβήσαντος, ὠχροὶ καὶ τρέμοντες, ὥσπερ
ε n 7 > 7 \
οἱ δειλοὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐν ὄψει στρατηγοὶ Tapa-
ταττόμενοι. καὶ οὐδεὶς ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι τοσοῦτον
ἔργον ἑτέρῳ πραχθὲν πώποτε καὶ τοσούτων ἐθνῶν
A \ A
κτῆσιν ἐκ δικαστηρίου, ἄλλως Te Kal πρὸς ἄνδρα
an 7 » > ς e / >
τῆς δίκης οὔσης OVX, WS οἱ πολλοί, φασιν, εὐκατα-
φρόνητον, ἀλλὰ πολλαῖς μὲν στρατείαις γνώριμον,
πρεσβύτην δὲ ἤδη καὶ τὴν ἐμπειρίαν ἐκ τοῦ
χρόνου δοκοῦντα προσειληφέναι καὶ τῶν στρατο-.
/
πέδων ἐκείνων ἄρχειν λαχόντα πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον.
Bis af tne Lely , n ys fo ae ἢ θὲ
τίς οὖν ἡ ῥώμη γέγονε τῶν λόγων ; τίς δὲ ἡ πειθὼ
ra 7ὔ} ΄ῺὉΝ
τοῖς χείλεσιν ἐπικαθημένη, ἡ παντοδαπῶν ἀνθρώ-
Tov συνειλεγμένων τὸ κέντρον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν *
2 4 val a a A
ἰσχύσασα ταῖς ψυχαῖς, καὶ νίκην παρασχεῖν TO
μεγέθει μὲν ἐνάμιλλον ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων περι-
γινομέναις, εὐαγῆ δὲ καὶ καθαράν, ὥσπερ ἱερέως
a a /
ἐς θεοῦ φοιτῶντος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ βασιλέως ἐς πόλεμον,
ἔργον γενομένην ; καίτοι γε μὴν ταύτης εἰκόνα τῆς
/ an / \ / nA
πράξεως μακρῷ λειπομένην καὶ Ἰ]έρσαι θρυλοῦσι,
\ a n
τοὺς Δαρείου παῖδας τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος
\ a a 7
ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχῆς διαφερομένους δίκη τὰ Kal?
αὑτοὺς καὶ οὐ τῇ τῶν ὅπλων ἐπιτρέψαι κρίσει.
\ \ \ \ \ 2 \ A 2 tal /
σοὶ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς οὔτε ἐν τοῖς λόγοις
οὔτε ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ἀγὼν γέγονεν οὐδὲ εἷς: ἔχαιρες
1 4 Cobet, ἢ Reiske adds, Hertlein.
2 eyeatarkimetv ἰσχύσασα Cobet, ἐναπολιπεῖν ἴσχυσε Schaefer,
Hertlein, ἐναπολιπεῖν ἰσχύσαι MSS.
84
33
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
money, or honour, or reputation, or friends whom
they had undertaken to assist, yet when the citizens
clamoured in dissent, they often, I believe, left the
platform pale and trembling, like generals who prove
to be cowards when they have to face the enemy in
battle-line. Indeed from all history it would be
impossible to cite an achievement as great as yours
when you acquired control of all those races by
judicial pleading alone; and moreover you had to
make out your case against a man not by any means
to be despised, as many people think, but one who
had won distinction in many campaigns, who was full
of years, who had the reputation of experience gained
in a long career, and had for a considerable period
been in command of the legions there present. What
overwhelming eloquence that must have been! How
truly did “persuasion sit on your lips’! and had
the power to “leave a sting” in the souls of that
motley crowd of men, and to win you a victory that
in importance rivals any that were ever achieved
by force of arms, only that yours was stainless and
unalloyed, and was more like the act of a priest
going to the temple of his god than of an emperor
going to war. It is true indeed that the Persians
have a similar instance to quote, but it falls far short
of what you did, I mean that. on their father’s death
the sons of Darius quarrelled about the succession to
the throne and appealed to justice rather than to
arms to arbitrate their case. But between you and
your brothers there never arose any dispute, either
in word or deed, nay not one, for it was in fact more
1 From the description of the oratory of Pericles, Eupolis
Sr. 94: πειθώ τις ἐπεκάθιζεν ἐπὶ τοῖς χείλεσιν" | οὕτως ἐκήλει καὶ
μόνος τῶν ῥητόρων | τὸ κέντρον ἐγκατέλειπε τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις.
Cf. 426 B. 4
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
an 7ὔ 3 / \
δὲ οἶμαι τῷ κοινὴν πρὸς ἐκείνους εἶναί cou τὴν
9 7 n Ἃ n / ¢ / /
ἐπιμέλειαν μᾶλλον ἢ TO μόνος ἁπάντων γενέσθαι
/ \ \ \ > \ A Xx / 3
κύριος" πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀσεβὲς μὲν ἢ παράνομον οὐδὲν
/ 57 n 7 7
εἰργασμένον, ἄπιστον δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ φανέντα ἐν
€ ,
ἐλέγχοις, ob THY ἀπιστίαν ἐκείνου δείξουσι.
Ταύτην ἐκδέχεται στρατεία. λαμπρὰ τὴν δημη-
ε / a /
yopiav Kal πόλεμος ἱερός, οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἱεροῦ χωρίου,
e a \ / a
ὁποῖον τὸν Φωκικὸν ἀκούομεν συστῆναι κατὰ
\ 4 > > ig \ lal , \ an
τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων Kal τῆς
y \ , “ , \
πολιτείας καὶ φόνου πολιτῶν μυρίων, ὧν τοὺς
\ > / \ δὲ > lA \ δὲ »
μὲν ἀνῃρήκει, τοὺς OE ἐμέλλησε, τοὺς δὲ ἐπεχείρησε
an Ὁ“ ψ \ / Ce |
συλλαβεῖν, ὥσπερ οἶμαι δεδιὼς μή τις αὐτὸν
, 4
πολίτην μοχθηρόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ βάρβαρον ὑπολάβῃ
/ b] ps! \ \ /
φύσει. τὰ yap εἰς THY σὴν οἰκίαν ἀδικήματα
Ν a Ὁ fal
οὐδενὸς ὄντα τῶν κοινῇ τολμηθέντων αὐτῷ φαυλό-.
τερα καὶ ἐλάττονος ἀξιοῦν ᾧου δεῖν φροντίδος"
ef \ \ \ a 50, Μ a
οὕτω σοι τὰ κοινὰ πρὸ τῶν ἰδίων ἔδοξε Kal δοκεῖ
τίμια.
Πό 5 \ an LO ra € 7,
OTEPOV οὖν χρὴ τῶν ἀδικημάτων πάντων
a0 e y 525 \ \ > 297
μεμνῆσθαι ὧν els te*® τὸ κοινὸν καὶ Kat ἰδίαν
/ lal
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ἀνδράποδον yap ἣν τῶν ἐκείνου προγόνων, τῆς
᾽ Ν “ 7 / \
ἀπὸ Γερμανῶν λείας λείψανον δυστυχὲς περισω-
ΝΜ a a
ζόμενον: ἄρχειν δὲ ἡμῶν ἐπιχειρῶν, ᾧ μηδὲ
/ a - a
ἐλευθέρῳ προσῆκον ἦν νομισθῆναι μὴ τοῦτο Tap’
1 ἐν Reiske adds, ἐλέγχου σοι V.
2 συστῆναι Petavius, Cobet, ἐνστῆναι Schaefer, Hertlein,
στῆναι MSS.
3 ὧν εἴς re Schaefer, ὧν τε eis Hertlein, εἰς V, és MSS.
86
34
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
agreeable. to you to share the responsibility with
them than to be the sole ruler of the world. But
your quarrel was with one who, though his actions
had not so far been impious or criminal, was shown
to have a treasonable purpose, and you brought
proofs to make that treason manifest.
After your harangue there followed ἃ brilliant
campaign and a war truly sacred, though it was
not on. behalf of sacred territory, like the Phocian
war, which we are told was waged! in the days of
our ancestors, but was to avenge the laws and the
constitution and the slaughter of countless citizens,
some of whom the usurper? had put to death, while
others he was just about to kill or was trying to
arrest. It was really as though he was afraid that
otherwise he might be considered, for all his vices,
a» Roman citizen instead of a genuine barbarian.
As for his crimes against your house, though. they
were quite as flagrant as his outrages against the
state, you thought it became you to devote less
attention to them. So true itis, that, then as now,
you rated the common weal higher than your private
interests.
I need not mention all the usurper’s offences
against the community and against individuals.
He assassinated his own master. For he had
actually been the slave of the murdered emperor’s
ancestors, a miserable remnant saved from the
spoils of Germany. And then he aimed at
ruling over us, he who had not even the right
to call himself free, had you not granted him the
1 Demosthenes, De Corona 230, a favourite common-place.
2 Magnentius,
87
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ὑμῶν λαβόντι: καὶ ws} τοὺς ἐπὶ TOD στρατοπέδου
ξυνδῶν καὶ ἀποκτιννὺς καὶ δουλεύων αἰσχρῶς τῷ
πλήθει καὶ κολακεύων τὴν εὐταξίαν διέφθειρε'
καὶ ὡς τοὺς καλοὺς ἐκείνους ἐτίθει νόμους, τὴν
ἡμίσειαν εἰσφέρειν, θάνατον ἀπειλῶν τοῖς ἀπει-
θοῦσι, μηνυτὰς δὲ εἶναι τὸν βουλόμενον τῶν
οἰκετῶν: καὶ ὅπως ἠνάγκαζε τοὺς οὐδὲν δεομένους
τὰ βασιλικὰ κτήματα πρίασθαι; ἐπιλείψει με
τἀκείνου διηγούμενον ὁ χρόνος ἀδικήματα καὶ
τῆς τυραννίδος τῆς καταλαβούσης τὸ μέγεθος.
ἀλλὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς τῆς ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, ἣν
κατέβαλε μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἐ ἐχρήσατο δὲ
ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς, τὴν ἰσχὺν τίς ἂν ᾿ ἀξίως παραστήσειε;
Κελτοὶ καὶ Γαλάται, ἔθνη καὶ τοῖς πάλαι φανέντα
δυσανταγώνιστα, πολλάκις μὲν ἐπιρρεύσαντα
καθάπερ χειμάρρους ἀνυπόστατος Ἰταλοῖς καὶ
Ἰλλυριοῖς, ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἁψάμεμὰ τῷ
κρατεῖν τοῖς ἐνόπλοις ἀγῶσιν, ἄκοντες ὃ ἡμῖν
ὑπήκουσαν, ἔς τες τοὺς καταλόγους τῶν στρατευ-
μάτων ἐγγράφονται καὶ τέλη παρέχονται λαμπρὰ
παρὰ τῶν σῶν προγόνων καὶ πατρὸς κατειλεγμένα"
εἰρήνης δὲ μακρᾶς καὶ τῶν ἐκ ταύτης ἀγαθῶν
ἀπολαύοντες, ἐπιδούσης αὐτοῖς τῆς χώρας πρὸς.
πλοῦτον καὶ εὐανδρίαν, καὶ ἀδελφοῖς τοῖς σοῖς
στρατιώτας καταλέξαι πολλοὺς “παρέσχοντο,
τέλος δὲ τῷ τυράννῳ βίᾳ καὶ οὐ γνώμῃ πανδημεὶ
συνεστρατεύοντο. ἠκολούθουν δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ
ξυγγενὲς ξύμμαχοι προθυμότατοι Φράγγοι καὶ
1 ὡς Hertlein adds. 2 ἂν Schaefer adds.
3 ἄκοντες Reiske, Hertlein, ἁλόντες MSS.
4 re Wyttenbach adds.
88
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
privilege. Those in command of the legions he
imprisoned and put to death, while to the common
soldiers he behaved with such abject servility and
deference that he ruined their discipline. Then
he enacted those fine laws of his, a property tax
of fifty per cent., and threatened the disobedient
with death, while any slave who pleased might
inform against his master. Then he compelled
those who did not want it to purchase the imperial
property. But time would fail me were I to tell of
all his crimes and of the vast proportions that his
tyranny had assumed. As for the armament which
he had collected to use against the barbarians but
actually employed against us, who could give you an
adequate report of its strength? There were Celts
and Galatians! who had seemed invincible even to ᾿
our ancestors, and who had so conten like a winter
torrent that sweeps all before it, poured down on the
Italians and Illyrians, and, following up their repeated
victories on the field of. battle, had even invaded
Asia, and then became our subjects because they had
no choice. They had been enrolled in the ranks of
our armies and furnished levies that won a brilliant
reputation, being enlisted by your ancestors, and,
later, by your father. Then, since they enjoyed the
blessings of long-continued peace, and their country
increased in wealth and population, they furnished
your brothers with considerable levies, and finally,
by compulsion, not choice, they all in a body took
part in the usurper’s campaign. The most enthu-
siastic of his followers were, in virtue of their ties of
1 Gauls. 2 Demosthenes, De Corona 153,
89
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
Σάξονες, τῶν ὑπὲρ τὸν Ῥῆνον καὶ cept! τὴν
ἑσπερίαν. θάλατταν ἐθνῶν τὰ μαχιμώτατα. καὶ
πόλις πᾶσα καὶ φρούριον πρόσοικον Ῥήνῳ τῶν
ἐνοικούντων φυλάκων ἐξερημωθέντα προδέδοτο
μὲν ἀφύλακτα πάντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς
δὲ ἐξεπέμπετο παρεσκευασμένον λαμπρῶς τὸ
στράτευμα: πᾶσα δὲ ἐῴκει πόλις Ταλατικὴ
στρατοπέδῳ παρασκευαζομένῳ πρὸς πόλεμον" καὶ
πάντα ἦν ὅπλων καὶ παρασκευῆς ἱππέων καὶ
πεζῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν καὶ ἀκοντιστῶν πλήρη. συρ-
ρέοντων δὲ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν. ἁπανταχόθεν τῶν
ἐκείνου ξυμμάχων καὶ τοῖς ἐνταῦθα πάλαι κατει-
λεγμένοις στῥατιώταις ἐς ταὐτὸν ἐλθόντων, οὐδεὶς
οὕτως ἐφάνη τολμηρός, ὃς οὐκ ἔδεισεν οὐδὲ
ἐξεπλάγη τὸν ἐπιόντα χειμῶνα. σκηπτὸς ἐδόκει
πᾶσιν ὁ φερόμενος, ἀπὸ τῶν Λλπεων, σκηπτὸς
ἀφόρητος ἐ ἔργῳ καὶ ἄρρητος λόγῳ. τοῦτον ἔδεισαν
᾿Ιλλυριοὶ καὶ Παίονες καὶ Θρᾷκες καὶ Σκύθαι,
τοῦτον οἱ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν οἰκοῦντες ἄνθρωποι ἐφ᾽
αὑτοὺς ὡρμῆσθαι πάντως ὑπέλαβον, τούτῳ
πολεμήσειν ἤδη περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν καὶ Πέρσαι
παρεσκευάξοντο. ὁ δὲ μικρὰ μὲν ἐνόμιξεν εἶναι
τὰ “παρόντα καὶ πόνον οὐ πολὺν τῆς σῆς συνέσεως
καὶ ῥώμης κρατῆσαι, τοὺς ᾿Ινδῶν δὲ ἐσκόπει
πλούτους καὶ Περσῶν τὴν πολυτέλειαν" τοσοῦτον
αὐτῷ περιῆν ἀνοίας καὶ θράσους ἐκ μικροῦ παν-
τελῶς περὶ τοὺς κατασκόπους πλεονεκτήματος,
ods ἀφυλάκτους ὅλῃ τῇ στρατιᾷ λοχήσας ἔ ἐκτείνεν.
οὕτω τὸ πράττειν εὖ παρὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἀρχὴ
πολλάκις γέγονε τοῖς ἀνοήτοις μειζόνων συμφορῶν.
1 περὶ Hertlein suggests. 5. [καὶ] τοσοῦτον Hertlein,
go
35
B
PANEGYRIC ΙΝ HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
kinship, the Franks and Saxons, the most warlike of
the tribes who live beyond the Rhine and on the
shores of the western sea. And since every city and
every fortified place on the banks of the Rhine was
shorn of its garrison, that whole region, was left with
no defence against the barbarians, and all that splen-
didly organised .army was despatched against us.
Every town in Galatia! was like a camp preparing.
for war. Nothing was to be seen but weapons
of war and forces of cavalry, infantry, archers,
and javelin men. When these allies οὔ the
usurper began to pour into Italy from all quarters
and there joined the troops'who had been enrolled
long before, there was no one so bold as not to feel
terror and dismay at the tempest that threatened.?
It seemed to all as though a thunderbolt had fallen
from the Alps, a bolt that no action could avert, no
words describe. It struck terror into the Illyrians,
the Paeonians, the Thracians, the Scythians; the
dwellers in Asia believed it was directed entirely
against themselves, and even the Persians began to
get ready to oppose it in their country’s defence.
But the usurper thought his task was easy, and that
he would have little difficulty in baffling your
wisdom and energy, and already fixed his covetous
gaze on the wealth of India and the magnificence of
Persia. ‘To such an excess of folly and rashness had
he come, and after a success wholly insignificant, I
mean the affair of the scouts whom, while they were »
unprotected by the main army, he ambushed and
cut in, pieces. So true it is that when fools meet
with undeserved success’ they often find itis but the
prelude to, greater misfortunes.. And so, elated by
1 Gaul, 2-351 A.D. 2 Demosthenes, Olynthiac 1. 23.
91
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ἀρθεὶς yap ὁ δείλαιος ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας ταύτης Ὁ
μετέωρος κατέλιπε μὲν τὰ προκείμενα τῆς Ἰταλίας
ἐρυμνὰ χωρία, ἐς Νωρικοὺς δὲ καὶ Παίονας ἀφυ-
λάκτως ἤει, δεῖν αὑτῷ τάχους, GAN οὐχ ὅπλων
οὐδὲ ἀνδρείας οἰόμενος.
Ὃ δὴ καταμαθὼν ἐπανῆγες ἀπὸ τῶν δυσχωριῶν
τὸ στράτευμα, εἵπετο δὲ ἐκεῖνος, διώκειν, οὐχὶ
δὲ καταστρατηγεῖσθαι νομίσας, ἕως εἰς τὴν
εὐρυχωρίαν ἄμφω κατέστητε. τῶν πεδίων δὲ
τῶν πρὸ τῆς Μύρσης ὀφθέντων, ἐτάττοντο
μὲν ἐπὶ κέρως ' ἱππεῖς ἑκατέρου πεζοί τε
τε ἐν μέσῳ’ ᾿ ἔχων. δὲ αὐτός, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν
ποταμὸν ἐν δεξιᾷ, τῷ λαιῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὑπερ-
βαλλόμενος ἐτρέψω μὲν εὐθέως καὶ διέλυσας
τὴν φάλαγγα οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν συγκειμένην ὀρθῶς,
ἅτε ἀνδρὸς ἀπείρου πολέμων καὶ στρατηγίας
αὐτὴν κοσμήσαντος. ὁ δὲ τέως διώκειν ὑπο-
λαμβάνων, οὐδὲ ἐς εἴρας ἀφικόμενος, ἔφευγε
καρτερῶς ἐκπλαγεὶς τὸν κτύπον τῶν ὅπλων, οὐδὲ
τὸν ἐνυάλιον παιᾶνα τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐπαλαλα-
ζόντων ἀδεῶς ἀκούων. διαλυθείσης δὲ οἱ στρα-
τιῶται τῆς τάξεως συνιστάμενοι κατὰ λόχους
πάλιν τὸν ἀγῶνα συνέβαλον, αἰσχυνόμενοι μὲν
ὀφθῆναι φεύγοντες. καὶ τὸ τέως ἄπιστον ἅπασιν
ἀνθρώποις ἐφ᾽ αὑτῶν δεῖξαι συμβαῖνον, στρατιώ-
THY Κελτόν, στρατιώτην ἐκ Γαλατίας τὰ νῶτα
τοῖς πολεμίοις δείξαντα. οἱ βάρβαροι δὲ τὴν
ἐπάνοδον ἀπεγνωκότες, εἰ πταίσειαν, ἢ κρατεῖν
ἢ θνήσκειν. δράσαντές τι δεινὸν τοὺς πολεμίους
ὍΝ τοῖς μὲν οὖν ξὺν τῷ τυράννῳ τοσοῦτον πε-
1 ἐπὶ κέρως Wyttenbach, Hertlein, ἐπικαίρως MSS.
92
90
Β
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
this stroke of luck, he left the fortified posts that
protected the Italian frontier, and marched towards
the Norici and the Paeonians, taking no_precau-
tions, because he thought that speed would serve
him better than force of arms or courage.
The moment that you learned this, you led your
army out of the narrow and dangerous passes, and he
followed in pursuit, as he thought, unaware that he
was being outgeneralled, until you both reached
open country. When the plains before Myrsa!
were in sight, the cavalry of both armies were
drawn up on the wings, while the infantry formed
the centre. Then your Majesty, kept the river on
your right, and, outflanking the enemy with your
left, you at once turned and broke his phalanx,
which indeed had from the first the wrong formation,
since it had been drawn up by one who knew
nothing of war or strategy. Then he who so far
had thought he was the pursuer did not even
join battle, but took to headlong flight, dismayed
by the clash of weapons; he could not even
listen without trembling when the legions shouted
their battle-song. His ranks had been thrown
into disorder, but the soldiers formed into
companies and renewed the battle. For they
disdained to be seen in flight, and to give an example
in their own persons of what had hitherto been
inconceivable to all men, I mean a Celtic or Galatian 3
soldier turning his back to the enemy. The bar-
barians too, who, if defeated, could not hope to make
good their retreat, were resolved either to conquer,
or not to perish till they had severely punished
their opponents. Just see the extraordinary daring
1 In Pannonia 353 A.p. 2 Gallic.
93
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
pinv θράσους ' πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ καὶ τοῦ χωρεῖν ὁμύσε
πολλὴ προθυμία. |
Οἱ δὲ τῶν ὅλων κρατήσαντες, αἰδούμενοι μὲν
ἀλλήλους καὶ τὸν βασιλέα, παροξυνόμενοι δὲ
ὑπὸ τῶν πάλαι κατορθωμάτων καὶ τῶν ἐν
χερσὶ λαμπρῶν καὶ τέως ἀπίστων ἔργων, τέχος
ἄξιον τοῖς προὐπηργμένοις ἐπιθεῖναι φιχο-
τιμούμενο. πάντα ὑπέμενον ἡδέως πόνον καὶ
κίνδυνον. ὥσπερ οὖν ἄρτι τῆς παρατάξεως
ἀρχομένης, συνιόντες πάλιν ἔργα τόλμης ἀπε-
δείκνυντο καὶ θυμοῦ γενναῖα, οἱ μὲν ὠθούμενοι
περὶ τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ἄλλοι δὲ λαμβανόμενοι τῶν
ἀσπίδων, καὶ τῶν ἱππέων ὁπόσους ἵπποι τρωθέντες
ἀπεσείοντο πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας μετεσκευάζοντο.
ταῦτα ἔδρων οἱ ξὺν τῷ τυράννῳ τοῖς πεζοῖς ἐπι-
βρίσαντες: καὶ ἣν ὁ πόλεμος ἐξ ἴσης, ἕως οἱ
θωρακοφόροι καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῶν ἱππέων πλῆθος,
οἱ μὲν ἐκ τόξων βάλλοντες, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐπελαύνοντες
τοὺς ἵππους, πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινον, ἐδίωκον δὲ
ἅπαντας καρτερῶς, τινὰς μὲν πρὸς τὸ πεδίον
ὡρμηκότας φεύγειν, ὧν ἡ νὺξ ὀλίγους ἀπέσωσε
μόλις, τὸ λοιπὸν δὲ ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν κατηνέχθη,
καθάπερ βοῶν ἢ βοσκημάτων ἀγέλη συνελαυνό-
μενοι. τοσαῦτα ἐκεῖνο τὸ στράτευμα τῆς τοῦ
τυράννου δειλίας, οὐδὲν ἐκεῖνον ὀνῆσαν ἐκ τῆς
ἀνδρείας τῆς αὑτοῦ, μάτην ἀπέλαυσε.
Τρόπαιον δὲ ἀνέστησας ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τοῦ πατρῴου
λαμπρότερον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς τέως ἀμάχους
1 θράσους Wyttenbach, Cobet, θράσος MSS, Hertlein.
πρὸς... καὶ τοῦ Hertlein suggests, καὶ πρὸς... rod MSS.
94
37
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
of the usurper’s troops in the face of dangers and
their great eagerness to come to close quarters !
Our men, on the other hand, had so far carried all
before them and were anxious to retain the good
opinion of their comrades and of the Emperor, and
were moreover stimulated by their successes in
the past and by the almost incredible brilliance of
their exploits in this very engagement, and,
ambitious as they were to end the day as
gloriously as they had begun it, cheerfully encoun-
tered toil and danger. So they charged again as
though the battle had only just begun, and gave
a wonderful display of daring and heroism. For
some hurled themselves full on the enemy’s swords,
or seized the enemy’s shields, others, when their
horses were wounded and the riders thrown, at once
transformed themselves into hoplites. The usurper’s
army meanwhile did the same and pressed our
infantry hard. Neither side gained the advantage,
till the cuirassiers by their archery, aided by the
remaining force of cavalry, who spurred on their
horses to the charge, had begun to inflict great
loss on the enemy, and by main force to drive the
whole army before them. Some directed their
flight to the plain, and of these a few were saved
just in time by the approach of night. The rest
were flung into the river, crowded together like a
herd. of oxen or brute beasts. Thus did the
usurpers army reap the fruits of his cowardice,
while their valour availed him nothing.
The trophy that you set up for that victory was
far more brilliant than your father’s. He led an
95
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δοκοῦντας ἄγων ἐκράτει γέροντος δυστυχοῦς. σὺ
δὲ ἡβῶσαν καὶ ἀκμάζουσαν οὐ τοῖς κακοῖς μόνον οἷς
ἔδρα, τῇ νεότητι δὲ πλέον, τὴν τυραννίδα παρεστ-
ἤσω, τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ παρασκευασθεῖσι στρατοπέδοις
παραταξάμενος. τίς γὰρ εἰπεῖν ἔχει τῶν πρόσθεν
αὐτοκρατόρων ἱππικὴν δύναμιν καὶ σκευὴν τῶν
ὅπλων τοιαύτην ἐπινοήσαντα καὶ μιμησάμενον;
ἣ πρῶτος αὐτὸς ἐγγυμνασάμενος διδάσκαλος
ἐγένου τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅπλων χρήσεως ἀμάχου. ὑπὲρ
ἧς εἰπεῖν τολμήσαντες πολλοὶ τῆς ἀξίας διήμαρτον,
ὥσθ᾽ ὅσοι τῶν λόγων ἀκούσαντες ὕστερον ἰδεῖν
ηὐτύχησαν τὰς ἀκοὰς σαφῶς ἀπιστοτέρας ἔγνωσαν
εἶναι τῶν ὀμμάτων. ἄπειρον γὰρ ἦγες ' ἱππέων
πλῆθος, καθάπερ ἀνδριάντας ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων
ὀχουμένους, οἷς συνήρμοστο τὰ μέλη κατὰ μίμησιν
τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως: ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν ἄκρων
καρπῶν ἐς τοὺς ἀγκῶνας, ἐκεῖθεν δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς
ὦμους, καὶ ὁ θώραξ ἐκ 5 τμημάτων κατὰ τὸ στέρνον
\ an tA : >
Kal τὰ νῶτα συναρμοζόμενος, TO κράνος αὐτῷ
/ »“ > Fe > 7]
προσώπῳ σιδηροῦν ἐπικείμενον ἀνδριάντος λαμ-
“ \ 7 7 \ Μ᾽ > \ \
προῦ καὶ στίλβοντος παρέχει τὴν ὄψιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ
κνῆμαι καὶ μηροὶ μηδὲ ἄκροι πόδες τῆς σκευῆς
ταύτης ἔρημοι λείπονται. συναρμοζομένων δὲ
αὐτῶν τοῖς θώραξι διά τινων ἐκ κρίκου λεπτοῦ
7] e \ e 4 > \ x 3 /
πεποιημένων οἱονεὶ ὑφασμάτων οὐδὲν ἂν ὀφθείη
nr “ nan fal
τοῦ σώματος γυμνὸν μέρος, ἅτε Kal τῶν χειρῶν
τοῖς ὑφάσμασι τούτοις σκεπομένων πρὸς τὸ καὶ
“Ὁ an ,ὔ n
καμπτομένοις ἐπακολουθεῖν τοῖς δακτύλοις. ταῦτα
1 ἤγες V, Hertlein, εἶχες MSS. 2 ἐκ Reiske adds.
96
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
army that had always proved itself invincible, and
with it conquered a miserable old man.! — But the
tyranny that you suppressed was flourishing and had
reached its height, partly through the crimes that
had been committed, but still more because so many
of the youth were on that side, and you took the
field against it with legions that had been trained by
yourself. What emperor can one cite in the past
who first planned and then reproduced so admirable
a type of cavalry, and such accoutrements? First
you trained yourself to wear them, and then you
taught others how to use such weapons so that none
could withstand them. This is a subject on which
many have ventured to speak, but they have failed
to do it justice, so much so that those who heard
their description, and later had the good fortune to
see for themselves, decided that their eyes must
accept what their ears had refused to credit. Your
cavalry was almost unlimited in numbers and they
all sat their horses like statues, while their limbs
were fitted with armour that followed closely the
outline of the human form. [Ὁ covers the arms from
wrist to elbow and thence to the shoulder, while.a
coat of mail protects the shoulders, back and breast.
The head and. face are covered by a metal mask
which makes its wearer look like a glittering statue,
for not even the thighs and legs and the very ends
of the feet lack this armour. It is attached to the
cuirass by fine chain-armour like a web, so that no
part of the body is visible and uncovered, for this
woven covering protects the hands as well, and is so
flexible that the wearers can bend even their fingers.?
All this I desire to represent in words as vividly as
1 Licinius, 2 ef. Oration 2. 57 «.
97
VOL. 1, H
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ὁ λόγος παραστῆσαι μὲν σαφῶς ἐπιθυμεῖ, ἀπο-
λειπόμενος δὲ θεατὰς τῶν ὅπλων τοὺς μαθεῖν τι
πλέον ἐθέλοντας, οὐχὶ δὲ ἀκροατὰς τῆς ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν διηγήσεως ἀξιοῖ γενέσθαι.
Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸν “πρῶτον πόλεμον διεληλύ-
θαμεν, ληγούσης ἤδη τῆς ὀπώρας, ap ἐνταῦθα τὴν
διήγησιν πάλιν ἀφήσομεν; ἢ πάντως τὸ τέλος
ἀποδοῦναι τῶν ἔργων τοῖς ποθοῦσιν: ἄξιον ;
ἐπέλαβε μὲν ὁ χειμὼν καὶ παρέσχε διαφυγεῖν τῆν
τιμωρίαν τὸν τύραννον. κηρύγματα δὲ ἣν λαμπρὰ
βασιλικῆς ἄξια μεγαλοψυχίας: ἄδεια δὲ
πᾶσιν ἐδίδοτο τοῖς ταξαμένοις μετὰ τοῦ τυράννου,
πλὴν εἴ τις ἀνοσίων ἐκείνῳ φόνων ἐκοινώνει"
ἀπελάμβανον τὰς οἰκίας ἅπαντες καὶ τὰ χρήματα
καὶ πατρίδας οἱ μηδὲ ὄψεσθαί τι τῶν φιλτάτων
αὐτοῖς ἐλπίζοντες. ὑπεδέχου τὸ ναυτικὸν ἐκ τῆς
᾿Ιταλίας ἐπανερχόμενον, πολλοὺς ἐκεῖθεν πολίτας
κατάγον φεύγοντας οἶμαι τὴν τῶν τυράννων
ὠμότητα. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ καιρὸς ἐκάλει στρατεύεσθαι,
πάλιν ἐφειστήκεις δεινὸς τῷ τυράννῳ. ὁ δὲ πρου-
βάλλετο τὰς ᾿Ιταλῶν δυσχωρίας, καὶ τοῖς ὄρεσι
τοῖς ἐκεῖ “καθάπερ θηρίον ἐναποκρύψας πὰς
δυνάμεις αὐτὸς οὐδὲ ὑπαίθριος. ἐτόλμα στρατεύειν.
ἀναλαβὼν δὲ αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν πλησίον πόλιν
τρυφῶσαν καὶ πολυτελῆ, ἐν πανηγύρεσι καὶ
τρυφαῖς ἔτριβε τὸν χρόνον, ἀρκέσειν μὲν αὑτῷ
πρὸς σωτηρίαν τῶν ὀρῶν τὴν δυσχωρίαν μόνον
οἰόμενος. ἀκόλαστος δὲ dv φύσει κερδαίνειν ᾧ @ETO
τὸ χαρίζεσθαι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις ἐν τοσούτοις κακοῖς,
1 χρῖς ποθοῦσιν Hertlein suggests, ποθοῦσιν MSS.
98
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
I can, but it is beyond my powers, and I can only
ask those who wish to know more about this armour
to see it with their own eyes, and not merely to
listen to my description.
Now that I have told the story of this first
campaign, which was fought at the end of the
autumn, shall I here break off my narrative? Or is
it altogether unfair to withhold the end and issue of
your achievements from those who are eager to hear?
Winter overtook us and gave the usurper a chance to
escape punishment. Then followed ἃ splendid
proclamation worthy of your imperial generosity.
An amnesty was granted to those who had taken |
sides with the usurper, except when they had
shared the guilt of those infamous murders. Thus
they who had never hoped even to see again any-
thing that they held dear, recovered their houses,
money, and native land. Then you welcomed the
fleet which arrived from Italy bringing thence many
citizens who, no doubt, had fled from the usurper’s
savage cruelty. Then when the occasion demanded
that you should take the field, you again menaced
the usurper. He however took cover in the fast-
nesses of Italy and hid his army away there in the
mountains, wild-beast fashion, and never even dared
to carry on the war beneath the open heavens. But
he betook himself to the neighbouring town! which is
devoted to pleasure and high living, and spent his
time in public shows and sensual pleasures, believing
that the impassable mountains alone would suffice
for his safety. Moreover, intemperate as he was by
nature, he thought it clear gain to be able to
indulge his appetites at so dangerous a crisis, and
1 Aquileia, »
99
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δῆλός Te ἣν λίαν πεπιστευκὼς ἀσφαλῶς αὐτῷ TA
παρόντα ἔχειν, ἀποτειχιζομένης ἐν κύκλῳ τῆς
% / o " \ “ > e / ς
Ἰταλίας τοῖς ὄρεσι, πλὴν ὅσον ἐξ ἡμισείας ἡ
A /
θάλασσα τεναγώδης οὖσα Kal τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων
/ lal /
ἕχεσιν ἐμφερὴς ἄβατον Kal νηΐτῃ στρατῷ πολεμίων
> ca) / > > + 7Q\ A ς ΄
ἀνδρῶν καθίστησιν. ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικεν οὐδὲ ἕν ἡ φύσις
πρὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ σωφροσύνην τοῖς ἀκο-
λάστοις καὶ δειλοῖς ἔρυμα. μηχανήσασθαι, πάντα
ὑποχωρεῖν φρονήσει μετὰ ἀνδρείας ἐπιούσῃ
παρασκευάζουσα: πάλαι τε ἡμῖν ἐξηῦρε τὰς
3 al
τέχνας, Ov ὧν εἰς εὐπορίαν τῶν τέως δοξάντων
\ “ >
ἀπόρων κατέστημεν, Kal ἐπὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
Ν \ a LO 7 3 / 1
ἔργων TO πολλοῖς ἀδύνατον εἰναι φαινόμενον
2 4 \ b] ὃ \ 4 a ὃ) \
ἐπιτελούμενον πρὸς ἀνδρὸς σώφρονος. ὃ δὴ Kal
τότε τοῖς ἔργοις, ὦ βασιλεῦ, δείξας εἰκότως ἂν
ἀποδέχοιο τοὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λόγους.
511 ΄ \ \ Ate / \ A
Ko tpdateves μὲν yap αὐτὸς ὑπαίθριος, Kal ταῦτα
/ / / > 4 an
πλησίον παρούσης πόλεως οὐ φαύλης, τοῖς στρα-
τευομένοις δὲ οὐκ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος τὸ πονεῖν καὶ
, 2 δ \ 2 ἦν ov a
κινδυνεύειν, ἐξ ὧν δὲ αὐτὸς ἔδρας παρεγγυῶν'
ἄτραπον μὲν ἐξηῦρες ἄγνωστον τοῖς πᾶσι, πέμψας
δὲ ἀξιόμαχον τῆς δυνάμεως ἁπάσης ὁπλιτῶν
μοῖραν, εἶτα ἐπειδὴ σαφῶς ἔγνως αὐτοὺς τοῖς
> nn > \ 3 \ 3 \
πολεμίοις ἐφεστῶτας, αὐτὸς ἀναλαβὼν ἦγες τὸ
στράτευμα, καὶ κύκλῳ περιέχων πάντων ἐκράτη-
σας. ταῦτα ἐδρᾶτο πρὸ τῆς ἕω, ἤγγελτο δὲ πρὸ
/ an n
μεσημβρίας τῷ τυράννῳ ἁμίλλαις ἱππικαῖς καὶ
1 After φαινόμεδον Reiske thinks ἐπέδειξε has fallen out,
10°
39
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
he evidently placed too much’ confidence in the
safety of his position, because the town is cut
off from that part of Italy by a natural rampart
of mountains, except the half that is bounded by
a shoaling sea, which resembles the marshes of
Egypt and makes that part of the country inacces-
sible even to an invading fleet. It seems however
as though nature herself will not devise any safe-
guard for the sensual and cowardly against the
temperate and brave, for when prudence and
courage advance hand in hand she makes everything
give way before them. Long since she revealed to
us those arts through which we have attained
an abundance of what was once thought to be
unattainable, and in the field of individual effort we
see that what seemed impossible for many working
together to achieve can be accomplished. by a
prudent man. And since by your own actions you
demonstrated this fact it is only fair, O my Emperor,
that you should accept my words to that effect.
For you conducted the campaign under the open
skies, and that though there was a city of some im-
portance near at hand, and moreover you encouraged
your men to work hard and to take risks, not
merelyby giving orders, but by your own personal
le. You discovered a path hitherto unknown
to all, and you sent forward a strong detachment of
hoplites chosen from your whole army; then when
you had ascertained that they had come up with
the enemy, you led forward your army in person,
surrounded them, and defeated his whole force.
This happened before dawn, and before noon the
news was brought to the usurper. He was attend-
tor
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
πανηγύρει προσκαθημένῳ καὶ TOV παρόντων οὐδὲν
ἐλπίζοντι. τίς μὲν οὖν γέγονεν ἐκ “τίνος, καὶ
ποταπὴν γνώμην εἶχεν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρόντων, καὶ
ὅπως ἐκλιπὼν ἔφυγε τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν
πᾶσαν, τοὺς φόνους καὶ τὰς πρόσθεν ἀδικίας
ἐκκαθαιρόμενος, οὐ τοῦ παρόντος ἂν εἴη λόγου
διηγεῖσθαι. ἔμελλε δὲ βραχείας ἀνοκωχῆς τυχὼν
οὐδέν τι μεῖον τῶν ἔμπροσθεν δράσειν. οὕτως
οὐδὲν πρὸς πονηρίαν ψυχῆς ἄνθρωπος ἀνόσιος }
ἐξηῦρε καθάρσιον διὰ τοῦ σώματος. ἀφικόμενος
γὰρ εἰς Γαλατίαν ὁ χρηστὸς οὑτοσὶ καὶ νόμιμος
ἄρχων τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ “γέγονε χαλεπώτερος,
ὡς, εἴ τις πρότερον αὐτὸν διαφυγὼν ἐλελήθει.
τιμωρίας τρόπος ὠμότατος, τοῦτον ἐξευρὼν
θέαμα κεχαρισμένον αὑτῷ τὰς τῶν ἀθλίων
πολιτῶν παρεῖχε συμφοράς: ἅρματος ζῶντας
ἐκδήσας καὶ μεθεὶς φέρεσθαι τοῖς ἡνιόχοις ἕλκειν
ἂν ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸς ἐφεστηκὼς καὶ θεώμενος
τὰ δρώμενα: καί τισι τοιούτοις ἑτέροις αὑτὸν
ψυχαγωγῶν τὸν πάντα διετέλει χρόνον, ἕως
αὐτὸν καθάπερ ᾿Ολυμπιονίκης περὶ τῷ τρίτῳ
παλαίσματι καταβαλὼν δίκην ἐπιθεῖναι τῶν
τετολμημένων ἀξίαν ᾿“κατηνάγκασας ὦσαντα διὰ
τῶν στέρνων τὸ αὐτὸ ξίφος, ὃ πολλῶν, πολιτῶν
ἐμίανε φόνῳ. ταύτης ἐγὼ τῆς νίκης ἀμείνω
καὶ δικαιοτέραν οὔποτε γενέσθαι φημὶ οὐδὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡ
μᾶλλον τὸ κοινὸν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ηὐφράνθη γένος,
τοσαύτης ὠμότητος καὶ πικρίας ἀφεθὲν ὄντως
ἐλεύθερον, εὐνομίᾳ δὲ ἤδη γανύμενον, ἧς τέως
1 ἀνόσιος Cobet, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θεὸς V, GAA’ 6 θεὸς MSS,
2 vinns MSS, Cobet, δίκης M, Hertlein,
102
40
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
ing a horse-race at a festival, and was expecting
nothing of what took place. How his attitude
changed, what was his decision about the crisis,
how ‘he jatiekid ond the town and in fact all Italy,
and fled, thus beginning to expiate his murders and
all his earlier crimes, it is not for this speech to
relate. Yet though the respite he gained was so
brief, he proceeded to act no less wickedly than in
the past. So true is it that by the sufferings of
the body alone it is impossible for the wicked to
cleanse their souls of evil. For when he reached
Galatia,! this ruler who was so righteous and law-
abiding, so far surpassed his own former cruelty that
he now bethought himself of all the ruthless and
brutal modes of punishment that he had then over-
looked, and derived the most exquisite pleasure
from the spectacle of the sufferings of the wretched
citizens. He would bind them alive to chariots and,
letting the teams gallop, would order the drivers to
drag them along while he stood by and gazed at their
sufferings. In fact he spent his whole time in amuse-
ments of this sort, until, like an Olympic victor, you
threw him in the third encounter? and forced him to
pay a fitting penalty for his infamous career, namely
to thrust into his own breast that very sword which
he had stained with the slaughter of so many
citizens.? Never, in my opinion, was there a punish-
ment more suitable or more just than this, nor one
that gave greater satisfaction to the whole human
race, which was now really liberated from such
cruelty and harshness, and at once began to exult
in the good government that we enjoy to this day.
1 Gaul.
2 In wrestling, the third fall secured the victory... Cf, Or.
2, 74 0. 3 355 A.D.
103
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1
ἀπολαύομεν καὶ ἀπολαύσαιμέν γε ἐπὶ πλέον, ὦ C
πάντα ἀγαθὴ πρόνοια.
Ἐμοὶ δὲ ποθοῦντι μὲν ἐπεξελθεῖν ἅπασι τοῖς
σοι πραχθεῖσιν, ἀπολειπομένῳ δὲ συγγνώμην
εἰκότως, ὦ μέγιστε βασιλεῦ, παρέξεις, εἰ μήτε
τῶν ἀποστόλων τῶν ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα μνημονε-
vou ἀπό τε Αἰγύπτου παρασκευασθέντων καὶ
ἐξ: ᾿Ιταλίας ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν πλευσάντων, μήτε
ὡς τῶν Πυρηναίων ὀρῶν ἐκράτησας ναυσὶν
ἐκπέμψας ἐπ᾿ αὐτὰ στράτευμα, μήτε τῶν
ἔναγχός σοι πολλάκις πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους
πραχθέντων, μήτ᾽ εἴ τι τοιοῦτον ἕτερον τῶν πάλαι
γεγονὸς λέληθε τοὺς πολλούς. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὴν
᾿Αντιόχου πόλιν ἑαυτὴν σοῦ " ἐπώνυμον ἐπονομά-
ζουσαν ἀκούω πολλάκις. ἔστι μὲν γὰρ διὰ τὸν
κτίσαντα, πλουτεῖ δὲ ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ἅπασαν
εὐπορίαν ἐπιδέδωκε διὰ σὲ λιμένας εὐόρμους τοῖς
καταίρουσι παρασχόντα" τέως δὲ οὐδὲ παραπλεῖν
ἀσφαλὲς οὐδὲ ἀκίνδυνον ἐδόκει" οὕτως ἣν πάντα
σκοπέλων τινῶν καὶ πετρῶν ὑφάλων ἀνάπλεα τῆς
θαλάσσης τῆσδε πρὸς ταῖς ἠόσι. στοὰς δὲ καὶ
κρήνας καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα παρὰ τῶν ὑπάρχων διὰ
σὲ γέγονεν οὐδὲ ὀνομάζειν ἄξιον. ὁπόσα δὲ τῇ
πατρῴᾳ πόλει προστέθεικας, τεῖχος μὲν αὐτῇ
κύκλῳ περιβαλὼν ἀρξάμενον τότε, τὰ δοκοῦντα
δὲ οὐκ ἀσφαλῶς ἔχειν ὅ τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων εἰς
ἀθάνατον ἀσφάλειαν κατατιθείς, τίς ἂν ἀπαριθ-
μήσαιτο; ἐπιλείψει με τούτων ἕκαστον ὁ χρόνος
διηγούμενον.
1 ἐξ Reiske, τῶν ἐξ MSS.
2 πόλιν ἑαυτὴν σοῦ Wyttenbach, ἐπώνυμόν σοι ἑαυτὴν Reiske,
πόλιν ἐπώνυμον MSS, Hertlein. Ὁ ἔχειν Hertlein suggests,
104 |
4]
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
Long may we continue to enjoy it, O all-merciful
Providence !
I would fain recite every single one of your
achievements, but you will with reason pardon me,
most mighty Emperor, if I fall short of that ambition
and omit to mention the naval armament against
Carthage which was equipped in Egypt and set sail
from Italy to attack her, and also your conquest of
the Pyrenees, against which you sent an army by sea,
and your successes against the barbarians, which of
late have been so frequent, and all such successes in
the past as have not become a matter of common
knowledge: For example, I often hear that even
Antioch now calls herself by your name.. Her exist-
ence she does indeed owe to her founder,! but her pre-
sent wealth and increase in every sortof abundance she
owes to you, since you provided her with harbours
that offer good anchorage for those who put in
there. For till then it was considered a dangerous
risk even to sail past Antioch ; so full were all the
waters of that coast, up to the very shores, of rocks
and sunken reefs. I need not stop to mention
the porticoes, fountains, and other things of the
kind that you. caused to be bestowed on Antioch
by her governors. \As to your benefactions to the
city of your ancestors,? you built round it a wall
that was then only begun, and all buildings that
seemed to be unsound you restored and made safe
for all time. But how could one reckon up all these
things? Time will fail me if I try to tell exer ον τ
separately.
1 Seleucus son of Antiochus, 2 Constantinople.
Io 5
ἮΝ
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
a ἢ Wi ἢ \ ς , ΝΜ 3 a ς
Σκοπεῖν δὲ ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἄξιον ἤδη τῶν ῥη-
7 j ? Ἂν; tg a Χο es / of
θέντων, εἰ μετὰ ἀρετῆς Kal τῆς βελτίστης ἕξεως
“ / 4 \ nO ὶ Le λό
ἅπαντα γέγονε: τούτῳ γὰρ ἤδη καὶ τῶν λόγων
ἀρχόμενος μάλιστα προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν ἠξίουν.
οὐκοῦν τῷ πατρὶ μὲν εὐσεβῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως
“ / ς an δὲ \ \ LO \
ὅπως προσηνέχθης, ὁμονοῶν δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς
/ /
διετέλεσας τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον, ἀρχόμενος μὲν
προθύμως, συνάρχων δὲ ἐκείνοις σωφρόνως, πάλαι
n » n \
τε εἴρηται καὶ viv ἀξιούσθω μνήμης. τοῦτο δὲ
ὅστις μικρᾶς ἀρετῆς ἔργον ὑπέλαβεν ᾿Αλέξανδρον
τὸν Φιλίππου καὶ Κῦρον τὸν Καμβύσου σκοπῶν
ἐπαινείτω. ὁ μὲν γὰρ μειράκιον ἔτι κομιδῇ νέον
δῆλος ἦν τοῦ πατρὸς οὐκ ἀνεξόμενος ἄρχοντος, ὁ
δὲ ἀφείλετο τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸν πάππον. καὶ ταῦτα
TS) / 3 A 5 ee (0 [χὰ > » / 2
οὐδείς ἐστιν οὕτως" ἠλίθιος, ὅστις οὐκ οἴεταί σε,
\ > 7 / \ na Ν \ \
μηδὲν ἐκείνων μεγαλοψυχίᾳ καὶ TH πρὸς τὰ καλὰ
φιλοτιμίᾳ λειπόμενον, οὕτως ἐγκρατῶς καὶ σω-
φρόνως τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς προσενηνέχθαι.
a \ an
παρασχούσης yap τῆς τύχης TOV καιρὸν, ἐν ᾧ τῆς
ἁπάντων ἡγεμονίας ἐχρῆν μεταποιηθῆναι, πρῶτος
ὡρμήθης, πολλῶν ἀπαγορευόντων καὶ πρὸς τάναν-
τία ξυμπείθειν ἐπιχειρούντων" ῥᾷστα δὲ καὶ πρὸς
8. / \ 3 \ / 4
ἀσφάλειαν τὸν ἐν χερσὶ πόλεμον διοικησάμενος
ἐλευθεροῦν ἔγνως τῆς ἀρχῆς τὰ κατειλημμένα,
δικαιοτάτην μὲν καὶ οἵαν οὔπω πρόσθεν ἔλαβε
πρόφασιν πόλεμος τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ἔχθρας
1 οὕτως Reiske adds. * ge Reiske adds,
106
42
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
The time has now come when it is proper to con-
sider whether your career, so far as I have described
it, is at every point in harmony with virtue and the
promptings of a noble disposition. For to this, as I
said at the beginning of my speech, I think it right
to pay special attention. Let me therefore mention
once more what 1 said some time ago, that to your
father you were dutiful and affectionate, and that
you constantly maintained friendly relations with
your brothers, for your father you were ever willing
to obey, and as the colleague of your brothers in the
empire you always displayed moderation. And if
anyone thinks this a trifling proof of merit, let him
consider the case of Alexander the son of Philip, and
Cyrus the son of Cambyses, and then let him applaud
your conduct. For Alexander, while still a mere
boy, showed clearly that he would no longer brook
his father’s control, while Cyrus dethroned his grand-
father. Yet no one is so foolish as to suppose that,
since you displayed such modesty and self-control
towards your father and brothers, you were not fully
equal to Alexander and Cyrus in greatness of soul
and ambition for glory. For when fortune offered
you the opportunity to claim as your right the
empire of the world, you were the first to make the
essay, though there were many who advised other-
wise and tried to persuade you to the contrary
course. Accordingly, when you had carried through
the war that you had in hand, and that with the
utmost ease and so as to ensure safety for the future,
you resolved to liberate that part of the empire
which had been occupied by the enemy, and the
reason that you assigned for going to war was most
197
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
τιθέμενος. οὐδὲ yap ἐμφύλιον ἄξιον mpoca-
γορεύειν τὸν πόλεμον, οὗ βάρβαρος ἦν ἡγεμὼν
ἑαυτὸν ἀναγορεύσας βασιλέα καὶ χειροτονήσας
στρατηγόν. τῶν ἀδικημάτων δὲ τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ
ὧν ἔδρασεν εἰς οἰκίαν τὴν σὴν οὐχ ἡδύ μοι
πολλάκις μεμνῆσθαι. ἀνδρειοτέραν δὲ τῆσδε τῆς
πράξεως τίς ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι; ἐφ᾽ ἧς δῆλος μὲν
ἣν ἀποτυχόντι τῶν ἔργων oO} κίνδυνος" ὑπέμενες
δὲ οὐδὲν κέρδους χάριν οὐδὲ κλέος ἀείμνηστον
ἀντωνούμενος, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ ἀποθνήσκειν ἄνδρες
ἀγαθοὶ πολλάκις τολμῶσιν, οἷον πρὸς ἀργύριον
τὴν δόξαν τὰς ψυχὰς ἀποδιδόμενοι, οὐδὲ μὴν
δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίαν ἀρχῆς μείξονος καὶ λαμπροτέρας,
ὅτι μηδὲ νέῳ σοι τούτων ἐπιθυμῆσαι συνέβη,
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ καλὸν στέργων τῆς πράξεως
πάντα ὑπομένειν mov δεῖν πρὶν ἰδεῖν “Ρωμαίων
βάρβαρον βασιλεύοντα καὶ νόμων κύριον καὶ
πολιτείας καθεστῶτα καὶ τὰς “ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν
εὐχὰς ποιούμενον τὸν τοσούτοις ᾿ἀσεβήμασιν
ἔνοχον καὶ φόνοις. τῆς παρασκευῆς δὲ αὐτῆς
ἡ "λαμπρότης καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων τὸ μέγεθος
τίνα οὐχ ἱκανὸν ἐκπλῆξαι ; καίτοι Ξέρξην μὲν
ἀκούω τὸν τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐπὶ τοὺς “Ἕλληνας ἐξανα-
στήσαντα χρόνον ἐτῶν οὐκ ἐλάσσονα δέκα πρὸς
τὸν πόλεμον ἐκεῖνον παρασκευάξεσθαι, εἶτα ἐπα-
γαγεῖν πρὸς ταῖς χιλίαις τριήρεσι διακοσίας ἐκ
τούτων αὐτῶν οἶμαι τῶν χωρίων, ἐξ ὧν αὐτὸς ἐν
οὐδὲ ὅλοις μησὶ δέκα ναυπηγησάμενος ἤγειρας τὸν
στόλον, TAHOE νεῶν ἐκεῖνον ὑπερβαλλόμενος" τῇ
τύχῃ δὲ οὐδὲ ἄξιον συμβαλεῖν οὐδὲ τοῖς ἔργοις.
1 Hertlein suggests 6,
τοῦ
Β
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
just and such as had never before arisen, namely
your detestation of those infamous men. Civil war
one could not call it, for its leader was a barbarian
who had proclaimed himself emperor and elected
himself general. I dislike to speak too often of his
evil deeds and the crimes that he committed against
your house. But could anything be more heroic
than your line of action? For should you fail in
your undertaking the risk involved was obvious.
But you faced it, and you were not bidding for gain,
nay nor for undying renown, for whose sake brave
men so often dare even to die, selling their lives for
glory as though it were gold, nor was it from desire
of wider or more brilliant empire, for not even |
in your youth were you ambitious of that, but it was
because you were in love with the abstract beauty of
such an achievement, and thought it your duty
to endure anything rather than see ἃ barbarian
ruling over Roman citizens, making himself master
of the laws and constitution and offering public
prayers for the common weal, guilty as he was of so
many impious crimes and murders. Who could fail
to be dazzled by the splendour of your armament
and the vast scale of your expenditure? And yet I
am told that Xerxes, when he mustered all Asia
against the Greeks, spent no less than ten years in
preparing for that war. Then he set out with
twelve hundred triremes, from the very spot, as I
understand, where you gathered your fleet to-
gether, having built it in rather less than ten
months, and yet you had more ships than Xerxes.
But neither his fortune nor his achievements can
properly be conepared with yours,
109
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
Τὴν δὲ εἰς τὰ λοιπὰ δαπανήματα μεγαλοπρέ-
πειαν μὴ πολὺ λίαν ἔργον ἢ φράζειν, οὐδὲ ὁπόσα
ταῖς πόλεσι πάλαι στερομέναις ἀπεδίδους ἀπαριθ-
μούμενος ἐνοχλήσω τὰ νῦν. πλουτοῦσι μὲν γὰρ
ἅπασαι διὰ σὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ' ἔμπροσθεν ἐνδεεῖς οὖσαι
καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἐπιδίδωσι δὲ τῶν ἰδίων
ἕκαστος οἴκων διὰ τὰς κοινὰξ TOV πόλεων
εὐετηρίας. ἀλλὰ τῶν εἰς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἄξιον
δωρεῶν μεμνῆσθαι, ἐχευθέριόν σε καὶ μεγαλόδωρον
βασιλέα προσαγορεύοντα, ὃς πολλοῖς. μὲν στε-
ρομένοις πάλαι τῶν αὑτῶν κτημάτων, τοῦ
πατρῴου κλήρου συμφορᾷ περιπεπτωκότος ἐν δίκῃ
Kal παρὰ δίκην, ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἐγένου κύριος,
τοῖς μὲν καθάπερ δικαστὴς ἀγαθὸς τὰ τῶν
ἔμπροσθεν ἁμαρτήματα διορθωσάμενος κυρίους
εἶναι τῆς αὑτῶν οὐσίας παρέσχες, τοῖς δὲ ἐπιεικὴς
κριτὴς γενόμενος ταῦτα μὲν ὧν ἀφήρηντο πάλιν
ἐχαρίσω, ἀρκεῖν οἰόμενος τὸ μῆκος τοῦ χρόνου
πρὸς τιμωρίαν τοῖς παθοῦσιν" ὅσα δὲ αὐτὸς οἴκοθεν
χαριζόμενος πλουσιωτέρους ἀπέφηνας πολλοὺς
τῶν πάλαι δοξάντων ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν χρημάτων
εὐπορίᾳ σεμνύνεσθαι, τί χρὴ νῦν ὑπομιμνήσκοντα
περὶ μικρὰ διατρίβειν δοκεῖν; ἄλλως τε καὶ πᾶσιν
ὄντος καταφανοῦς, ὅτι μηδεὶξς πώποτε πλὴν
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φιλίππου τοσαῦτα βασιλεὺς
τοῖς αὑτοῦ φίλοις διανέμων ὥφθη. ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν
ὁ τῶν φίλων πλοῦτος τῆς. τῶν πολεμίων ῥώμης
ὕποπτος ἐφάνη μᾶλλον καὶ φοβερώτερος, ἄλλοι
τ ar τῶν Cobet, διὰ τῶν Wyttenbach, Heftlein, τῶν V, τὸν
Ito
43
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
I fear that it is beyond my powers to describe
the magnificence of your outlay for other purposes,
nor will I risk being tedious by staying now to
count up the sums you bestowed on cities that
had long been destitute. For whereas, in the
time of your predecessors, they lacked the neces-
saries of life, they have all become rich through
you, and the general prosperity of each city
increases the welfare of every private household
in it. But it is proper that I should mention your
gifts to private persons, and give you the title of a
generous and open-handed Emperor ; for since there
were many who long ago had lost their property,
because, in some cases justly, in others unjustly,
their ancestral estates had suffered loss, you had no
sooner come into power, than like a just judge you
‘set right in the latter cases the errors committed by
men in the past, and restored them to the control
of their property, while in the former cases you
were a kindly arbiter, and granted that they should
recover what they had lost, thinking that to have
suffered so long was punishment enough. Then you
lavished large sums from your privy purse, and
increased the reputation for wealth of many who
even in the past had prided themselves on their
large incomes. But why should I remind you of all
this and seem to waste time over trifles? Especially
as it must be obvious to all that no king except
Alexander the son of Philip was ever known to
bestow such splendid presents on his friends. Indeed
some kings have thought that the wealth of their
friends gave more grounds for suspicion and alarm
111:
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀρχομένων εὐγένειαν ὑπιδόμενοι
πάντα τρόπον τοὺς εὖ γεγονότας προπηλακίζοντες
a 7 Tal
ἢ καὶ ἀναιροῦντες ἄρδην Tas οἰκίας κοινῇ μὲν ταῖς
/ n 520}, Ν ς a > 77 »
πόλεσι συμφορών, ἰδίᾳ δὲ αὑτοῖς ἀνοσίων ἔργων
/
αἰτιώτατοι κατέστησαν. οὐκ ἀπέσχοντο δὲ ἤδη
3 A ; a 7
τινὲς τοῖς τοῦ σώματος ἀγαθοῖς, ὑγιείᾳ φημὶ καὶ
/ / n
κάλλει Kai εὐεξίᾳ, βασκαίνοντες" ψυχῆς τε ἀρετὴν
ἔν τινι τῶν πολιτῶν γενομένην οὐδὲ ἀκούειν ὑπτέ-
μενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἣν ἀδίκημα τοῦτο, καθάπερ ἀνδροφονία
/ an a
Kal κλοπὴ Kal προδοσία, TO δοκεῖν ἀρετῆς μετα-
A \ ἊΝ \ > - > /
ποιηθῆναι. Kal ταῦτα τυχὸν ἀληθῶς οὐ βασιλέων
φήσει τις, πονηρῶν δὲ καὶ ἀνελευθέρων τυράννων
7 \ fs 5 an δὲ ano) \ 10
ἔργα καὶ πράξεις. ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἤδη τὸ πάθος
fa! / / : ip
ov τῶν ἀνοήτων μόνον, ἀλλά τινων ἐπιεικῶν
Ν U > na ς / Ν a /
καὶ πράων ἀνδρῶν ἁψάμενον, τὸ τοῖς φίλοις
ἄχθεσθαι πλέον ἔχουσι! καὶ πολλάκις ἐλαττοῦν
ἐθέλειν καὶ τῶν προσηκόντων αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι,
/ 3.4 n / ee “ \ an fs
τίς ἐπὶ σοὺ λέγειν ἐτόλμησε; τοῦτο καὶ Κῦρον
Ν
φασι τὸν Πέρσην γάμβρον ὄντα βασιλέως παρὰ
n an a > / A ει n
τοῦ κηδεστοῦ παθεῖν ἀχθομένου τῇ παρὰ τοῦ
7 3 rs if fal [4
πλήθους εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῇ, καὶ ᾿Αγησίλαος δὲ
A , a
δῆλος ἦν ἀχθόμενος τιμωμένῳ παρὰ τοῖς Ἴωσι
Λυσάνδρῳ.
4 5S / e / 5
Τούτους οὖν " πάντας ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἀρετῇ,
τοῖς πλουτοῦσι μὲν τὸ πλουτεῖν ἀσφαλέστερον
ἢ πατὴρ τοῖς αὑτοῦ παισὶ κατέστησας, εὐγε-
1 πλέον ἔχουσι Reiske, πλέον MSS, Hertlein.
2 οὖν ὅτι MSS.
12
1
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
than did the resources of their enemies, while
others were jealous of the aristocrats among their
subjects, and therefore persecuted the well-born
in every possible way, or even exterminated their
houses, and thus were responsible for the public
disasters of their cities and, in private life, for the
most infamous crimes. There were some who
went so far as to envy mere physical advantages,
such as health or good looks, or good condition.
And as for a virtuous character among their subjects,
they could not bear even to hear of it, but counted
it a crime like murder or theft or treason to appear
to lay claim to virtue. But perhaps someone will
say, and with truth, that these were the actions and
practices not of genuine kings but of base and con-
temptible tyrants. Nay, but that other malady
which has been known to attack not only those who
were irrational, but some even who were just and
mild, I mean the tendency to quarrel with friends
who were too prosperous and to wish to humble
them and deprive them of their rightful possessions,
who I ask has ever dared so much as to mention
such conduct in your case? Yet such, they say,
was the treatment that Cyrus the Persian, the king’s
son-in-law, received from his kinsman,! who could
“ποῦ brook the honour in which Cyrus was held by
the common people, and Agesilaus also is well known
to have resented the honours paid to Lysander by
the Ionians.
All these, then, you have surpassed in merit,
for you have made their wealth more secure for
the rich than a father would for his own children,
1 Cyaxares.
113
VOL. I. I
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
a “ “Ὁ /
velas δὲ τῆς τῶν ὑπηκόων προνοεῖς καθάπερ
΄ Ν a
ἁπάσης πόλεως οἰκιστὴς καὶ νομοθέτης" καὶ τοῖς
an “ /
ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀγαθοῖς πολλὰ μὲν προστιθείς,
A δὲ \ > \ 3 > an , On
πολλὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς χαριζόμενος, δῆλος
n \ an f
εἶ τῷ μεγέθει μὲν tas παρὰ τῶν βασιλέων
aA / \ lal
δωρεὰς ὑπερβαλλόμενος, TH βεβαιότητι δὲ τῶν
ἅπαξ δοθέντων τὰς παρὰ τῶν δήμων χάριτας
ἀποκρυπτόμενος. τοῦτο δὲ οἶμαι καὶ μάλα
εἰκότως συμβαίνει. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐφ᾽ οἷς συνίσασιν
αὑτοῖς ἀπολειφθεῖσιν ἀγαθοῖς, τοῖς κεκτημένοις
βασκαίνουσιν, ὅτῳ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἐστὶ
λαμπρὰ καὶ οἷα οὐδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων, τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῆς
la] a a /
προαιρέσεως TOV EK τῆς τύχης μακρῷ σεμνότερα,
οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτου δεόμενος τῷ κεκτημένῳ φθονήσειεν.
ὃ δὴ καὶ σαυτῷ μάλιστα πάντων ὑπάρχειν ἐγ-
νωκὼς χαίρεις μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθοῖς,
εὐφραίνει δέ σε τὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων κατορθώματα:
καὶ τιμὰς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰς μὲν ἐχαρίσω, τὰς δὲ
ἤδη μέλλεις, ὑπὲρ δὲ ἐνίων βουλεύῃ": καὶ οὐκ
3 , Ὁ SS ἊΜ 8... >O\
ἀπόχρη σοι πόλεως μιᾶς οὐδὲ ἔθνους ἑνὸς οὐδὲ
a ¢ a a / 2 \ SEEN ΤΟΝ
πολλῶν ὁμοῦ τοῖς φίλοις ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ἐπ᾿
> a \ ὃ 7 Z > > > \ \ 7
QUTQLS τιμὰς διανέμειν" ἀλλ᾿ εἰ μὴ καὶ βασιλείας
/ ἴω
ἕλοιο κοινωνόν, ὑπὲρ ἧς τοσοῦτον ὑπομείνας
πόνον τὸ τῶν τυράννων γένος ἀνήρηκας, οὐδὲν
ἄξιον τῶν σαυτοῦ κατορθωμάτων ἔργον ὑπέλαβες.
\ \ / “ Ἃ an 7
καὶ ὅτι μὴ χρείᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ χαίρειν πάντα
114
45
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
and you take thought that your subjects shall be
well-born, as though you were the founder and law-
giver of every single city. Those to whom fortune
has been generous you still further enrich, and in
many cases men owe all their wealth to your
generosity, so that in amount your gifts clearly
surpass those of other princes, while, in security
of ownership of what has once been given, you
cast into the shade any favours bestowed by demo-
eracies.! And this is, I think, very natural. For
when men are conscious that they lack certain
advantages, they envy those who do possess them,
but when a man is more brilliantly endowed by
fortune than any of his fellows, and by his own
initiative has won even higher dignities than fate
had assigned him, he lacks nothing, and there is
none whom he need envy. And since you realise
that in your case this is especially true, you rejoice
at the good fortune of others and take pleasure in
the successes of your subjects. You have already
bestowed on them certain honours, and other
honours you are on the point of bestowing, and you
are making plans for the benefit of yet other
persons. Nor are you content to award to: your
friends the government of a single city or nation, or
even of many such, with the honours attaching
thereto. But unless you chose a colleague? to share
that empire on whose behalf you had spared no pains
to exterminate the brood of usurpers, you thought
that no act of yours could be worthy of your former
achievements. That you reached this decision not
so much because it was necessary as because you
1 An echo of Demosthenes, Against Leptines 15.
2 Gallus 351 A.p.: then Julian 355 Α.Ὁ.
II5
2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δωρούμενος ἐπὶ ταύτην ὥρμησας τὴν γνώμην,
ἅπασιν οἶμαι γνώριμον γέγονε. τῶν μὲν γὰρ
πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἀγώνων κοινωνὸν οὐχ εἵλου,
τῆς τιμῆς δὲ τὸν οὐ μετασχόντα τῶν πόνων
> ges na / Ψ \ 4 \
ἠξίωσας μεταλαβεῖν μόνον, ὅτε μηδὲν Ete φοβερὸν
ἐδόκει. καὶ τῆς μὲν οὐδὲ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον ἀφελὼν δῆλος
εἶ, τῶν πόνων δὲ οὐδὲ ἐπὶ σμικρὸν κοινωνεῖν
> a \ / \ > / ε / /
ἀξιοῖς. πλὴν εἴ που δέοι πρὸς ὀλίγον ἑπόμενόν
σοι στρατεύεσθαι. πότερον οὖν καὶ περὶ τούτων
μαρτύρων τινῶν καὶ τεκμηρίων τῷ λόγῳ προσδεῖ;
x an > a 7 “ \ “ 3 /
ἢ δῆλον ἐκ TOD λέγοντος, ὅτι μὴ ψευδεῖς ἐπεισάγει
, 3 ΠΝ; \ \ ΄ 20Χ » ,
λόγους; GAN ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων οὐδὲν ETL πλέον
ἄξιον ἐνδιατρίβειν.
4 ΔΓ \ a a /
Σωφροσύνης δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς καὶ φρονήσεως
a / ;
καὶ ὅσην εὔνοιαν τοῖς ὑπηκόοις ἐνειργάσω,
4 ὃ λθ a y > ELA / lA 1
βραχέα διελθεῖν ἴσως οὐκ ἄτοπον. Tis γάρ o
a lal / a
ἀγνοεῖ τῶν ἁπάντων τοσαύτην ἐκ παίδων τῆς
ἀρετῆς ταύτης ἐπιμέλειαν ἐσχηκότα, ὅσην οὐδεὶς
ἄλλος τῶν ἔμπροσθεν; καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐν παισὶ
\ /
σωφροσύνης μάρτυς ὁ πατὴρ γέγονεν ἀξιό-
χρεως, σοὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς
ἀδελφοὺς διοικεῖν ἐπιτρέψας μόνῳ, ὄντι γε οὐδὲ
# ρ : ἮΝ a Y \
a 3 n >
πρεσβυτάτῳ τῶν ἐκείνου παίδων: τῆς δὲ ἐν
Sy 5 / [τ > / / /
“ἀνδράσιν ἅπαντες αἰσθανόμεθα, καθάπερ πολί-
a f ς / ? ? 2 Ζ
του τοῖς νόμοις ὑπακούοντος, AAX οὐ βασιλέως
τῶν νόμων ἄρχοντος, ἀεί σου προσφερομένου τῷ
AW . ὶ a b] f / / 72 ν a
πλήθει καὶ τοῖς ἐν τέλει. Tis γάρ σ᾽ 2 ἔγνω μεῖζον
Bec a > / / / δὲ > ,
ὑπὸ τῆς εὐτυχίας φρονήσαντα; Tis δὲ ἐπαρθέντα
1 σ᾽ Hertlein suggests, 2 σ᾽ Hertlein suggests.
116
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
take pleasure in giving all that you have to give,
is, I suppose, well known to all. For you chose no
colleague to aid you in your contests with the
usurpers, but you thought it right that one who had
not shared in the toil should share in the honour
and glory, and that only when all danger seemed to
be over. And it is well known that from that
honour you subtract not even a trifling part, though
you do not demand that he should share the danger
even in some small degree, except indeed when it was
necessary for a short time that he should accompany
you on your campaign. Does my account of this
call for any further witnesses or proofs? Surely it
is obvious that he who tells the tale would not be
the one to introduce a fictitious account. But on
this part of my subject I must not spend any more
time.
A few words about your temperance, your wisdom,
and the affection that you inspired in your subjects,
will not, I think, be out of place. For who is there
among them all who does not know that from boy-
hood you cultivated the virtue of temperance as no
one had ever done before you? That in your youth
you possessed that virtue your father is a trust-
worthy witness, for he entrusted to you alone the
management of affairs of state and all that related to
your brothers, although you were not even the eldest
of his sons. And that you still display it, now that
you are a man, we are all well aware, since you ever
behave towards the people and the magistrates like
a citizen who obeys the laws, not like a king who is
above the laws. For who ever saw you made
arrogant by prosperity? Who ever saw you up-
17
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
a , 4 1 \ 4 5
τοῖς κατορθώμασι τοσούτοις | καὶ τηλικούτοις ἐν
- / / 2 \ \ Φ /
βραχεῖ χρόνῳ γενομένοις; ἀλλὰ τὸν Φιλίππου
φασὶν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ἐπειδὴ τὴν Περσῶν καθεῖλε
Ν
δύναμιν, οὐ μόνον τὴν ἄλλην δίαιταν πρὸς ὄγκον
’ “ “Ὁ n 7
μείζονα καὶ λίαν ἐπαχθῆ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὑπεροψίαν
a > > + \ a 4 ς al
μεταβαλεῖν, ἀλλ, ἤδη καὶ τοῦ φύσαντος ὑπερορᾶν
Ν fol ? / ς 4 g¢/ \
καὶ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἁπάσης φύσεως. ἠξίου yap
υἱὸς ἼΔμμωνος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Φιλίππου νομίζεσθαι, καὶ
τῶν συστρατευσαμένων ὅσοι μὴ κολακεύειν μηδὲ
δουλεύειν ἠπίσταντο τῶν ἑαλωκότων πικρότερον
5] 7 > \ a “ > \ /
ἐκολάζοντος. ἀλλὰ σοῦ γε τῆς εἰς TOV πατέρα
n 5 + > n aA ἃ > 0.
τιμῆς apa ἄξιον ἐνταῦθα μεμνῆσθαι; ὃν οὐκ ἰδίᾳ
a a ῇ
μόνον σεβόμενος, ἀεὶ δὲ ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς συλλόγοις
,] > / / > Ν g
διετέλεις ἀνακηρύττων καθάπερ ἀγαθὸν ἥρωα.
n , / ᾽ al \ > \ > ΕΝ
τῶν φίλων δέ, ἀξιοῖς γὰρ αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἄχρις
ὀνόματος μόνον τῆς τιμῆς, πολὺ δὲ πλέον διὰ τῶν
a 3 a
πραγμάτων βεβαιοῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τοὔνομα: ἔστιν
¢ /
οὖν apa τις ὁ μεμφόμενος ἀτιμίαν ἢ ζημίαν ἢ
/ » \ ς / Xx / > >
βλάβην ἤ τινα μικρὰν ὑπεροψίαν ἢ μείζονα; ἀλλ
οὐκ ἂν οὐδαμῶς εἰπεῖν ἔχοι τοιοῦτον οὐδέν. τού-
/ al an
των yap ol μὲν γηραιοὶ σφόδρα, ταῖς ἀρχαῖς εἰς
, \ a /
τὴν εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν TOD βίου παραμείναντες,
/ al a a
Tas ἐπιμελείας τῶν κοινῶν συναπέθεντο τοῖς
σώμασι, παισὶν ἢ φίλοις ἤ τισι πρὸς γένους τοὺς
κλήρους παραπέμποντες: ἄλλοι δὲ πρὸς τοὺς
πόνους καὶ τὰς στρατείας ἀπαγορεύοντες, ἀφέσεως
᾽ / i n » \ \
ἐντίμου τυχόντες, ζῶσιν ὄλβιοι: τινὲς δὲ Kal
τή , evoal, παρὰ Tov πλήθους εἶναι
ετήλλαξαν, εὐδαίμονες πα ov πλήθου
1 τοσούτοις τῷ πλήθει V, τοσούτοις τὸ πλῆθος MSS,
118
46
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
lifted by those successes, so numerous and so
splendid, and so quickly achieved? They say that
Alexander, Philip’s son, when he had broken the
power of Persia, not only adopted a more ostenta-
tious mode of life and an insolence of manner
obnoxious to all, but went so far as to despise the
father that begat him, and indeed the whole human
race. For he claimed to be regarded as the son of
Ammon instead of the son of Philip, and when some
of those who had taken part in his campaigns could
not learn to flatter him or to be servile, he punished
them more harshly than the prisoners of war. But
the honour that you paid to your father need 1 speak
of in this place? Not only did you revere him in
private life, but constantly, where men were gathered
together in public, you sang his praises as though he
were a beneficent hero-god. And as for your friends,
you grant them that honour not merely in name, but
by your actions you make their title sure. Can any
one of them, I ask, lay to your charge the loss of
any right, or any penalty or injury suffered, or any
overbearing act either serious or trifling? Nay there
is not one who could bring any such accusation.
For your friends who were far advanced in years
remained in office till the appointed end of their
lives, and only laid down with life itself their control
of public business, and then they handed on their
possessions to their children or friends or some
member of their family. Others again, when their
strength failed for work or military service, received
an honourable discharge, and are now spending
their last days in prosperity; yet others have
departed this life, and the people call them blessed.
T19
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
κρινόμενοι. ὅλως δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ εἷς, ὃ ὃς ἐπειδὴ
ταύτης ἠξιώθη τῆς τιμῆς, εἰ καὶ “μοχθηρὸς ὕ ὕστερον
ἐφάνη, τιμωρίας ἔτυχε μικρᾶς ἢ μείξονος" ἤρκεσε
δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπηλλάχθαι μόνον καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν
ἔτι.
3 \ 4 [τ Xx \ \ Ὁ
Ep δὲ τούτοις ἅπασιν ὧν καὶ γεγονὼς τοιοῦτος
ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἡδονῆς ἁ ἁπάσης, ἡ πρόσεστιν ὄνειδος καὶ
μικρόν, καθαρὰν τὴν ψυχὴν διεφύλαξας. μόνον δὲ
οἶμαι σὲ τῶν πρόσθεν αὐτοκρατόρων, σχεδὸν δὲ
πλὴν σφόδρα ὀλίγων καὶ πάντων ἀνθρώπων οὐκ
ἀνδράσι μόνον παράδειγμα ἍΝ σωφροσύνην παρα-
σχεῖν κάλλιστον, καὶ γυναιξὶ ὃ ὲ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἄν-
Spas κοινωνίας. ὅσα γὰρ ἐκείναις ἀπαγορεύουσιν οἱ
νόμοι τοῦ γνησίους φύεσθαι τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιμελό-
μενοι, ταῦτα ὁ λόγος ἀπαγορεύει. ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις
παρὰ σοί. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων ἔχων ἔτι πλείονα
λέγειν ἀφίημι.
Τῆς φρονήσεως δὲ ἄξιον μὲν ἔπαινον διελθεῖν
οὐδαμῶς εὐχερές, μικρὰ δὲ ὅμως καὶ ὑπὲρ ταύτης
ῥητέον. ἔστι δὲ τὰ μὲν ἔ ἔργα τῶν λόγων οἶμαι
πιστότερα. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν εἰκὸς τοσαύτην ἀρχὴν
καὶ δύναμιν μὴ παρὰ τῆς ἴσης διοικουμένην καὶ
κρατουμένην φρονήσεως πρὸς τοσοῦτον μέγεθος
ἀφικέσθαι καὶ κάλλος πράξεων: ἀγαπητὸν δέ, εἰ καὶ
τῇ τύχῃ μόνον δίχα φρονήσεως. ἐπιτρεπομένη " ἐπὶ
πολὺ μένει. ἀνθῆσαι μὲν γὰρ τῇ τύχῃ προσσχόντα
πρὸς βραχὺ ῥάδιον, διαφυλάξαι᾽ δὲ τὰ δοθέντα
ἀγαθὰ δίχα φρονήσεως οὐ λίαν εὔκολον, μᾶλλον
1 γνησίους MSS, Cobet, γνησίως Υ, Hertlein.
2 we and Petavius omit πρὸς... ἐπιτρεπομένη.
3 μένει Wyttenbach, μένειν MSS, Hertlein, ἐπὶ πολὺ μένειν
V and Spanheim omit.
120
47
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
In short there is no man who having once been held
worthy of the honour of your friendship, ever suffered
any punishment great or small, even though later he
proved to be vicious. For them all that he had to do
was to depart and give no further trouble.
While this has been your character from first to last
in all-these relations, you always kept your soul pure
of every indulgence to which the least reproach is
attached. In fact I should say that you alone, of all
the emperors that ever were, nay of all mankind
almost, with very few exceptions, are the fairest
example of modesty, not to men only but to women
also in their association with men. For all that is
forbidden to women by the laws that safeguard the
legitimacy of offspring, your reason ever denies to
your passions. But though I could say still more on
this subject, 1 refraiy
Your wisdom it is by no means easy to praise as it
deserves, but I must say a few words about it. Your
actions, however, are more convincing, I think, than
my words. For it is not likely that this great and
mighty empire would have attained such dimensions
or achieved such splendid results, had it not been
directed and governed by an intelligence to match.
Indeed, when it is entrusted to luck alone, unaided
by wisdom, we may be thankful if it last for any
length of time. It is easy by depending on luck to
flourish for a brief space, but without the aid of
wisdom it is very hard, or rather I might say
impossible, to preserve the blessings that have been
121
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
¢ \ > \
δὲ ἀδύνατον ἴσως. ὅλως δὲ εἰ χρὴ Kal περὶ
7 > \ 4 / “Ὁ \
τούτων ἐναργὲς φράζειν τεκμήριον, πολλῶν καὶ
Γ /
γνωρίμων οὐκ ἀπορήσομεν. τὴν yap εὐβουλίαν
“ \ lal
ὑπολαμβάνομεν TOV περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἀγαθῶν Kal
συμφερόντων ἐξευρίσκειν τὰ κράτιστα. σκοπεῖν
- ” Sie 4 ς lal > \ “Δ᾽ « »
οὖν ἄξιον ἐφ᾽ ἁπάντων ἁπλῶς, εἰ μὴ τοῦθ᾽ ἕν ἐστι
τῶν σοι πραχθέντων. οὐκοῦν ὅπου μὲν ἣν
¢ J / » / , “ \
ὁμονοίας χρεία, ἔχαιρες ἐλαττούμενος, ὅπου δὲ
a a a a \ / /
τοῖς κοινοῖς ἐχρῆν βοηθεῖν, Tov πόλεμον ἀνείλου *
προθυμότατα. καὶ ἸΠερσῶν μὲν τὴν δύναμιν
/ »O/ a c lal Σ Ν
καταστρατηγήσας οὐδένα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἀποβαλὼν
διέφθειρας, τὸν πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους δὲ πόλεμον
διελὼν τοῦ μὲν ἐκράτησας ταῖς δημηγορίαις, καὶ
τὴν μετ᾽ ἐκείνου δύναμιν ἀκέραιον καὶ κακῶν
ἀπαθῆ προσλαβὼν κατεπολέμησας μᾶλλον διὰ
a \ a 4 fal
τῆς συνέσεως ἢ διὰ τῆς ῥώμης τὸν τοσούτων τοῖς
“ἅμ “ / \ /
κοινοῖς αἴτιον συμφορῶν. βούλομαι δὲ σαφέ-
στερον περὶ τούτων εἰπὼν ἅπασι δεῖξαι, τίνι
μάλιστα πιστεύσας 2 τοσούτοις σαυτὸν ἐπιδοὺς
πράγμασιν οὐδενὸς ὅλως διήμαρτες. εὔνοιαν οἴει
δεῖν παρὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ὑπάρχειν τῷ βασιλεύοντι
ἐρυμάτων ἀσφαλέστατον. ταύτην δὲ ἐπιτάττοντα
\ \ / / 3 ‘, \ /
μὲν καὶ κελεύοντα καθάπερ εἰσφορὰς Kal φόρους
7 a + / \ /
κτήσασθαι παντελῶς ἄλογον. λείπεται δὴ λοιπόν,
καθάπερ αὐτὸς ὥρμηκας, τὸ πάντας εὖ ποιεῖν καὶ
μιμεῖσθαι τὴν θείαν ἐν ἀνθρώποις φύσιν" πράως
1 ἀνείλου Hertlein suggests, Cobet, cf. 94 D 95 A, εἵλω V,
εἵλου MSS. 2 πιστεύσας καὶ MSS,
122.
48
PANEGYRIC ΙΝ HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
bestowed. And, in short, if we need cite a convincing
proof of this, we do not lack many notable instances.
For by wise counsel we mean the ability to discover
most successfully the measures that will be good and
expedient when put into practice. It is therefore
proper to consider in every case whether this wise
counsel may not be counted as one of the things you
have achieved. Certainly when there was need of
_ harmony you gladly gave way, and when it was your
duty to aid the community as a whole you declared
for war with the utmost readiness. And when you
had defeated the forces of Persia without losing a
single hoplite, you made two separate campaigns
against the usurpers, and after overcoming one of
them! by your public harangue, you added to your
_army his forces, which were fresh and had suffered
no losses, and finally, by intelligence rather than by
brute force, you completely subdued the other
usurper who had inflicted so many sufferings on the
community. I now desire to speak more clearly on
this subject and to demonstrate to all what it was
tlfat you chiefly relied on and that secured you from
failure in every one of those great enterprises to
which you devoted yourself. It is your conviction
that the affection of his subjects is the surest defence
of an emperor. Now it is the height of absurdity
to try to win that affection by giving orders,
and levying it as though it were a tax or tribute.
The only alternative is the policy that you
have yourself pursued, 1 mean of doing good to
all men and imitating the divine nature on earth.
To show mercy even in anger, to take away their
1 Vetranio,
123
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
μὲν ἔχειν πρὸς ὀργήν, τῶν τιμωριῶν δὲ ἀφαιρεῖ- B
σθαι τὰς χαλεπότητας, πταίσασι δὲ οἶμαι τοῖς
ἐχθροῖς ἐπιεικῶς καὶ εὐγνωμόνως προσφέρεσθαι.
ταῦτα πράττων, ταῦτα θαυμάζων, ταῦτα τοῖς
ἄλλοις προστάττων μιμεῖσθαι τὴν Ῥώμην μέν,
ἔτι τοῦ τυράννου κρατοῦντος τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, διὰ τῆς
γερουσίας εἰς Παιονίαν μετέστησας, προθύμους δὲ
εἶχες τὰς πόλεις πρὸς τὰς λειτουργίας.
ay στρατευμάτων δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν Tis ἂν ἀξίως
διηγήσαιτο; τάξις μὲν ἱππέων πρὸ τῆς ἐν τῇ Μύρσῃ
παρατάξεως μεθειστήκει, ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκρά- C
τησας, πεζῶν κατάλογοι καὶ τέλη λαμπρά. ἀλλὰ
τὸ μικρὸν μετὰ τὴν τοῦ τυράννου δυστυχῆ τελευ-
τὴν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ γενόμενον κοινὴν ἁπάντων ἔδειξε
στρατοπέδων τὴν εὔνοιαν, τὸν θρασυνόμενον
καθάπερ ἐπ᾽ ἐρημίας καὶ τὴν γυναικείαν ἁλουργίδα
περιβαλόμενον ὥσπερ τινὰ λύκον ἐξαίφνης δια-
σπασαμένων. ὅστις δὲ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ γέγονας τῇ
πράξει, καὶ ὅπως πράως ἅπασι καὶ φιλανθρώπως
τοῖς ἐκείνου γνωρίμοις προσηνέχθης, ὅσοι μηδὲν
ἠλέγχοντο ἐκείνῳ συμπράξαντες, πολλῶν ἐφε-
στηκότων τῇ κατηγορίᾳ συκοφαντῶν, καὶ τὴν D
πρὸς ἐκεῖνον φιλίαν ὑποπτεύειν μόνον κελευόντων,
ἐγὼ μὲν ἁπάσης ἀρετῆς τίθεμαι τοῦτο" κεφάλαιον.
καὶ γὰρ ἐπιεικῶς καὶ δικαίως φημὶ καὶ πολὺ πλέον
ἐμφρόνως πεπράχθαι. ὅστις δὲ ἄλλως ἡγεῖται
καὶ τῆς περὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἀληθοῦς ὑπολήψεως
καὶ τῆς σῆς γνώμης διήμαρτε. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ
ἐχλεγχθέντας δίκαιον ἦν, ὡς εἰκός, σώξεσθαι, 49
1 τινὰ λύκον MSS, τινῶν λύκων Hertlein suggests.
2 τοῦτο Hertlein suggests, τὸ MSS.
124
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
harshness from acts of vengeance, to display kind-
ness and toleration to your fallen enemies, this was
your practice, this you always commended and
enjoined on others to imitate, and thus, even while
the usurper still controlled Italy, you transferred
Rome to Paeonia by means of the Senate and
inspired the cities with zeal for undertaking public
services.
As for the affection of your armies, what descrip-
tion could do it justice? Even before the battle at
Myrsa, a division of cavalry came over to your side,!
and when you had conquered Italy bodies of infantry
and distinguished legions did the same. But
what happened in Galatia? shortly after the
usurpers miserable end demonstrated the universal
loyalty of the garrisons to you; for when, em-
boldened by his isolated position, another® dared
to assume the effeminate purple, they suddenly
set on him as though he were a wolf and tore
him limb from limb. Your behaviour after
that deed, your merciful and humane treatment
of all those of his friends who were not con-
_ victed of having shared his crimes, and that in
spite of all the sycophants who came forward with
accusations and warned you to show only suspicion
against friends of his, this -I count as the culmination
of all virtue. What is more, I maintain that your
conduct was not only humane and just, but prudent
in a still higher degree. He who thinks otherwise
falls short of a true understanding of both the
circumstances and your policy. For that those who
had not been proved guilty should be protected was
1 Under Silvanus, 2 Gaul,
3 Silvanus. 4 355 A.D.
125
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
ὑπόπτους δὲ Tas φιλίας καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φευκτὰς
οὐδαμῶς ᾧου δεῖν κατασκευάζειν, ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν
ς > / > n / > \
ὑπηκόων εὐνοίας ἐς τοῦτο μεγέθους ἀρθεὶς Kal
πράξεων. ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν παῖδα τοῦ τετολμηκότος
νήπιον κομιδῇ τῆς πατρῴας οὐδὲν εἴασας μετα-
σχεῖν ζημίας. οὕτω σοι πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν ἡ πρᾶξις
ῥέπουσα τελείας ἀρετῆς ὑπάρχει γνώρισμα. . % %
126
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF CONSTANTIUS
of course just, and you thought you ought by no
means to make friendship a reason for suspicion and
so cause it to be shunned, seeing that it was due to
the loyal affection of your own subjects that you
had attained to such power and accomplished so
much. But the son of that rash usurper, who was
a mere child, you did not allow to share his father’s
punishment. To such a degree does every act of
yours incline towards clemency and is stamped with
the mint-mark of perfect virtue * * * * .!
1 The peroration is lost.
127
mt She OLR
4 Peart Hilly .
ΤΟΥ wat eiaithe, Teds rey
ἜΦΗΝ ΔΛΑΜῸΝ Penta Gm tig
aE. ens tscpieg irl 3 it ὶ
ΠΕ SY STA als OF rothie kee % A
ὮΝ Κἀν) δι. PED. eu sp agi oben sel PRES ay :
: Blix Durga ot bite Porat: Oe sbinwod ἘΝ
aid ee ὩΣ
ἦν ΧῈ aoe
es
Ants
iN
»
eo Ne EET Liege Ῥ
tn τί af Fcsiihe ΤΥ wy ant x
μ᾿ Seow 4 . thre 3 : % 3 ¥ Janka oy.
| dosirestaretss: auf. Ν τ ad Ὁ ΣΉΝ baa,
itis : saa
pr ἔς “
bee pace: “SY 2
i εἶνε
val
Ag
.
NERO
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION II
Tue Second Oration is a panegyric of the
Emperor Constantius, written while Julian, after Ὁ
his elevation to the rank of Caesar, was cam-
paigning in Gaul. It closely resembles and
often echoes the First, and was probably never
delivered. In his detailed and foreed analogies of
the achievements of Constantius with those of the
Homeric heroes, always to the advantage of the
former, Julian follows a sophistic practice that he
himself condemns,’ and though he more than once
contrasts himself with the “ingenious rhetoricians ”
he is careful to observe all their rules, even in his
historical descriptions of the Emperor’s campaigns.
The long Platonic digression on Virtue and the
ideal ruler is a regular feature of a panegyric of this
type, though Julian neglects to make the direct
application to Constantius. In the First Oration
he quoted Homer only once, but while the Second
contains the usual comparisons with the Persian
monarchs and Alexander, its main object is to prove,
by direct references to the Iliad, that Constantius
surpassed Nestor in strategy, Odysseus in eloquence,
and in courage Hector, Sarpedon and Achilles.
156Bnand10lb. .- 2 74D.
131
[OTAIANOY KAISAPOS
ΠΕΡῚ TON ΤΟΥ AYTTOKPATOPOS ΠΡΑΞΕΩΝ
H ΠΕΡῚ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΊΑΣ.
Τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα. φησὶν ἡ ποίησις, ὁπότε ἐμήνισε
καὶ διηνέχθη - πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, μεθεῖναι μὲν ταῖν
χεροῖν τὴν αἰχμὴν καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα, ψαλτήριον δὲ
ἁρμοσάμενον καὶ κιθάραν ἄδειν καὶ ὑμνεῖν τῶν
ἡμιθέων τὰς πράξεις, καὶ ταύτην διαγωγὴν τῆς
ἡσυχίας ποιεῖσθαι, εὖ μάλα ἐμφρόνως τοῦτο δια-
νοηθέντα. τὸ μὲν γὰρ “ἀπεχθάνεσθαι καὶ “παρο-
ξύνειν τὸν βασιλέα λίαν αὔθαδες καὶ ἄγριον'
τυχὸν δὲ οὐδὲ ἐκείνης ἀπολύεται “τῆς μέμψεως ὁ
τῆς Θέτιδος, ὃ ὅτι τῷ καιρῷ τῶν ἔργων εἰς ᾧδὰς
καταχρῆται καὶ κρούματα, ἐξὸν τότε μὲν ἔχεσθαι
τῶν ὅπλων καὶ μὴ μεθιέναι, αὖθις δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡσυχίας
ὑμνεῖν τὸν βασιλέα καὶ ἄδειν τὰ κατορθώματα.
οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τὸν ᾿Αγαμέμνονά φησιν ὁ πατὴρ
ἐκείνων τῶν λόγων μετρίως καὶ πολιτικῶς προσ-
ἐνεχθῆναι τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπειλῇ τε χρῆσθαι
καὶ ἔργοις ὑβρίζειν, τοῦ γέρως ἀφαιρούμενον.
συνάγων δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐς ταὐτὸν ἀλλήλοις ἐπὶ τῆς
ἐκκλησίας μεταμελομένους, τὸν μὲν τῆς Θέτιδος
ἐκβοῶντα
᾿Ατρείδη, ἢ ἄρ TL τόδ᾽ ἀμφοτέροισιν ἄρειον
“Ἄπλετο, σοὶ καὶ ἐμοί,
132
50
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF THE
EMPEROR CONSTANTIUS,
OR, ON KINGSHIP
AcuILLgs, as the poet tells us, when his wrath was
kindled and he quarrelled with the king,! let fall
from his hands his spear and shield ; then he strung
his harp and lyre and sang and chanted the deeds of
the demi-gods, making this the pastime of his idle
hours, and in this at least he chose wisely. For to
fall out with the king and affront him was excessively
rash and violent. But perhaps the son of Thetis is
not free from this criticism either, that he spent in
song and music the hours that called for deeds,
though at such a time he might have retained his
arms and not laid them aside, but later, at his —
leisure, he could have sung the praises of the king
and chanted his victories. Though indeed the
author of that tale tells us that Agamemnon also
did not behave to his general either temperately or
with tact, but first used threats and proceeded to
insolent acts, when he robbed Achilles of his prize of
valour. Then Homer brings them, penitent now,
face to face in the assembly, and makes the son of
Thetis exclaim
“Son of Atreus, verily it had been better on this
wise for both thee and me!” ?
1 Agamemnon. 2 Iliad 19. 56.
133
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
3 Ν , a / “ }] ΄ \
εἶτα ἐπαρώμενον TH προφάσει τῆς ἀπεχθείας καὶ B
ἀπαριθμούμενον τὰς ἐκ τῆς μήνιδος ξυμφοράς, τὸν
δὲ ’ , / \ » 1 |
βασιλέα δὲ αἰτιώμενον Δία καὶ Moipav! καὶ
iat 4 ὃ - ὃ ὃ σ > 4
ρινύν, δοκεῖ μοι διδάσκειν, ὥσπερ ἐν δράματι
τοῖς προκειμένοις ἀνδράσιν οἷον εἰκόσι χρώμενος,
“ \ \ \ / \ ce /
ὅτι χρὴ τοὺς μὲν βασίλέας μηδὲν ὕβρει πράττειν
μηδὲ τῇ δυνάμει πρὸς ἅπαν χρῆσθαι μηδὲ ἐφιέναι
τῷ θυμῷ, καθάπερ ἵππῳ θρασεῖ χήτει χαλινοῦ
καὶ ἡνιόχου φερομένῳ, παραινεῖν δὲ αὖ τοῖς
arise / \ \ /
στρατηγοῖς ὑπεροψίαν βασιλικὴν μὴ δυσχεραίνειν, C
φέρειν δὲ ἐγκρατῶς καὶ πράως τὰς ἐπιτιμήσεις,
ἵνα μὴ μεταμελείας αὐτοῖς ὁ βίος μεστὸς ἢ.
Ταῦτα κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν ἐννοῶν, ὦ φίλε βασιλεῦ, καὶ
: μ
an a ” \ «ς \ /
σὲ μὲν ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων τὴν Ὃ μηρικὴν παιδείαν
ἐπιδεικνύμενον καὶ ἐθέλοντα πάντως κοινῇ μὲν"
ἅπαντας ἀγαθόν τι δρᾶν, ἡμῖν δὲ ἰδίᾳ τιμὰς καὶ
γέρα ἄχλα ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις παρασκευάζοντα, τοσούτῳ δὲ
οἶμαι κρείττονα τοῦ τῶν Ἑλλήνων. βασιλέως εἶναι
ἐθέλοντα, ὥστε ὁ μὲν ἠτίμαζε τοὺς ἀρίστους, σὺ
δὲ οἶμαι καὶ τῶν φαύλων πολλοῖς τὴν συγγνώμην
νέμεις, τὸν Πιττακὸν ἐπαινῶν τοῦ λόγου, ὃ ὃς “τὴν
συγγνώμην τῆς τιμωρίας προυτίθει, αἰσχυνοίμην D
ἄν, εἰ μὴ τοῦ Πηλέως φαινοίμην εὐγνωμονέστερος
μηδὲ ἐπαινοίην εἰς δύναμιν τὰ προσόντα σοί, οὔτι
φημὶ χρυσὸν καὶ ἁλουργῆ χλαῖναν, οὐδὲ μὰ Δία
πέπλους παμποικίλους, γυναικῶν ἔργα Σιδωνίων,
οὐδὲ ἃ ἵππων Νισαίων κάλλη καὶ χρυσοκολλήτων
ἁρμάτων ἀστράπτουσαν αἴγλην, οὐδὲ τὴν ᾿Ινδῶν 51
: : Μοῖραν Hertlein suggests, Μοίρας. MSS.
2 κοινῇ μὲν Hertlein suggests, κοινῇ te MSS, cf. 43 D, 51D,
μηδὲ Hertlein suggests, καὶ MSS,
134
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Later on he makes him curse the cause of their
quarrel, and recount the disasters due to his own
wrath, and we see the king blaming Zeus and Fate
and Erinys. And here, I think,-he is pointing a moral,
using those heroes whom he sets before us, like
types in a tragedy, and the moral is that kings ought
never to behave insolently, nor use their power with-
out reserve, nor be carried away by their anger like
a spirited horse that runs away for lack of the bit
and the driver; and then again he is warning
generals not to resent the insolence of kings but to
endure their censure with self-control and serenely,
so that their whole life may not be filled with
remorse.!
When I reflect on this, my beloved Emperor,
and behold you displaying in all that you do
the result of your study of Homer, and see you
so eager to benefit every citizen in the community
in every way, and devising for me individually such
honours and privileges one after another, then I
think that you desire to be nobler than the king
of the Greeks, to such a degree, that, whereas
he insulted his bravest men, you, I believe, grant
forgiveness to many even of the undeserving, since
you approve the maxim of Pittacus which set mercy
before vengeance. And so I should be ashamed not
to appear more reasonable than the son of Peleus, or
to fail to praise, as far as in me lies, what appertains
to you, | do not mean gold, or a robe of purple, nay
‘by Zeus, nor raiment embroidered all over, the work
of Sidonian women,? nor beautiful Nisaean horses,*
nor the gleam and glitter of gold-mounted chariots,
1 Republic 577 &. 2 Iliad 6. 289.
* Herodotus 7. 40; horses from the plain of Nisaea drew
the chariot of Xerxes when he invaded Greece,
135
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a A
λίθον εὐανθῆ καὶ χαρίεσσαν. καίτοι ye εἴ τις
ἐθέλοι τούτοις τὸν νοῦν προσέχων ἕκαστον ἀξιοῦν
“ n 3 \ ς /
λόγου, μικροῦ πᾶσαν οἶμαι τὴν Opnpouv ποίησιν
/
ἀποχετεύσας ἔτι δεήσεται λόγων, Kal οὐκ ἀπο-
’ \ / n
χρήσει σοὶ μόνῳ τὰ ξύμπασι ποιηθέντα τοῖς
«ς / > A > 4 θ δὲ > \ 6 /
ἡμιθέοις ἐγκώμια. ἀρξώμεθα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ σκήπ-
an an / a
Tpou πρῶτον, εἰ βούλει, καὶ THs βασιλείας αὐτῆς"
/ \ / e \ b] a 52 ἡ a
τί yap δή φησιν ὁ πσιητὴς ἐπαινεῖν ἐθέλων τῆς
“ “ /
τῶν Πελοπιδῶν οἰκίας τὴν ἀρχαιότητα Kal TO
n /
μέγεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἐνδείξασθαι;
» \ \ “Δ 3 /
ava δὲ κρείων ᾿Αγαμέμνων
Μ a 4 \ \ 7 4
ἔστη σκῆπτρον ἔχων, τὸ μὲν “Hdaroros κάμε
τεύχων,
/ ς A “Ὁ / an
καὶ ἔδωκε Ari, ὁ δὲ τῷ τῆς Μαίας καὶ ἑαυτοῦ
/ “4 a /
παιδί, ‘Eppeias δὲ ἄναξ δῶκε Πέλοπι, Πέλοψ, δὲ
δῶκ᾽ ᾿Ατρέι ποιμένι λαῶν"
4 /
᾿Ατρεὺς δὲ θνήσκων ἔλιπε πολύαρνι Θυέστῃ"
te | σ΄ 9 3 7 3 Ὁ 7 a a
Αὐτὰρ 6y atte Θυέστ᾽ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι δῶκε φορῆναι,
Πολλῇσιν νήσοισι Καὶ "ἈΑργεῖ παντὶ ἀνάσσειν"
a a /
Αὕτη σοι τῆς Πελοπιδῶν οἰκίας ἡ γενεαλογία,
εἰς τρεῖς οὐδὲ ὅλας μείνασα γενεάς: τά γε μὴν
an ε / , 4 \ 3 \ /
τῆς ἡμετέρας Evyyevetas ἤρξατο μὲν ἀπὸ Κλαυδίου,
4 n
μικρὰ δὲ ἐν μέσῳ διαλυπούσης THs ἡγεμονίας τὼ
€ \ a
πάππω τὼ σὼ διαδέχεσθον. Kal ὁ μὲν τῆς μητρὸς
\ \ ῬἭ / ὃ t \ \ δ] / \
πατὴρ τὴν Ῥωμην OlwKet καὶ THY ἱταλίων, καὶ
τὴν Λιβύην τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ, καὶ Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν,
A 7 a > / \ /
οὔτι φαυλοτέραν τῆς “Apyeias καὶ Muxnvaias
1 [, 6 δὲ] Πέλοπι Reiske, Hertlein,
136
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
nor the precious stone of India, so beautiful and
lovely to look upon. And yet if one should choose
to devote his attention to these and think fit to
describe every one of them, he would have to draw
on almost the whole stream of Homer's poetry and
still he would be short of words, and the panegyrics
that have been composed for all the demi-gods
would be inadequate for your sole praise. First,
then, let me begin, if you please, with your sceptre
and your sovereignty itself. For what does the poet
say when he wishes to praise the antiquity of the
house of the Pelopids and to exhibit the greatness
of their sovereignty ?
“Then uprose their lord Agamemnon and in his
hand was the sceptre that Hephaistos made and
fashioned.” 1
and gave to Zeus; then Zeus gave it to his own and
Maia’s son, and Hermes the prince gave it to Pelops,
and Pelops
“Gave it to Atreus, shepherd of the host, and
Atreus at his death left it to Thyestes, rich in flocks ;
and he in turn gave it into the hands of Agamemnon,
so that he should rule over many islands and _ all
Argos.”
Here then you have the genealogy of the house of
Pelops, which endured for barely three generations.
But the story of our family began with Claudius ; then
its supremacy ceased for a short time, till your two
grandfathers succeded to the throne. And your
mother’s father 2 governed Rome and Italy and Libya
besides, and Sardinia and Sicily, an empire not
inferior certainly to Argos and Mycenae. Your
1 Ihad 2. 101. 2 Maximianus.
137
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
δυναστείαν, ὅ γε μὴν τοῦ πατρὸς γεννήτωρ
Ταλατίας ἔθνη τὰ μαχιμώτατα καὶ τοὺς Ἕσπε-
ρίους Ἴβηρας καὶ τὰς ἐντὸς ᾿Ωκεανοῦ νήσους, αἵ
τοσούτῳ μείξους * τῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς
ὁρωμένων εἰσίν, ὅσῳ καὶ τῆς εἴσω θαλάττης ἡ τῶν
Ἡρακλείων στηλῶν ὑπερχεομένη. ταύτας δὲ
ὅλας τὰς χώρας καθαρὰς ἀπέφηναν πολεμίων,
κοινῇ μὲν ἐπιστρατεύοντες, εἴ ποτε τούτου
δεήσειεν, ἐπιφοιτῶντες δὲ ἔστιν ὅτε καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν
ἕκαστος τῶν ὁμόρων βαρβάρων ὕβριν τε καὶ
ἀδικίαν ἐξέκοπτον. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν δὴ τούτοις ἐκοσ-
μοῦντο. ὁ πατὴρ δὲ τὴν μὲν προσήκουσαν αὐτῷ
μοῖραν μάλα εὐσεβῶς καὶ ὁσίως ἐκτήσατο, περι-
μείνας τὴν εἱμαρμένην τελευτὴν τοῦ “γεγεννηκότος,
τὰ λοιπὰ δὲ ἀπὸ βασιλείας εἰς τυραννίδας
ὑπενεχθέντα δουλείας ἔπαυσε χαλεπῆς, καὶ ἦρξε
συμπάντων τρεῖς ὑμᾶς τοὺς αὑτοῦ παῖδας προσ-
ἐλόμενος ξυνάρχοντας. ἄρ᾽ οὖν ἄξιον μέγεθος
δυνάμεως “παραβαλεῖν καὶ τὸν ἐν τῇ δυναστείᾳ
χρόνον καὶ πλῆθος ᾿βασιλευσάντων;" ἢ τοῦτο μέν
ἐστιν ἀληθῶς ἀρχαῖον, μετιτέον δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πλοῦτον
καὶ θαυμαστέον σου τὴν χλαμύδα ξὺν τῇ πόρπη,
ἃ δὴ καὶ Ὁμήρῳ διατριβὴν παρέσχεν ἡδεῖαν;
λόγου TE ἀξιωτέον πολλοῦ τὰς Τρωὸς ¢ ἵππους, αἱ
τρισχίλιαι οὖσαι
ἕλος κάτα βουκολέοντο,
καὶ τὰ φώρια τὰ ἐντεῦθεν; ἢ τοὺς Θρᾳκίους
ἵππους εὐλαβησόμεθα λευκοτέρους μὲν τῆς χιόνος,
θεῖν δὲ ὠκυτέρους τῶν χειμερίων πνευμάτων, καὶ
τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἅρματα; καὶ ἔχομέν σε ἐν τούτοις
| [τῶν] βασιλευσάντων Hertlein,
138
52
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
father’s father! ruled the most warlike of all the tribes
of Galatia,? the Western Iberians* and the islands
that lie in the Ocean,‘ which are as much larger
than those that are to be seen in our seas as the sea
that rolls beyond the pillars of Heracles is larger
than the inner sea.’ These countries your grand-
fathers entirely cleared of our foes, now joining forces
for a campaign, when occasion demanded, now making
separate expeditions on their own account, and so
they annihilated the insolent and lawless barbarians
on their frontiers. These, then, are the distinctions
that they won. Your father inherited his proper
share of the Empire with all piety and due observance,
waiting till his father reached his appointed end.
Then he freed from intolerable slavery the remainder,
which had sunk from empire to tyranny, and so
governed the whole, appointing you and your brothers,
his three sons, as his colleagues. Now can I fairly
compare your house with the Pelopids in the extent
of their power, the length of their dynasty, or the
number of those who sat on the throne? Or is
that really foolish, and must I instead go on ἴθ
describe your wealth, and admire your cloak and
the brooch that fastens it, the sort of thing on which
even Homer loved to linger? Or must I describe
at length the mares of Tros that numbered three
thousand, and “pastured in the marsh-meadow ”’ ®
and the theft that followed?’ Or shall I pay my
respects to your Thracian horses, whiter than snow
and faster than the storm winds, and your Thracian
chariots? For in your case also we can extol all
1 Constantius Chlorus. 2 Gaul.
ὃ. Julian is in error ; according to Bury, in Gibbon, Vol. 2,
p-. 588, Spain was governed by Maximianus.
4 The Atlantic. 5 The Mediterranean.
§ Tliad 20. 221, 7 Iliad 5. 222.
139
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
ἐπαινεῖν, οἰκίαν τε οἶμαι τὴν ᾿Αλκίνου καὶ τὰ τοῦ
Μενέλεω δώματα καταπληξάμενα καὶ τὸν τοῦ
πολύφρονος ᾿Οδυσσέως παῖδα καὶ τοιαῦτα ληρεῖν
ἀναπείσαντα τοῖς σοῖς παραβαλεῖν ἀξιώσομεν, μή
ποτε ἄρα ἔλασσον ἔχειν ἐν τούτοις δοκῇς, καὶ οὐκ
ἀπωσόμεθα τὴν φλυαρίαν; ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα μή τις ἡμᾶς
μικρολογίας καὶ ἀμαθίας τῶν ἀληθῶς καλῶν
γραψάμενος ἕλῃ. οὐκοῦν ἀφέντας χρὴ τοῖς
ς 7] an - φν ὦ \
Ομηρίδαις τὰ τοιαῦτα πολυπραγμονεῖν ἐπὶ TA
7 Ν 7 κὰ /
τούτων ἐγγυτέρω πρὸς ἀρετήν, Kal ὧν μείζονα
a : \ n > a
ποιεῖ προμήθειαν, σώματος ῥώμης καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς
¢ ~ / a »,
ὅπχοις ἐμπειρίας, θαρροῦντας" ἰέναι.
/ / 95 n ς \ an «Ὁ a e
Τίνι δήποτε οὖν τῶν ὑπὸ τῆς .“Ομηρικῆς ὑμνου-
n \ \ , >
μένων σειρῆνος εἴξομεν; ἔστι μὲν yap τοξότης παρ
a f /
αὐτῷ Πάνδαρος, ἀνὴρ ἄπιστος Kal χρημάτων ἥττων,
lal / a
ἀλλὰ Kal ἀσθενὴς τὴν χεῖρα Kal ὁπλίτης φαῦλος,
“ 2°. > > n \ , ς \ p pete. n
Tedxpos τε ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ καὶ Μηριόνης, o μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς
na ς 7 Ν >
πελειάδος τῷ τόξῳ χρώμενος, ὁ δὲ ἠρίστευε μὲν ἐν
nr a ,
τῇ μάχῃ, ἐδεῖτο δὲ ὥσπερ ἐρύματος Kal τειχίου.
Ν a / \ , \ > / 5 \
ταῦτά ToL Kal προβάλλεται THY ἀσπίδα, οὔτι τὴν
n >
οἰκείαν, τἀδελφοῦ δέ, καὶ στοχάζεται καθ
/ a) / a
ἡσυχίαν TOV πολεμίων, γελοῖος ἀναφανεὶς στρα-
/ “ > a / 4 \ > >
TLOTNS, ὅς γε ἐδεῖτο μείζονος φύλακος Kal οὐκ ἐν
an a n ’
τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐποιεῖτο τῆς σωτηρίας τὰς ἐλπίδας.
\ a b 7 5 7 a 7 \
σὲ δῆτα ἐθεασάμην, ὦ φίλε βασιλεῦ, ἄρκτους Kal
παρδάλεις καὶ λέοντας συχνοὺς καταβάλλοντα
' θαρροῦντας Cobet, θαρρούντως MSS, Hertlein,
140
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
these, and as for the palace of Alcinous and those
halls that dazzled even the son of prudent Odysseus
and moved him to such foolish expressions of
wonder,! shall I think it worth while to compare
them with yours, for fear that men should one
day think that you were worse off than he in
these respects, or shall I not rather reject such
trifling? Nay, I must be on my guard lest some-
one accuse and convict me of using frivolons
speech and ignoring what is really admirable. So I
had better leave it to the Homerids to spend their
energies on such themes, and proceed boldly to what
is more closely allied to virtue, and things to which
. you yourself pay more attention, I mean _ bodily
strength and experience in the use of arms.
And now which one of those heroes to whom
Homer devotes his enchanting strains shall I admit
to be superior to you? There is the archer Pandaros
in Homer, but he is treacherous and yields to bribes ? ;
moreover his arm was weak and he was an inferior
hoplite : then there are besides, Teucer and Meriones.
The latter employs his bow against a pigeon*® while
Teucer, though he distinguished himself in battle,
always needed a sort of bulwark or wall. <Ac-
cordingly he keeps a shield in front of him,* and
that not his own but his brother’s, and aims at the
enemy at his ease, cutting an absurd figure as
a soldier, seeing that he needed a protector taller
than himself and that it was not in his weapons that
he placed his hopes of safety. But I have seen you
many a time, my beloved Emperor, bringing down
bears and panthers and lions with the weapons
1 Odyssey 4. 69 foll. 2 Iliad 4. 97.
3 Iliad 23. 870. 4 Iliad 8. 266.
141:
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
τοῖς ἀφιεμένοις βέλεσι, χρώμενον δὲ πρὸς θήραν
καὶ παιδιὰν τόξῳ, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς παρατάξεως ἀσπίς
ἐστί σοι καὶ θώραξ καὶ κράνος" καὶ οὐκ ἂν κατα-
δείσαιμι τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα τοῖς ἩΦαιστείοις Malis
πρυνόμενον καὶ ἀποπειρώμενον αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν
ὅπλων,
Ei οἱ ἐφαρμόσσειε καὶ ἐντρέχοι ἀγλαὰ γυῖα’
/
ἀνακηρύττει yap eis ἅπαντας THY σὴν ἐμπειρίαν
τὰ κατορθώματα.
7 \ ε \ Q \ 5] a /
Τήν ye μὴν ἱππικὴν καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς δρόμοις
κουφότητα apd σοι παραβαλεῖν ἄξιον τῶν
πρόσθεν τοὺς ἀραμένους ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν
μείζονα; ἢ τὸ μὲν οὐδὲ ηὕρητό πω; ἅρμασι
Ν 3 “ \ DA , bd ΄ δὲ
γὰρ ἐχρῶντο καὶ οὔπω πώλοις ἄζυξι' τάχει δὲ
ὅστις διήνεγκε, τούτῳ πρὸς σὲ γέγονεν ἀμφή-
ριστος κρίσις" τάξιν δὲ κοσμῆσαι καὶ φάλαγγα
7 nm a \ /
διατάξαι καλῶς δοκεῖ Μενεσθεὺς κράτιστος, καὶ
7 \ \ ς / « 7 > ION . ox:
τούτῳ διὰ THY ἡλικίαν ὁ IlvALOS οὐχ ὑφίεται τῆς
3 / > \ a \ « / 4
ἐμπειρίας. ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν οἱ πολέμιοι πολλάκις
τὰς τάξεις συνετάραξαν, καὶ οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους
ἴσχυον ἀντέχειν παραταττόμενοι" σοὶ δὲ μυρίαις
/ -
μάχαις ξυμμίξαντι καὶ πολεμίοις πολλοῖς μὲν βαρ-
7 > > / \ Se a " ᾽
βάροις, οὐκ ἐλάττοσι δὲ τούτων τοῖς οἴκοθεν ἀφεσ-
τῶσι καὶ συνεπιθεμένοις τῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν σφετερίσα-
σθαι προελομένῳ ἀρραγὴς ἔμεινεν ἡ φάλαγξ καὶ
ἐ
> / >o? > \ \ > [ον \ “
ἀδιάλυτος, οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ σμικρὸν ἐνδοῦσα. καὶ ὅτι
μὴ λῆρος ταῦτα μηδὲ προσποίησις λόγων τῆς
142
54
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
hurled by your hand, and using your bow both for
hunting and for pastime, and on the field of battle
you have your own shield and cuirass and helmet.
And I should not be afraid to match you with
Achilles when he was exulting in the armour that
Hephaistos made, and testing himself and that
armour to see
« Whether it fitted him and whether his glorious
limbs ran free therein;”’ }
for your successes proclaim to all men your proficiency.
As for your horsemanship and your agility in
running, would it be fair to compare with you any
of those heroes of old who won a name and great
reputation? Is it not a fact that horsemanship had
not yet been invented ? For as yet they used only
chariots and not riding-horses. And as for their
fastest runner, it is an open question how he
compares with you. But in drawing up troops and
forming a phalanx skilfully Menestheus? seems to
have excelled, and on account of his greater age the
Pylian ὃ is. his equal in proficiency. But the enemy
often threw their line into disorder, and not even at
the wall* could they hold their ground when they
encountered the foe. You, however, engaged in
countless battles, not only with hostile barbarians in
great numbers, but with just as many of your own
subjects, who had revolted and were fighting on the
side of one who was ambitious of grasping the
imperial power; yet your phalanx remained unbroken
and never wavered or yielded an inch. That this is
not an idle boast and that I do not make a
1 Iliad 19. 385. 2. Iliad 2. 552. 8. Nestor: Iliad 2. 555.
4 The building of a wall with towers, to protect the ships,
is described iu Iliad 7. 436 foll.
143
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1]
ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀληθείας κρείττων, ἐθέλω τοῖς
παροῦσι διεξελθεῖν. γελοῖον γὰρ οἶμαι πρὸς σὲ
περὶ τῶν σῶν ἔργων διηγεῖσθαι: καὶ ταὐτὸν ἂν
πάθοιμι φαύλῳ καὶ ἀκόμψῳ θεατῇ τῶν Φειδίου
δημιουργημάτων πρὸς αὐτὸν Φειδίαν ἐπιχειροῦντι
διεξιέναι περὶ τῆς ἐν ἀκροπόλει παρθένου καὶ τοῦ
παρὰ τοῖς Πισαίοις Διός. εἰ δὲ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους
ἐκφέροιμι τὰ σεμνότατα τῶν ἔργων, ἴσως ἂν
ἀποφύγοιμι τὴν ἁμαρτάδα, καὶ οὐκ ἔσομαι ταῖς
διαβολαῖς ἔνοχος: ὥστε ἤδη θαρροῦντα χρὴ
λέγειν.
Καί μοι μή τις δυσχεράνῃ πειρωμένῳ πράξεων
ἅπτεσθαι μειζόνων, εἰ καὶ τὸ τοῦ λόγου συνεκ-
θέοι μῆκος, καὶ ταῦτα θέλοντος ἐπέχειν καὶ
βιαζομένου, ὅπως μὴ τῷ μεγέθει τῶν ἔργων ἡ
τῶν λόγων ἀσθένεια περιχεομένη διαλυμήνηται"
καθάπερ δὴ τὸν χρυσόν φασι τοῦ Θεσπιᾶσιν
Ἔρωτος τοῖς πτεροῖς ἐπιβληθέντα τὴν ἀκρίβειαν
ἀφελεῖν τῆς τέχνης. δεῖται γὰρ ἀληθῶς τῆς
Ὁμηρικῆς σάλπιγγος τὰ κατορθώματα, καὶ πολὺ
πλέον ἢ τὰ τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἔ ἔργα. δῆλον δὲ ἔσται
χρωμένοις ἡμῖν τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν λόγων, ὅνπερ ἐξ
ἀρχῆς προυθέμεθα. ἐφαίνετο δὲ τῶν βασιλέως
ἔργων πρὸς τὰ τῶν ἡρώων πολλὴ ξυγγένεια, καὶ
αὐτὸν ἔφαμεν ἁπάντων προφέρειν ἐν ᾧ μάλιστα
τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστος διήνεγκε, καὶ ὅπως ἐστὶ τοῦ
μὲν δὴ βασιλέως αὐτοῦ βασιλικώτερος, εἴ που
μεμνήμεθα τῶν ἐν “προοιμίῳ ῥηθέντων, ἐπεδείκ-
νυμεν, ἔσται δὲ καὶ “μάλα. αὖθις καταφανές. νῦν
δέ, εἰ βούλεσθε, τὰ περὶ τὰς μάχας καὶ τοὺς
144
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
pretension in words that goes beyond the actual
facts, I will demonstrate to my hearers. For I think
it would be absurd to relate to you your own
achievements. I should be like a stupid and taste-
less person who, on seeing the works of Pheidias
should attempt to discuss with Pheidias himself the
Maiden Goddess on the Acropolis, or the statue of
Zeus at Pisa. But if I publish to the rest of the
world your most distinguished achievements, I shall
perhaps avoid that blunder and not lay myself open
to criticism. So I will hesitate no more but proceed
with my discourse.
I hope no one will object if, when I attempt to
deal with exploits that are so important, my speech
should become proportionately long, and that though
I desire to limit and restrain it lest my feeble words
overwhelm and mar the greatness of your deeds ;
like the gold which when it was laid over the wings
of the Eros at Thespiae! took something, so they
say, from the delicacy of its workmanship. For your
triumphs. really call for the trumpet of Homer
himself, far more than did the achievements of the
Macedonian.? This will be evident as I go on to
use the same method of argument which I adopted
when I began. [Ὁ then became evident that there
is a strong affinity between the Emperor's exploits
and those of the heroes, and I claimed that while
one hero excelled the others in one accomplishment
only, the Emperor excels them all in all those
accomplishments. ‘That he is more kingly than the
king himself? I proved, if you remember, in what I
said in my introduction, and again and again it will
be evident. But now let us, if you please, consider
1 By Praxiteles. 2 Alexander. 3 Agamemnon.
145
VOL, 1. L
~
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
; |
πολέμους ἀθρήσωμεν. τίνας οὖν “Ὅμηρος δια-
¢ la} /
φερόντως ὕμνησεν ᾿Εὐλήνων ὁμοῦ καὶ βαρβάρων;
al al cal \ /
αὐτὰ ὑμῖν ἀναγνώσομαι TOV ἐπῶν τὰ καιριώτατα.
Ti ome | “ ᾽ν » ΄ 4
is tT ἂρ τῶν bx ἄριστος ἔην, σύ μοι ἔννεπε,
Μοῦσα,
᾿Ανδρῶν ἠδ᾽ ἵππων, οἱ ap’ ᾿Ατρείδαισιν ἕποντο.
ἾἌ ὃ na \ ek at A ” T ΄ Ad.
νδρῶν μὲν μέγ᾽ ἄριστος ἔην Τελαμώνιος Αἴας,
.
"Odp ᾿Αχιλεὺς μήνιεν: ὁ γὰρ πολὺ φέρτατος ἦεν.
καὶ αὖθις ὑπὲρ τοῦ Τελαμωνίου φησίν'
Ad ἃ \ \ io \ δ᾽ yy ct Mls χ ἢ
tas, ὃς περὶ μὲν εἶδος, περὶ δ᾽ ἔργ᾽ ἐτέτυκτο,
Τῶν ἄλλων Δαναῶν μετ᾽ ἀμύμονα Ἰ]ηλείωνα.
“Ἑλλήνων μὲν δὴ τούτους ἀρίστους ἀφῖχθαί φησι,
τῶν δὲ ἀμφὶ τοὺς Τρῶας “Ἑκτορα καὶ Σαρπηδόνα.
UA 3 > [οἱ \ 4 > /
βούλεσθε οὖν αὐτῶν τὰ λαμπρότατα ἐπιλεξάμενοι
περιαθρῶμεν τὸ μέγεθος; καὶ γάρ πως ἐς ταὐτόν
lal 7 1 “ σ΄ p ES | an
τίσι τῶν βασιλέως! ξυμφέρεται ἥ τε ἐπὶ τῷ
ποταμῷ τοῦ ἸΠ]ηλέως μάχη καὶ ὁ περὶ τὸ τεῖχος
n » “᾿ / » ς 7
τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν πόλεμος: Αἴας τε ὑπεραγωνιζόμενος
τῶν νεῶν καὶ ἐπιβεβηκὼς τῶν ἰκρίων ἴσως ἂν
/ \ > / ? / > / \ Re
τυγχάνοι τινὸς ἀξίας εἰκόνος. ἐθέλω δὲ ὑμῖν
διηγεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ μάχην, ἣν ἠγωνί-
\ ” »Ά δὲ 50 ες /
σατο βασιλεὺς ἔναγχος. ἴστε δὲ ὅθεν ὁ πόλεμος
Σ ,7 \oa@ \ δί \ > an Xx /
ἐξερράγη, καὶ ὅτι ξὺν δίκῃ καὶ ov τοῦ πλείονος
ἐπιθυμίᾳ διεπολεμήθη. κωλύει δὲ οὐδὲν ὑπομνη-
μίᾳ διεπολεμήθη. μνη
“ 73
σθῆναι δι’ ὀλίγων.
3 \ A \ 0 \ n > 4
Ανὴρ ἄπιστος καὶ θρασὺς τῆς οὐ προσηκούσης
55
ὀρεχθεὶς ἡγεμονίας κτείνει τὸν ἀδελφὸν βασιλέως 1)
1 [τοῦ] βασιλέως Hertlein.
146 ,
THE HEROIC: DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
his battles and campaigns. What Greeks and
barbarians did Homer praise above their fellows? 1
will read you those of his verses that are most to the
point.
“Tell me, Muse, who was foremost of those
warriors and horses that followed the sons of Atreus.
Of warriors far the best was Ajax, son of Telamon,
so long as the wrath of Achilles endured. For he
was far the foremost.” ! And again he says of the
son of ‘Telamon : :
“ Ajax who in beauty and in the deeds he wrought
was of a mould above all the other Danaans, except
only the blameless son of Peleus.” 2
These two, he says, were the bravest of the Greeks
who came to the war, and of the Trojan army Hector
and Sarpedon. Do you wish, then, that I should
choose out their most brilliant feats and consider
what they amounted to? And, in fact, the fighting
of Achilles at the river resembles in some respects
certain of the Emperor’s achievements, and so does
the battle of the Achaeans about the wall. Or Ajax
again, when, in his struggle to defend the ships, he
goes up on to their decks, might be allowed some
just resemblance to him, But now I wish to describe
to you the battle by the river which the Emperor
fought not long ago. You know the causes of the
outbreak of the war, and that he carried it through,
not from desire of gain, but with justice on his side.
There is no reason why I should not briefly remind
you of the facts. ὁ
A rash and traitorous man® tried to grasp at
power to which he had no right, and assassinated the
1 Iliad 2. 761 foll. 2 Odyssey 11. 550 3 Magnentius.
147
L 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, Π
Kal τῆς ἀρχῆς κοινωνόν, καὶ ἤρετο λαμπραῖς ταῖς
ἐλπίσιν, ὡς τὸν Ποσειδῶνα μιμησόμενος καὶ
2 a > a me eS | ΄ , \ \
ἀποφανῶν ov μῦθον τὸν Ομήρου λόγον, παντὸς δὲ
ἀληθῆ μᾶλλον, ὃς ἔφη περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ"
Τρὶς μὲν ὀρέξατ᾽ ἰών, τὸ δὲ τέτρατον ἵκετο
τέκμωρ, ᾿
Aiyds,
καὶ ὡς ἐντεῦθεν τὴν πανοπλίαν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ
φ 4 \ “ \ n / > /
ὑποζεύξας τοὺς ἵππους διὰ τοῦ πελάγους ἐφέρετο.
Γηθοσύνῃ δὲ θάλασσα διίστατο' τοὶ δ᾽ ἐπέτοντο
Ῥίμφα μάλ᾽, οὐδ᾽ ὑπένερθε διαίνετο χάλκεος
ἄξων,
ἅτε οὐδενὸς “ἐμποδὼν ὄντος, πάντων δὲ ἐξιστα-
μένων καὶ ὑποχωρούντων ἐν χαρμονῇ. οὔκουν
οὐδὲν αὑτῷ πολέμιον οὐδὲ ἀντίπαλον ETO
καταλιπέσθαι, οὐδὲ αὑτὸν κατείργειν οὐδὲ ev TO
μὴ ἐπὶ τοῦ “Téypytos στῆναι ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς.
εἵπετο δὲ αὐτῷ πολὺς μὲν ὁπλίτης," ἱππεῖς δὲ οὐχ
ἥττους, ἀλλ᾽ οἵπερ ἄλκιμοι, Κελτοὶ καὶ Ἴβηρες
Ῥερμανῶν τε οἱ πρόσοικοι Ῥήνῳ καὶ τῇ. θαλάττῃ
τῇ πρὸς ἑσπέραν, ἣν εἴτε ᾿Ωκεανὸν χρὴ καλεῖν
εἴτε ᾿Ατλαντικὴν θάλατταν εἴτε ἄλλῃ τινὶ ἡ χρῆσθαι
προσωνυμίᾳ προσῆκον, οὐκ :ἰσχυρίξομαι" πλὴν
ὅτι δὴ αὐτῇ προσοικεῖ δύσμαχα καὶ ῥώμῃ
διαφέροντα τῶν ἄχλων ἐθνῶν γένη βαρβάρων,
οὐκ ἀκοῇ μόνον, ἧπερ δὴ τυγχάνει πίστις οὐκ
ἀσφαλής, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῇ πείρᾳ τοῦτο ἐκμαθὼν οἶδα.
BE
B
τούτων δὴ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐξαναστήσας οὐκ ἔλαττον Ὁ
1 ὁπλίτης Cobet, ὁπλίτης πεζός MSS., Hertlein.
148
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Emperor's brother and partner in empire. Then
he began to be uplifted and dazzled by his hopes,
as though he was about to imitate Poseidon and to
prove that Homer’s story was not mere fiction but
absolutely true, where he says about the god
“ Three strides did he make, and with the fourth
came to his goal, even to Aegae,” !
and how he took thence all his armour and harnessed
his horses and drove through the waves :
“And with gladness the sea parted before him,
and the horses fared very swiftly, and the bronze
axle was not wetted beneath,”
for nothing stood in his way, but all things stood
aside and made a path for him in their joy. Even
so the usurper thought that he had left behind him
nothing hostile or opposed to him, and that there
was nothing at all to hinder him from taking up a
position at the mouth of the Tigris. And there
followed him a large force of heavy infantry and as
many cavalry, yes, and good fighters they were,
Celts, Jberians and Germans from the banks of the
Rhine and from the coasts of the western sea.
Whether I ought to call that sea the Ocean or the
Atlantic, or whether it is proper to use some other
name for it, Iam not sure. I only know that its
coasts are peopled by tribes of barbarians who are not
easy to subdue and are far more energetic than any
other race, and I know it not merely from hearsay,
on which it is never safe to rely, but I have learned
it from personal experience. From these tribes,
then, he mustered an army as large as that which
1 Iliad 13. 20.
149.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
an n a /
πλῆθος τῆς οἴκοθεν αὐτῷ ἔξυνεπισπομένης
a a \ > a “
στρατιᾶς, μᾶλλον δὲ τὸ μὲν ὡς οἰκεῖον εἵπετο
a \ ,
πολὺ καὶ avT@ ξύμφυλον, TO δὲ ἡμέτερον: οὕτω
\ a 7 e Li € / / \ >
yap καλεῖν ἄξιον: ὁπόσον Ῥωμαίων Bia καὶ ov
\ /
γνώμῃ ξυνηκολούθησεν, ἐοικὸς ἐπικούροις καὶ
μισθοφόροις, ἐν Καρὸς εἵπετο τάξει καὶ σχήματι,
δύσνουν μέν, ὡς εἰκός, βαρβάρῳ καὶ ξένῳ, μέθῃ
καὶ κρανπάλῃ τὴν δυναστείαν περιφρονήσαντι καὶ
> / ba δέ “ 9 + \ >
ἀνελομένῳ, ἄρχοντι δέ, ὥσπερ ἣν ἄξιον τὸν ἐκ
/ /
τοιούτων προοιμίων Kal προνομίων ἀρξάμενον.
ς a \ grin LA \ \ an a e
ἡγεῖτο δὲ αὐτὸς οὔτι κατὰ τὸν Τυφῶνα, ὃν ἡ
7 \ a ,
ποιητικὴ τερατεία φησὶ τῷ Διὶ χαλεπαίνουσαν
τὴν Γῆν ὠδῖναι, οὐδὲ ὡς γιγάντων ὁ κράτιστος,
ς /
ἀλλ᾽ οἵαν ὁ σοφὸς ἐν μύθοις Πρόδικος τὴν Kaxiav
a \ \ ᾽ \ a
δημιουργεῖ πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αρετὴν " dvaprAdXdwopévny καὶ
2 ἢ Ν le) \ > / a Ὁ
ἐθέλουσαν τὸν «τοῦ Διὸς ἀναπείθειν παῖδα, ὅτι
ἄρα αὐτῷ μάλιστα πάντων τιμητέα εἴη. προάγων
/ A
δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην προυφέρετο τὰ τοῦ Karravéas,
/
BapBapifov® Kai ἀνοηταίνων, οὔτε μὴν κατ᾽
b a ere, #7. n n 7 59. Χ ἐ lel
ἐκεῖνον TH ῥώμῃ τῆς ψυχῆς πίσυνος οὐδὲ ἀλκῇ
lal 7, “Ὁ 7 \ “
τοῦ σώματος, τῷ πλήθει δὲ τῶν ξυνεπομένων
/ δ} \ / « 7
βαρβάρων, οἷς δὴ καὶ λείαν ἅπαντα προθήσειν
, / / A
ἠπείλει, ταξίαρχον ταξιάρχῳ Kal λοχαγὸν λοχαγῷ.
καὶ στρατιώτην στρατιώτῃ τῶν ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐταῖς:
ἀποσκευαῖς καὶ κτήμασιν, οὐδὲ τὸ σῶμα ἀφιεὶς
ἐλεύθερον. αὔξει δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν ἡ
1 ξυνεπισπομένης Cobet, ξυνεπομένης V Hertlein Hetil 2
μένης MSS. 2 (τὴν) ᾿Αρετὴν Hertlein, ἀρετὴν M
3 BapBapi(wr MSS., Hertlein, βατταρίζων Cobet, of Plato,
Theaetetus 175 ο.
150
57
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
marched with him from home, or rather many
followed him because they were his own people,
allied to him by the ties of race, but our subjects—
for so we must call them—I mean all his Roman
troops followed from compulsion and not from
choice, like mercenary allies, and their position and
réle was like that of the proverbial Carian,! since
they were naturally ill-disposed to a barbarian and a
stranger who had conceived the idea of ruling and
embarked on the enterprise at the time of a drunken
debauch, and was the sort of leader that one might
expect from such a preface and prelude as that. He
_ led them in person, not indeed like Typho, who, as
~ the poet tells us,2 in his wonder tale, was brought
forth by the earth in her anger against Zeus, nor was
he like the strongest of the Giants, but he was like
that Vice incarnate which the wise Prodicus created in
his fable,’ making her compete with Virtue and at-
tempt to win over the son of Zeus,‘ contending that he
would do well to prize her above all else. And as he led
them to battle he outdid the behaviour of Capaneus,®
κι like the barbarian that. he was, in his insensate folly,
' though he did not, like Capaneus, trust to the energy
of his soul or his physical strength, but to the numbers
of his barbarian followers ; and he boasted that he
would lay everything at their feet to plunder, that
every general and captain and common soldier of his
should despoil an enemy of corresponding rank of
his baggage and belongings, and that he would
enslave the owners as well. He was confirmed in
1 The Carians were proverbially worthless ; cf. 320 Ὁ.
2 Hesiod, Theogony.
. Xenophon, Memorabilia 2. 1. 2. 4 Heracles.
> Aeschylus, Seven ἐγ τ eed Τλοδέ8 440 ; Euripides, Phoe-
nissae 1182. -
51
-
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
fal a bd \
βασιλέως! δεινότης, καὶ ἐκ τῶν δυσχωριῶν εἰς TA
/ \ , \
πεδία κατάγει γανύμενον καὶ ov ξυνιέντα, δρασμὸν
a / \ a
δὲ ἀτεχνῶς καὶ ov στρατηγίαν τὸ πρᾶγμα
n ᾿ /
κρίνοντα. ταῦτά τοι καὶ ἁλίσκεται, καθάπερ
” ri ‘9 Av ὃ YA 3 ὃ} \ > \
ὄρνιθες καὶ ἰχθύες δικτύοις. ἐπειδὴ yap ἐς τὴν
> / \ \ δί [οἷ Π 4 3 θ \
εὐρυχωρίαν καὶ τὰ πεδία τῶν Ilatovwy ἦλθε καὶ
a a , \
ἐδόκει λῷον ἐνταῦθα διαγωνίζεσθαι, τότε δὴ Bact-
e “ / 7
λεὺς τούς τε ἱππέας ἐπὶ κέρως τάττει χωρὶς
ἑκατέρου.
/
Τούτων δὲ οἱ μέν εἰσιν αἰχμοφόροι, θώραξιν
ἐλατοῖς καὶ κράνεσιν ἐκ σιδήρου πεποιημένοις
/ a - a
σκεπόμενοι" κνημῖδές τε τοῖς σφυροῖς εὖ μάλα
7 a
περιηρμοσμέναι Kal περυγονατίδες Kal περὶ τοῖς
al a /
μηροῖς ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ἐκ σιδήρου καλύμματα"
αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀτεχνῶς ὥσπερ ἀνδριάντες ἐπὶ τῶν
“ / »ῸΝ > 7 / 4
ἵππων φερόμενοι, οὐδὲν ἀσπίδος δεόμενοι. τούτοις
“ “ A e / n > /
εἵπετο τῶν ἄλλων ἱππέων πλῆθος ἀσπίδας
/ \ \ n rf a
φέροντες, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων τοξεύοντες. πεζῶν
\ « «ε 7 Λ
δὲ ὁ μὲν ὁπλίτης hv ἐν τῷ μέσῳ συνάπτων
ἐν ES 4 a ε cal 5." \ ε
ἐφ ἑκάτερα Τοῖς ὑππεῦσιων» ἐξόπισθεν δὲ οἱ σφεν-
δονῆται καὶ τοξόται καὶ ὁπόσον ἐκ χειρὸς βάλλει
γυμνὸν ἀσπίδος καὶ θώρακος. οὕτω κοσμηθείσης
τῆς φάλαγγος, μικρὰ τοῦ λαιοῦ κέρως προελθόντος
ἅπαν τὸ πολέμιον συνετετάρακτο καὶ οὐκ ἐφύλαττε
τὴν τάξιν. ἐγκειμένων. δὲ τῶν ἱππέων καὶ οὐκ
ἀνιέντων φεύγει μὲν αἰσχρῶς ὁ τὴν βασιλείαν
αἴσχιον ἁρπάσας, λείπει δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππαρχον
καὶ χιλιάρχους καὶ ταξιάρχους πάνυ πολλοὺς καὶ
1 [τοῦ] βασιλέως Hertlein, cf. 558.
2 τὴν τάξιν Hertlein suggests, τάξιν MSS.
152
B.
Cc
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
this attitude by the Emperor's clever strategy, and
led his army out from the narrow passes to the
plains in high spirits and little knowing the truth,
since he decided that the Emperor's march was
merely flight and not a manoeuvre. Thus he was
taken unawares, like a bird or fish in the net. For
when he reached the open country and the plains of
Paeonia, and it seemed advantageous to fight it out
there, then and not before the Emperor drew up his
cavalry separately on both wings.
Of these troops some carry lances and are
protected by cuirasses and helmets of wrought
iron mail. They wear greaves that fit the legs
closely, and knee-caps, and on their thighs the
same sort of iron covering. They ride their
horses exactly like statues, and need no shield,
In the rear of these was posted a large body of the
rest of the cavalry, who carried shields, while others
fought on horseback with bows and arrows. Of the
infantry the hoplites occupied the centre and
supported the cavalry on either wing. In their rear
were the slingers and archers and all troops that
shoot their missiles from the hand and have neither
shield nor cuirass. This, then, was the disposition of
our phalanx. The left wing slightly outflanked the
enemy, whose whole force was thereby thrown into
confusion, and their line broke. When our cavalry
made a charge and maintained it stubbornly, he who
had so shamefully usurped the imperial power
disgraced himself by flight, and left there his cavalry
commander and his numerous chiliarchs and taxi-
archs, who continued to fight bravely, and in
: 153
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a \
ἐρρωμένως ἀγωνιζομένους, ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ τὴν ποιητὴν
τοῦ τερατώδους καὶ ἐξαγίστου δράματος, ὃς πρῶτος
a a /
ἐπὶ νοῦν ἐβάλετο μεταποιῆσαι THY βασιλείαν καὶ
a f a
ἀφελέσθαι τοῦ γέρως ἡμᾶς. -
a ,
Kal τέως μὲν! ἔχαιρε τῆς πρώτης πείρας
3 > \ OX ς / / \ >
οὐκ ἀποσφαλεὶς οὐδὲ ἁμαρτήσας, τότε δὲ ἐφε-
στώσας ξὺν δίκῃ ποινὰς ἀπαιτεῖται τῶν ἔργων
καὶ ἄπιστον τιμωρίαν εἰσπράττεται. πάντων
γὰρ ὁπόσοι τοῦ πολέμου τῷ τυράννῳ συνεφή-
3 \ \ ς / / ᾽ ς \
ψαντο ἐμφανὴς μὲν ὁ θάνατος, δήλη δ᾽ ἡ φυγὴ
ΝῸΝἝΝ ΄ πὰαψΨ \ 7 Ν
καὶ ἄλλων μεταμέλεια" ἱκέτευον γὰρ πολλοί, καὶ
ἔτυχον ἅπαντες συγγνώμης, βασιλέως τὸν τῆς
Θέτιδος ὑπερβαλλομένου μεγαλοφροσύνῃς. ὁ
\ / 5 \ / 4 »O\ 4
μὲν yap, ἐπειδὴ Πάτροκλος ἔπεσεν, οὐδὲ mimpa-
ς , » \ wa os > >
κειν ἁλόντας ETL TOUS πολεμίους ἠξίου, ἀλλ
a /
ἱκετεύοντας περὶ τοῖς γόνασιν ἔκτεινεν: ὁ δὲ
ἐκήρυττεν ἄδειαν τοῖς ἐξαρνουμένοις τὴν ξυνωμο-
/ > / / Xx n A BA
ciav, ov θανάτου μόνον ἢ φυγῆς ἤ τινος ἄλλης
/ 5 “ Ν “ ». a
τιμωρίας ἀφαιρῶν τὸν φόβον, ὥσπερ δὲ ἔκ τινος
ὔ
ταλαιπωρίας καὶ ἄλης δυστυχοῦς τῆς ξὺν τῷ
τυράννῳ βιοτῆς κατάγειν. σφᾶς ἐπ᾽ ἀκεραίοις τοῖς
πρόσθεν ἠξίου. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ καὶ αὖθις τεύξεται
λόγου.
᾿Εκεῖνο δὲ ἤδη ῥητέον, ὡς οὔτε ἐν τοῖς κει-
μένοις ἦν οὔτε ἐν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὁ παιδοτρίβης
τοῦ τυράννου. τὸ γὰρ μηδὲ ἐλπίσαι συγγνώμην
εὔλογον οὕτω μὲν ἄδικα διανοηθέντα, ἀσεβῆ δὲ
ἐργασάμενον, φόνων τε ἀδίκων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναι-
58
C
κῶν, πολλῶν μὲν ἰδιωτῶν, πάντων δὲ σχεδὸν Ὁ)
: 1 μὲν Reiske adds.
154 :
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
command of all these the .real author! of that
monstrous and unholy drama, who had been the first
to suggest to him that he should pretend to the
imperial power and rob us of our royal privilege.
For a time indeed he enjoyed success, and at his
first attempt met with no repulse or failure, but on
that day he provoked the punishment that justice
had in store for his misdeeds, and had to pay a
penalty that is hardly credible. For all the others
who abetted the usurper in that war met death
openly or their flight was evident to all, as was
- the repentance of others. For many came as
suppliants, and all obtained forgiveness, since the
Emperor surpassed the son of Thetis in generosity.
For Achilles, after Patroclus fell, refused any longer
even to sell those whom he took captive, but slew
them as they clasped his knees and begged for
merey. But the Emperor proclaimed an amnesty
for those who should renounce the conspiracy, and
so not only freed them from the fear of death or
exile or some other punishment, but, as though their
association with the usurper had been due to some
misadventure or unhappy error, he deigned to
reinstate them and completely cancel the past. I
shall have occasion to refer to this again.
But what I must now state is that the man who had
trained and tutored the usurper was neither among
the fallen nor the fugitives. It was indeed natural
that he should not even hope for pardon, since his
schemes had been so wicked, his actions so infamous,
and he had been responsible for the slaughter of so
many innocent men and women, of whom many were
private citizens, and of almost all who. were connected
,. 1 Marcellinus,
559
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
id , n / / a e 4
ὁπόσοι τοῦ βασιλείου γένους μετεῖχον ἁψάμενον,
’ ,΄ 4
οὔτι ξὺν δείματι οὐδὲ ἄν τις ἐμφύλιον φόνον
, [οἷ 7 A
διανοηθείη δρῶν, παλαμναίους τινὰς καὶ μιάστο-
’ a
pas δεδιὼς καὶ ὑφορώμενος ἐκ τοῦ μιάσματος,
» ye ee \ 7 a \ > ,
ἀλλὰ ὥσπερ τισὶ καθαρσίοις καινοῖς Kal ἀτόποις
\ / > / A 9 ρα Ν \
τοὺς πρόσθεν ἀπονιπτόμενος ἄνδρα ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρὶ καὶ
γυναῖκας ἐπὶ τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἀποκτιννὺς εἰκότως
a \ \
ἀπέγνω τὴν ἱκετηρίαν. ταῦτα εἰκὸς μὲν αὐτὸν
n Ν X » \
διανοηθῆναι, εἰκὸς δὲ καὶ ἄλλως ἔχειν. οὐ yap δὴ
yy “ , θὰ x ὃ 4 v ”
ἴσμεν 6, τί ποτε παθὼν ἢ δράσας ᾧχετο ἄιστος,
ee , “ἃ
ἄφαντος. ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε αὐτὸν δαίμων τιμωρὸς ξυναρ-
7 \ A
πάσας, καθάπερ “Ομηρός φησι τὰς τοῦ ἸΠανδάρεω *
a 7 /
θυγατέρας, ἐπὶ γῆς ἄγει πέρατα ποινὰς ἀπαιτήσων
ny ΄ Ν \
τῶν διανοημάτων, εἴτε αὐτὸν ὁ ποταμὸς ὑποδεξά-
€ a / \ > an » a
μενος ἑστιᾶν κελεύει τοὺς ἰχθῦς, οὔτι πω δῆλον.
7 \ “ a ς /
ἄχρι μὲν yap τῆς μάχης αὐτῆς καὶ ὁπηνίκα οἱ
λόχοι συνετάττοντο πρὸς φάλαγγα θρασὺς ἣν ἐν
7 > / 5 \ δὲ > ΄ θ 2 \ an
μέσοις ἀναστρεφόμενος" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπράχθη " τὰ τῆς
7. “ δ 53} > \ 57 > ἣν
μάχης, ὥσπερ ἣν ἄξιον, ἀφανὴς ὥχετο οὐκ οἶδα
ς \ a A x , 7 \ [χὰ
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων κρυφθεῖς, πλὴν ὅτι γε
οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἀμείνοσι ταῖς τύχαις εὔδηλον. οὐ γὰρ
7
δὴ αὖθις ἔμελλε φανεὶς ἐπ᾽ ἐξουσίας ὑβρίζων
᾽ lal > 7 e ” 3 \ > + δ
ἀδεῶς εὐδαιμονήσειν, WS WETO, GANA ἐς. TO παν-
τελὲς ἀφανισθεὶς τιμωρίαν ὑφέξειν αὐτῷ μὲν
pep a tee
1 Πανδάρεω V, Naber, cf. Odyssey 20, 66, Τυνδάρεω MSS.,
Hertlein. 2 ἐπράχθη MSS., Hertlein, ἐταράχθη Naber. -
156
59
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
with the imperial family. And he had done this not
with shrinking nor with the sentiments of one who
sheds the blood of his own people, and because of
that stain of guilt fears and is on the watch for the
avenger and those who will exact a bloody reckoning,
but, with a kind of purification that was new and
unheard of, he would wash his hands of the blood of
his first victims, and then go on to murder man after
man, and then, after those whom they held dear, he
slew the women as well. So he naturally abandoned
the idea of appealing for mercy. But likely as it is
that he should think thus, yet it may well be other-
wise. For the fact is that we do not know what he
did or suffered before he vanished out of sight, out
of our ken. Whether some avenging deity snatched
him away, as Homer says of the daughters of
Pandareos,! and even now is carrying him to the
very verge of the world to punish him for his evil
designs, or whether the river? has received him and
bids him feed the fishes, has not yet been revealed.
For till the battle actually began, and while the
troops were forming the phalanx, he was full of
confidence and went to and fro in the centre of their
line. But when the battle was ended as was fitting,
he vanished completely, taken from our sight by I
know not what god or supernatural agency, only it is
quite certain that the fate in store for him was far
from enviable. At any rate. he was not destined to
appear again, and, after insulting us with impunity,
live prosperous and secure as he thought he should;
but he was doomed to be completely blotted out
and to suffer a punishment that for him indeed was
1 Odyssey 20. 66. 2 The Drave.
157
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
δυστυχῆ, πολλοῖς δὲ ὠφέλιμον καὶ πρὸς ἐπα-
νόρθωσιν.
Τὰ μὲν δὴ περὶ τὸν μηχανοποιὸν τῆς ὅλης
ὑποθέσεως πλείονος ἀξιωθέντα λόγου, μέσῃ τῇ
πράξει! παρέλόμενα τὸ ξυνεχὲς τῆς διηγήσεως,
ἐνταῦθά που πάλιν ἀφετέα. ἐπανιτέον δὲ
ὅθενπερ ἐξῆλθον καὶ ἀποδοτέον τὸ τέλος τῆς
μάχης. οὐ γὰρ δὴ ξὺν τῇ τῶν στρατηγῶν δειλίᾳ
καὶ τὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πίπτει φρονήματα, ἀλλ᾽
ἐπειδὴ τὰ τῆς τάξεως αὐτοῖς διεφθάρη, οὐ
κακίᾳ σφῶν, ἀπειρίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀμαθίᾳ τοῦ τάττον-
τος, κατὰ λόχους “συνιστάμενοι δυγγωνίξοντο:
καὶ ἣν τὸ ἔργον ἁπάσης ἐλπίδος μεῖζον, τῶν μὲν
οὐχ ὑφιεμένων ἐς τὸ παντελὲς τοῖς κρατοῦσι,
τῶν δὲ ἐπεξελθεῖν τελέως τῇ νίκῃ φιλοτιμουμένων,
ξυμμιγής τε ἤρετο τάραχος καὶ βοὴ καὶ κτύπος
τῶν ὅπλων, ξιφῶν τε ἀγνυμένων ἀμφὶ τοῖς κράνεσι
καὶ τῶν ἀσπίδων περὶ τοῖς δόρασιν. ἀνὴρ δὲ
ἀνδρὶ ξυνίστατο, καὶ ἀπορριπττοῦντες τὰς ἀσπίδας
αὐτοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὠθοῦντο3 μικρὰ τοῦ παθεῖν
φροντίζοντες, ἅπαντα δὲ εἰς τὸ δρᾶσαί τί δεινὸν
τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν θυμὸν τρέποντες, τοῦ μὴ
καθαρὰν αὐτοῖς μηδὲ ἄδακρυν παρασχεῖν τὴν
νίκην καὶ τὸ' ἀποθνήσκειν ἀνταλλαττόμενοι. καὶ
ταῦτα ἔδρων οὐ πεζοὶ μόνον πρὸς τοὺς διώκοντας,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσοις τῶν ἱππέων ὑπὸ τῶν θραυμάτων
ἀχρεῖα παντελῶς ἐγεγόνει τὰ δόρατα. ξυστοὶ
δέ εἰσιν εὐμήκεις, ods συγκαταγνύντες καὶ
ἀποπηδῶντες εἰς τοὺς ὁπλίτας μετεσκευάζοντο.
1 μέσῃ τῇ πράξει V, Hertlein, μισητῆς πράξεως Reiske,
μέση τῆς πράξεως MSS. 2 Naber suggests ὥθουν ὠθοῦντο.
3 After δόρατα Petavius, Hertlein omit σφῶν.
158
60
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
fatal, but to many was beneficial and gave them a
chance’ of recovery.
Now though it would be well worth while to devote
more of my speech to this man who was the author
of that whole enterprise, yet it breaks the thread
of my narrative, which had reached the thick of the
action. So I must leave that subject for the present,
and going back to the point where I digressed,
describe how the battle ended. For though their
generals showed such cowardice, the courage of the
soldiers was by no means abated. When their line
was broken, which was due not to their cowardice
but to the ignorance and inexperience of their leader,
they formed into companies and kept up the fight.
And what happened then was beyond all expecta-
tion; for the enemy refused altogether to yield to
- those who were defeating them, while our men did
their utmost to achieve a signal victory, and so there
arose the wildest confusion, loud shouts mingled
with the din of weapons, as swords were shattered
against helmets and shields against spears. It was
a hand to hand fight, in which they discarded their
shields and attacked with swords only, while, in-
different to their own fate, and devoting the utmost
ardour to inflicting severe loss on the foe, they were
ready to meet even death if only they could make
our victory seem doubtful and dearly bought. It was
not only the infantry who behaved thus to their pur-
suers, but even the cavalry, whose spears were broken |
and were now entirely useless. Their shafts are long
and polished, and when they had broken them they
159
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
Kal χρόνον μέν τινα χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις ἀντεῖχον"
ἐπεὶ δὲ οἵ τε ἱππεῖς ἔβαλλον ἐκ τόξων πόρρωθεν
ἐφιππαζόμενοι ῖ καὶ οἱ θωρακοφόροι πυκναῖς ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἐχρῶντο ταῖς ἐπελάσεσιν ἅτε ἐν πεδίῳ Β
καθαρῷ καὶ λείῳ νύξ τε ἐπέλαβεν, ἐνταῦθα οἱ
μὲν ἀπέφευγον ἄσμενοι, οἱ δὲ ἐδίωκον καρτερῶς
ἄχρι τοῦ χάρακος, καὶ αὐτὸν αἱροῦσιν αὐταῖς
ἀποσκευαῖς καὶ ἀνδραπόδοις καὶ κτήνεσιν. ἀρξα-
μένης δέ, ὅπερ ἔφην, ἄρτι τῆς τροπῆς τῶν πολε-
μίων καὶ τῶν διωκόντων οὐκ ἀνιέντων, ἐπὶ τὸ
λαιὸν ὠθοῦνται, ἵναπερ ὁ ποταμὸς ἣν τοῖς
κρατοῦσιν ἐν δεξιᾷ. ἐνταῦθα δὲ ὁ πολὺς ἐγένετο
φόνος, καὶ ἐπλήσθη νεκρῶν ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ ἵππων C
ἀναμίξ. οὐ γὰρ δὴ ὁ Δρᾶος ἐῴκει Σκαμάνδρῳ,
οὐδὲ ἣν εὐμενὴς τοῖς φεύγουσιν, ὡς τοὺς μὲν
νεκροὺς αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις ἐξωθεῖν καὶ ἀπορριπτεῖν
τῶν ῥευμάτων, τοὺς ζῶντας δὲ ξυγκαλύπτειν καὶ
ἀποκρύπτειν ἀσφαλῶς ταῖς δίναις. τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ
ποταμὸς ὁ » Teas τυχὸν μὲν ὑπὸ εὐνοίας ἔδρα, τυχὸν
δὲ οὕτως ἔχων μεγέθους, ὡς padsov παρέχειν βαδί-
few τε ἐθέλοντι καὶ νῆἡχομένῳ τὸν πόρον' ἐπεὶ
καὶ γεφυροῦται μιᾶς ἐμβχηθείσης εἰς αὐτὸν D
πτελέας, ἅπας τε ἀναμορμύρων ἀφρῷ καὶ αἵματι
TAAL ὦμους ᾿Αχιλῆος, εἰ χρὴ καὶ τοῦτο πιστεῦ-
σαι, βιαιότερον δὲ οὐδὲν “εἰργάξετο' καὶ ἐπιλα-
βόντος ὀλίγου καύματος ἀπαγορεύει τὸν πόλεμον
καὶ ἐξόμνυται τὴν ἐπικουρίαν. Ὁμήρου δὲ ἔ ἔοικεν
εἶναι καὶ τοῦτο παίγνιον, καινὸν καὶ ἄτοπον
μονομαχίας τρόπον ἐπινοήσαντος. ἐπεὶ καὶ τἄλλα
1 ἐφιππαζόμενοι Hertlein suggests, ἀφιππαζόμενοι MSS.
160
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
dismounted and transformed themselves into hoplites.
So for some time they held their own against the
greatest odds. But since our cavalry kept shooting
their arrows from a distance as they rode after them,
while the cuirassiers made frequent charges, as was
easy on that unobstructed and level plain, and more-
_over night overtook them, the enemy were glad at
last to take to flight, while our men kept up a
vigorous pursuit as far as the camp and took it by
assault, together with the baggage and slaves and
baggage animals. Directly the rout of the enemy
had begun, as I have described, and while we kept
up a hot pursuit, they were driven towards the left,
where the river was on the right of the victors.
And there the greatest slaughter took place, and the
river was choked with the bodies of men and horses,
indiscriminately. For the Drave was not like the
Scamander, nor so kind to the fugitives; it did not
put ashore and cast forth from its waters the dead
in their armour, nor cover up and_ hide securely in
its eddies those who escaped alive. For that is what
the Trojan river did!, perhaps out of kindness,
perhaps it was only that it was so small that it
offered an easy crossing to one who tried to swim or
walk. In fact, when a single poplar was thrown into
it, it formed a bridge,? and the whole river roared
with foam and blood and beat upon the shoulders of
Achilles,’ if indeed we may believe even this, but it
never did anything more violent. When a slight
fire scorched it, it gave up fighting at once and swore
not to play the part of ally. However this, too, was
probably a jest on Homer's part, when he invented
that strange and unnatural sort of duel, For in the
1 liad 21. 325 foll. 2 Iliad 21. 242. 3 Iliad 21. 269.
161
VOL. 1, 7 M
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
δῆλός ἐστιν ᾿Αχιλλεῖ χαριζόμενος, καὶ ὥσπερ
θεατὰς ἄγων τὸ “στράτευμα μόνον ἄμαχον καὶ
ἀνυπόστατον ἐπάγει τοῖς πολεμίοις, κτείνοντα
μὲν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας, τρεπόμενον δὲ ἁπαξ-
amas πάντας φωνῇ καὶ σχήματι καὶ τῶν
ὀμμάτων ταῖς προσβολαῖς, ἀρχομένης τε οἶμαι
τῆς παρατάξεως καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου ταῖς
ἠόσιν, ἕως εἰς τὸ τεῖχος. ἄσμενοι ξυνελέγησαν οἱ
διαφυγόντες. ταῦτα ἐκεῖνος πολλοῖς ἔπεσι διη-
γούμενος καὶ θεῶν ἀναπλάττων μάχας καὶ ἐπι-
κοσμῶν μύθοις τὴν ποίησιν δεκάζει τοὺς κριτὰς
καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει δικαίαν φέρειν. καὶ ἀψευδῆ
ψῆφον. ὅστις δὲ ἐθέλει μηδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ κάλλους
ἐξαπατᾶσθαι τῶν ῥημάτων καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπι-
φερομένων πλασμάτων, Ἱ ὥσπερ ἐν ἀρχῇ περὶ
ἀρωμάτων τινῶν καὶ χρωμάτων, ἢ ; ᾿Αρεοπαγίτης
ἔστω κριτής, καὶ οὐκ εὐλαβησόμεθα τὴν κρίσιν.
εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὸν στρατιώτην ὁμολογοῦμεν
τὸν Πηλέως, ἐκ τῆς ποιήσεως ἀναπειθόμενοι.
κτείνει μὲν ἄνδρας εἴκοσι,
Ζωοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ ποταμοῖο δυώδεκα λέξατο κούρους,
Τοὺς ἐξῆγε θύραζε τεθηπότας ἠύτε νεβρούς,
Ποινὴν Haroon Μενοιτιάδαο θανόντος.
τοσαύτην «μέντοι ἤνεγκεν εἰς τὰ πράγματα τῶν
᾿Αχαιῶν ἢ νίκη τὴν ῥοπήν, ὥστε οὐδὲ μείξονα
φόβον τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνέβαλεν οὐδὲ “ἀπογνῶναι ἐς
τὸ παντελὲς ὑπὲρ σφῶν ἐποίει. καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων
1 προσβολαῖς---καὶ Wright προσβολαῖς.--[καὶὶ Hertlein
προσβολαῖς. --καὶ MSS.
" ὥσπερ---χρωμάτων Hertlein suggests ὥσπερ ἐν γραφῇ ὑπ᾽
ἀργυρωμάτων τινῶν καὶ χρυσωμάτων ‘‘as though by gold or
silver work in a picture.”
162
6]
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
rest of the poem also he evidently favours Achilles, _
and he sets the army there as mere spectators while
he brings Achilles on to the field as the only in-
vincible and resistless warrior, and makes him slay
all whom he encounters and put every one of the
foe to flight, simply by his voice and bearing and the
glance of his eyes, both when the battle begins and
on the banks of the Scamander, till the fugitives were
glad to gather within the wall of the city. Many
verses he devotes to relating this, and then he in-
vents the battles of the gods, and by embellishing
his poem with such tales he corrupts his critics and
prevents us from giving a fair and honest vote. But
if there be any one who refuses to be beguiled by
the beauty of the words and the fictions that are
imported into the poem . .. 1), then, though he is
as strict as a member of the Areopagus, I shall not
dread his decision. For we are convinced by the
poem that the son of Peleus is a brave soldier. He
slays twenty men; then
“ He chose twelve youths alive out of the river
and led them forth amazed like fawns to atone for
the death of Patroclus, son of Menoitius.” 3
But his victory, though it had some influence on
the fortunes of the Achaeans, was not enough to in-
spire any great fear in the enemy, nor did it make
them wholly despair of their cause. ‘On this point
_ | For eight words the text.is hopelessly corrupt.
2 Tliad 21, 27.
163
M 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
Rin > νεὺ δ \ / ὃ 4 ν Ὁ
ap ἑτέρου τινὸς μάρτυρος δεησόμεθα τὸν Ομηρον
: / “ “
παραλιπόντες; καὶ οὐκ ἀπόχρη τῶν ἐπῶν μνη-
a , -
σθῆναι, ἃ πεποίηκεν ἐκεῖνος, ὁπηνίκα ἐπὶ τὰς
a € fal ν
ναῦς ἦλθεν ὁ ἹΪρίαμος φέρων ὑπὲρ τοῦ παιδὸς τὰ
/ \
λύτρα; ἐρομένου yap μετὰ τὰς διαλύσεις, ὑπὲρ !
- > a a a / es
ὧν ἀφῖκτο, τοῦ THs Θέτιδος υἱέος
a f ” a
Ποσσῆμαρ μέμονας κτερεϊζέμεν “Ἑϊκτορα δῖον,
τά τε ἄλλα διέξεισι καὶ περὶ τοῦ πολέμου φησί:
Τῇ δὲ δυωδεκάτῃ πολεμίξομεν,2 εἴπερ ἀνάγκη.
} - 5
οὕτως οὐδὲ ἐπαγγέλλειν ὀκνεῖ μετὰ τὴν ἐκεχειρίαν
\ / «ς δὲ 2 \ \ ὃ \ ΄
τὸν πόλεμον. ὁ δὲ ἀγεννὴς καὶ δειλὸς τύραννος
4 ς \ / na ¢e A a \
ὄρη τε ὑψηλὰ προυτείνετο τῆς αὑτοῦ φυγῆς καὶ
,ὕ > na an nr
ἐξοικοδομήσας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς φρούρια οὐδὲ TH TOV
τόπων ὀχυρότητι πιστεύει, ἀλλὰ ἱκετεύει συγγνώ-
/ \
uns τυγχάνειν. καὶ ἔτυχεν ἄν," εἴπερ ἣν ἄξιος
καὶ μὴ ἐφωράθη πολλάκις ἄπιστος καὶ θρασύς,
» -
ἄλλα ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις προστιθεὶς ἀδικήματα.
\ \ 4 a
Ta μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὴν μάχην, εἰ μὴ δόξῃ τις τῶν
5 , / 0 έ δὲ 4 io
"ἡγουμένων προσέχειν ἐθέλοι μηδὲ ἔπεσιν εὖ
θ᾽ ς Ὡἷ
πεποιημένοις, ἐς αὐτὰ δὲ ὁρᾶν τὰ ἔργα, κρινέτω.
ἑξῆς δ᾽, εἰ βούλεσθε τὴν Αἴαντος ὑπὲρ τῶν νεῶν
n ’ “Ὁ 3 “ a
Kal τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ τείχους τῶν ᾿Αχαιῶν ἀντιθεῖναι
val \ rn / /
μάχην τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐκείνης ἔργοις" ἧ δὴ
Μυγδόνιος ποταμῶν κάλλιστος τὴν αὑτοῦ προσ-
1 [ras] ὑπὲρ Reiske, Hertlein.
2 πολεμίξομεν Cobet, MSS., πολεμίζομεν V, Hertlein,
πτολεμίζομεν M. 3 ἂν Reiske adds.
164
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
shall we set Homer aside and demand some other
witness? Or is it not enough to recall the verses
in which he describes how Priam came to the ships
bringing his son’s ransom? For after he had made
the truce for which he had come, and the son of
Thetis asked :
* For how many days dost thou desire to make a
funeral for noble Hector ?”’
He told him not only that, but concerning the war
he said :
“ And on the twelfth day we will fight again, if
fight we must.”
You see he does not hesitate to announce that war
will be resumed after the armistice. But the un-
manly and cowardly usurper sheltered his flight
behind lofty mountains and built forts on them ;
nor did he trust even to the strength of the position,
but begged for forgiveness. And he would have
obtained it had he deserved it, and not proved him-
self on many occasions both treacherous and insolent,
by heaping one crime on another.
And now with regard to the battle, if there be
anyone who declines to heed either the opinion ex-
pressed in my narrative or those admirably written
verses, but prefers to consider the actual facts, let
him judge from those. Accordingly we will next, if
you please, compare the fighting of Ajax in defence
of the ships and of the Achaeans at the wall with the
Emperor’s achievements at that famous city. I mean
the city to which the Mygdonius, fairest of rivers,
gives its name, though it has also been named after
1 Iliad 24. 657.
τόρ
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
τίθησι φήμην, οὔσῃ δὲ καὶ ᾿Αντιόχου βασιλέως
ἐπωνύμῳ: γέγονε δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ ἕτερον ὄνομα βάρ-
βαρον, σύνηθες τοῖς πολλοῖς ὑπὸ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς
τῇδε βαρβάρους ἐπιμιξίας: ταύτην δὴ τὴν πόλεν
στρατὸς ἀμήχανος πλήθει Παρθυαίων ξὺν ᾿Ινδοῖς
περιέσχεν, ὁπηνίκα ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον βαδίζειν
προύκειτο: καὶ ὅπερ Ἡρακλεῖ φασιν ἐπὶ τὸ
Λερναῖον ἰόντι θηρίον συνενεχθῆναι, τὸν θαλάττιον
καρκίνον, τοῦτο ἣν ὁ Παρθυαίων βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς
ἠπείρου Ῥίγρητα διαβὰς καὶ περιτειχίζων » τὴν
πόλιν χώμασιν" εἶτα εἰς ταῦτα δεχόμενος. τὸν
Μυγδόνιον λίμνην ἀπέφηνε τὸ περὶ τῷ ἄστει
χωρίον καὶ ὥσπερ νῆσον ἐν αὐτῇ συνεῖχε τὴν
πόλιν, μικρὸν ὑπερεχουσῶν καὶ ὑπερφαινομένων
τῶν ἐπάλξεων. ἐπολιόρκει. δὲ ναῦς τε ἐπάγων καὶ
ἐπὶ νεῶν μηχανάς: καὶ ἦν οὐχ ἡμέρας. ἔργον,
μηνῶν δὲ οἶμαι σχεδόν τί “εττάρων. οἱ δὲ ἐν
τῷ τείχει συνεχῶς ἀπεκρούοντο τοὺς βαρβάρους
καταπιμπράντες τὰς “μηχανὰς τοῖς πυρφόροις"
ναῦς δὲ ἀνεῖλκον πολλὰς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ τείχους, ἄλλαι
δὲ κατεάγνυντο ὑπὸ ῥώμης τῶν ἀφιεμένων ὁ ὀργάνων
καὶ βάρους τῶν βελῶν. ἐφέροντο γὰρ εἰς αὐτὰς
λίθοι ταλάντων ὁλκῆς ᾿Αττικῶν ἑπτά. καὶ
ἐπειδὴ συχναῖς ἡμέραις ταῦτ᾽ ἐδρᾶτο, ῥήγνυται
μέρος τοῦ χώματος καὶ ἡ τῶν ὑδάτων ,εἰσρεῖ"
πλήμμυρα, καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ τοῦ τείχους μέρος οὐκ
ἔλασσον πήχεων ἑκατὸν συγκατηνέχθη.
Ἐνταῦθα κοσμεῖ τὴν στρατιὰν τὸν ἸΠερσικὸν
1 περιτειχίζων Hertlein suggests, cf. 278, ἐπετειχίζων MSS,
2 εἰσρεῖ Cobet, ἐκρεῖ MSS., Hertlein,
166
63
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
King Antiochus. Then, too, it has another, a bar-
barian name ! which is familiar to many of you from
your intercourse with. the barbarians of those parts.
This city was besieged by an overwhelming number
of Parthians with their Indian allies, at the very time
when the Emperor was prepared to march against
the usurper. And like the sea crab which they say
engaged Heracles in battle when he sallied forth to
attack the Lernaean monster,’ the King of the Par-
thians, crossing the Tigris from the mainland, en-
circled the city with dykes. Then he let the Myg-
donius flow into these, and transformed all the space
about the city into a lake, and completely hemmed
it in as though it were an island, so that only the
ramparts stood out and showed a little above the
water. Then he besieged it by bringing up ships
with siege-engines on board. This was not the work
of a day, but I believe of almost four months. But
the defenders within the wall continually repulsed
the barbarians by burning the siege-engines with
their fire-darts. And from the wall they hauled up
many of the ships, while others were shattered by
the force of the engines when discharged and the
weight of the missiles. For some of the stones that
were hurled on to them weighed as much as
seven Attic talents. When this had been going
on for many days in succession, part of the dyke
gave way and the water flowed in in full tide,
carrying with it a portion of the wall as much
as a hundred cubits long.‘
Thereupon he arrayed the Besiouine army in the
1 Nisibis.
2 Sapor becomes the ally of Magnentius as the crab was the
ally of the Hydra in the conflict with Heracles.
400 Ibs, in all, 4 150 feet.
167
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
, \ a \
τρόπον. διασώζουσι yap Kal ἀπομιμοῦνται τὰ
Περσικὰ οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, Ἰ]αρθυαῖοι
4
νομίζεσθαι, Πέρσαι δὲ εἶναι προσποιούμενοι.
an an / »
ταῦτά τοι Kal στολῇ Μηδικῇ χαίρουσι. καὶ ἐς
«ς ᾽ὔ’ /
μάχας ἔρχονται ὁμοίως ἐκείνοις ὅπλοις TE ἀγαλ-
7 \
λόμενοι τοιούτοις Kal ἐσθήμασιν ἐπιχρύσοις καὶ
ς 7 / \ ᾽ “ \ \ aA
ἁλουργέσι. σοφίζονται δὲ ἐντεῦθεν τὸ μὴ δοκεῖν
, a \
ἀφεστάναι. Μακεδόνων, ἀναλαβεῖν δὲ τὴν ἐξ
/ / a Ὁ
ἀρχαίου βασιλείαν προσήκουσαν. οὐκοῦν καὶ ὁ
7 /
βασιλεὺς Ἐξέρξην μιμούμενος ἐπί Tivos χειροποιή-
An / a 1 δὲ ς \ \
του καθῆστο γηλόφου, προῆγεϊ δὲ ἡ στρατιὰ ξὺν
“ / nan oc > lal 4 τ ἢ
τοῖς θηρίοις. ταῦτα δὲ ἐξ ᾿Ινδῶν εἵπετο, καὶ ἔφερεν
a a \
ἐκ σιδήρου πύργους τοξοτῶν πλήρεις. ἡγοῦντο δὲ
a a \ /
αὐτῶν ἱππεῖς οἱ θωρακοφόροι καὶ οἱ τοξόται, ἕτερον
ἱππέων πλῆθος ἀμήχανον. τὸ πεζὸν γάρ σφιν
val /
ἀχρεῖον ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ καθέστηκεν οὔτε ἐντίμου
/ / ” » 3 / ὃ ὃ
μετέχον τάξεως οὔτε ὄν σφιν ἐν χρείᾳ, πεδιάδος
n an ς / /
οὔσης Kal ψιλῆς THs χώρας ὁπόσην νέμονται.
“ Ν a
ἔοικε yap δὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα πρὸς τὰς TOD πολέμου
a / a
χρείας τιμῆς Kal ἀτιμίας ἀξιοῦσθαι. ὡς οὖν
a a a , 7
ἀχρεῖον τῇ φύσει οὐδὲ ἐκ τῶν νόμων πολυωρίας
> A / Ν Ὁ“ \ \ \ /
ἀξιοῦται. συνέβη δὲ οὕτω καὶ περὶ THY Κρήτην
\ - \ > ” \ / Ψ \
καὶ Καρίαν καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις δὲ μυρίοις ἔθνεσι τὰ
an nr
περὶ τὸν πόλεμον κατασκευασθῆναι. οὐκοῦν Kal ἡ
Θετταλῶν οὖσα πεδιὰς ἱππεῦσιν ἐναγωνίζεσθαι
4 3 - 3 / ? / \ \ \ ie)
Kal ἐμμελετᾶν ἐπιτήδειος ἐφάνη. τὰ yap δὴ τῆς
ἡμετέρας πόλεως, ἅτε ἐς ἀντιπάλους παντοδαποὺς
/
καταστάντα, εὐβουλίᾳ Kal τύχῃ περιγενόμενα,
1 προῆγε Hertlein suggests, προσῆγε MSS,
198
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Persian fashion. For they keep up and imitate
Persian customs, I suppose, because they do not
wish to be considered Parthians, and so pretend
to be Persians. That is surely the reason why
they prefer the Persian manner of dress. And
when they march to battle they look like them,
and take pride in wearing the same armour, and
raiment adorned with gold and purple. By this
means they try to evade the truth and to make it
appear that they have not revolted from Macedon,
but are merely resuming the empire that was theirs
of old. Their king, therefore, imitating Xerxes, sat
on a sort of hill that had been artificially made, and
his army advanced accompanied by their beasts.!
These came from India and carried iron towers full of
archers. First came the cavalry who wore cuirasses,
and the archers, and then the rest of the cavalry in
huge numbers. For infantry they find useless for their
sort of fighting and it is not highly regarded by
them. Nor, in fact, is it necessary to them, since the
whole of the country that they inhabit is flat and
bare. For a military force is naturally valued or |
slighted in proportion to its actual usefulness in war.
Accordingly, since infantry is, from the nature of the
country, of little use to them, it is granted no great
consideration in their laws. This happened in the
case of Crete and Caria as well, and countless nations
have a military equipment like theirs. For instance
the plains of Thessaly have proved suitable for
cavalry engagements and drill. Our state, on the
other hand, since it has had to encounter adversaries
of all sorts, and has won its pre-eminence by good
judgment combined with good luck, has naturally
1 Elephants.
169
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
aris 3 e/ 3 Ψ a
εἰκότως ἐς ἅπαν εἶδος ὅπλων τε Kal παρασκευῆς
ΜΝ ΤΠ 4 4 θ
ἄλλης “ ἡρμοσθη.
> n
Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν λόγον,
a “ 7
ὡς ἂν εἴποιεν οἱ ταῖς τῶν ἐπαίνων τέχναις
καθάπερ νόμοις ἐπιτεταγμένοι" ἐγὼ δὲ εἰ μέν τί
σοι προσήκει καὶ τούτων, ἐν καιρῷ σκέψομαι, τά
γε μὴν ὀνείδη τῶν ἀνθρώπων οὐ χαλεπῶς
ἀπολύομαι. φημὶ γὰρ ὡς οὔτε ἐγὼ τῶν τεχνῶν
μεταποιοῦμαι οὔτε ὅστις μή τίσιν ὡμολόγησεν
ἐμμενεῖν ἀδικεῖ μὴ φυλάττων ταῦτα: τυχὸν δὲ καὶ
GXX@V οὐκ ᾿ἀπορήσομεν εὐπρεπῶν παραιτήσεων.
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον μακρότερον εἰς οὐδὲν δέον
ἀπαρτᾶν τὸν λόγον καὶ ἀποπλανᾶσθαι τῆς ὑπο-
/ > a > ἂν > " Gees
θέσεως. ἐπαναβῶμεν οὖν αὖθις εἰς ἴχνος Kal ὅθεν
ἐξέβην.
64
᾿Επειδὴ yap οἱ ἸΤαρθυαῖοι κοσμηθέντες ὅπλοις Β΄
αὐτοί τε καὶ ἵπποι ξὺν τοῖς ᾿Ινδικοῖς θηρίοις προσ-
γον τῷ τείχει, λαμπροὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὡς αὐτίκα
μάλα ᾿ἀναρπασόμενοι καὶ ἐδέδοτό σφιν τοῦ
πρόσω χωρεῖν τὸ σημεῖον, ὠθοῦντο ξύμπαντες,
αὐτός τις ἐθέλων πρῶτος ἐσαλέσθαι τὸ τεῖχος καὶ
οἴχεσθαι φέρων τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ κλέος" εἶναί τε οὐδὲν
ἐτόπαξον δέος: οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπομενεῖν σφῶν τὴν
ὁρμὴν τοὺς ἔνδον. Παρθυαίοις μὲν “τοσοῦτον
περιῆν ἐλπίδος. οἱ δὲ πυκνήν τε εἶχον τὴν
φάλαγγα κατὰ τὸ διερρηγμένον τοῦ τείχους, καὶ
ὑπὲρ τοῦ συνεστῶτος ὁπόσον ἦν ἀχρεῖον πλῆθος
1 παρασκευῆς ἄλλης Cobet, MSS., παρασκευῆς (ἄλλοτε) ἄλλης
Reiske, Hertlein.
2 ἀναρπασόμενοι Hertlein suggests, διαρπασάμενοι V, διαρπα-
σόμενοι MSS,
170
a a ae
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
adapted itself to every kind of armour, and to a
varying equipment.
But perhaps those who watch over the rules for
writing panegyric as though they were laws, may
say that all this is irrelevant to my speech. Now
whether what I have been saying partly concerns
you I shall consider at the proper time. But at any
rate I can easily clear myself from the accusation of-
such persons. For I declare that I make no claim
ἴθ be an expert in their art, and one who has not
agreed to abide by certain rules has the right to
neglect them. And it may be that I shall prove
to have other convincing excuses besides. But it is
not worth while to interrupt my speech and digress
from my theme any longer when there is no need.
Let me, then, retrace my steps to the point at
which I digressed.
Now when the Parthians advanced to attack the
wall in their splendid accoutrements, men and
horses, supported by the Indian elephants, it was with
the utmost confidence that they would at once take
it by assault. And at the signal to charge they all
pressed forward, since every man of them was eager
to be the first to scale the wall! and win the glory
of that exploit. They did not imagine that there
was anything to fear, nor did they believe that
the besieged would resist their assault. Such was
the exaggerated confidence of the Parthians. The
besieged, however, kept their phalanx unbroken at
the gap in the wall, and on the portion of the wall
that was still intact they posted all the non-
1 Tliad 12, 488; οἵ, 718
171
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
ἐν TH πόλει κατέστησαν ἀναμίξαντες TOV στρα-
τιωτῶν οὐκ ἐλάττω μοῖραν. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι
προσήλαυνον καὶ οὐδὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ τείχους
ἀφίετο βέλος, βεβαιοτέραν εἶχον τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ
κατ᾽ ἄκρας αἱρήσειν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ τοὺς ἵππους
ἔπαιον μάστιξι καὶ ἥμασσον τὰς πλευρὰς τοῖς κέν-
τροῖς, ἕως ἐποιήσαντο σφῶν κατὰ νώτου τὰ
χώματα" ἐπεποίητο δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκεῖνα πρότερον
πρὸς τὸ ἐπέχειν τοῦ Μυγδονίου τὰς ἐκροάς, ἰλύς
τε ἣν περὶ τὸ χωρίον εὖ μάλα βαθεῖα Τοὐδὲ
αὐτοῦ παντελῶς ὄντος ὑπὸ τῆς ὕλης 7 καὶ
διὰ τὸ πίειραν εἶναι τὴν γῆν καὶ στέγειν
δύνασθαι φύσει τὰς λιβάδας. ἦν δὲ ἐνταῦθα
καὶ παλαιὸν ἔρυμα τῇ πόλει τάφρος εὐρεῖα, καὶ ἐν
αὐτῇ βαθύτερον συνειστήκει τέλμα. ἁπτομένων
δὲ ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ταύτης καὶ διαβαίνειν
πειρωμένων, ἐπεξῇσαν2 πολλοὶ μὲν ἔνδοθεν,
πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἔβαλλον τοῖς λίθοις"
καὶ αὐτῶν μὲν πολὺς ἐγένετο φόνος, φυγῇ δὲ
ἔτρεπον τοὺς ἵππους ξύμπαντες, τῷ μόνον ἐθέλειν
καὶ δηλοῦν τὴν γνώμην διὰ τοῦ σχήματος. ἐπι-
στρεφόντων. γὰρ ἔπιπτον εὐθέως καὶ κατέφερον
τοὺς ἱππέας" βαρεῖς δὲ ὄντες τοῖς ὅπλοις μᾶλλον
ἐνείχοντο τῷ τέλματι. καὶ αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα γίνεται
φόνος, ὅσος οὔπω πρόσθεν ἐν πολιορκίᾳ τοιαύτῃ ®
γέγονεν.
Ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ τῶν ἱππέων ὧδε ἐπεπράγει, τῶν
ἐλεφάντων πειρῶνται, καταπλήξεσθαι μᾶλλον
1 οὐδὲ---ὅλης corrupt.. Reiske suggests οὐδὲ αὐτὸ παντελῶς ὃν
ξηρὸν ὑπό τε ὕλης. ἕλης V, ὕλης MSS.
2 ἐπεξῇσαν Hertlein suggests, ἐπεξήεσαν MSS., V omits.
3 roavTn Reiske suggests, τοσαύτῃ MSS., Hertlein,
172
_
—
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
combatants in the city, and distributed among them
an equal number of soldiers. But when the enemy
rode up and not a single missile was hurled at them
from the wall, their confidence that they would com-
pletely reduce the city was strengthened, and they
whipped and spurred on their horses so that their
flanks were covered with blood, until they had left
the dykes behind them. These dykes they had
made earlier to dam the mouth of the Mygdonius,
and the mud thereabouts was very deep. ‘In fact.
there was hardly any ground at all because of
the wood,'t and because the soil was so rich, and
of the sort that conceals springs under its surface
Moreover there was in that place a wide moat that
had been made long ago to protect the town, and
had become filled up with a bog of considerable
depth. Now when the enemy had already reached
this moat and were trying to cross it, a large torce of
the besieged made a sally, while many others hurled
stones from the walls. Then many of the besiegers
were slain, and all with one accord turned their -
horses in flight, though only from their gestures
could it be seen that flight was what they desired
and intended. For, as they were in the act of
wheeling them about, their horses fell and bore
down the riders with them. Weighed down as they
were by their armour, they floundered still deeper in
the bog, and the carnage that ensued has never yet
been paralleled in any siege of the same kind.
Since this fate had overtaken the cavalry, they tried
the elephants, thinking that they would be more
1 The text here is corrupt.
173
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
οἰόμενοι τῷ ξένῳ THs μάχης: οὐ yap δὴ τοσοῦτον
αὐτοῖς τὰ τῶν ὀμμάτων διέφθαρτο, ὡς μὴ καθορᾶν
4 \ x ~ ᾿ Ν 7 / \ » A
βαρύτερον μὲν ὃν ἵππου τὸ θηρίον, φέρον δὲ ἄχθος
οὐχ ἵππων δυοῖν ἢ πλειόνων, ἁμαξῶν δὲ οἶμαι
συχνῶν, τοξότας καὶ ἀκοντιστὰς καὶ σιδηροῦν
πύργον. ταῦτα δὲ ἦν ἅπαντα πρὸς τὸ χωρίον
χειροποίητον γεγονὸς τέλμα κωλύματα, καὶ ἦν
αὐτοῖς ἔργῳ φανερά' ὅθεν οὐκ εἰκὸς εἰς μάχην
ow > Vip 7ὕ αι τ ΄
ἰέναι, ἀλλὰ ἐς κατάπληξιν τῶν ἔνδον παρασκευά-
ἕεσθαι. προσῆγον δὲ ἐν τάξει μέτρον διεστῶτες
Σ , » ΣΝ 7 a / ς
ἀλλήλων ἴσον, καὶ ἐῴκει τείχει τῶν Παρθυαίων ἡ
/ τ \ \ θ ἣν FE " \ / /
φάλαγξ: τὰ μὲν θηρία τοὺς πύργους φέροντα,
τῶν ὁπλιτῶν δὲ ἀναπληρούντων τὰ ἐν μέσῳ.
ταχθέντες δὲ οὕτως οὐ μέγα ὄφελος ἦσαν τῷ
βαρβάρῳ: παρεῖχον yap ἡδονὴν καὶ τέρψιν τοῖς
ἐκ τοῦ τείχους θεωμένοις. ὡς δὲ ἐ ἐγένοντο διακορεῖς
οἱονεὶ λαμπρᾶς καὶ πολυτελοῦς πομπῆς πεέμπο-
μένης, λίθους ἐκ μηχανῶν ἀφιέντες καὶ τόξοις
βάλλοντες ἐς τὴν τειχομαχίαν προυκαλοῦντο
τοὺς βαρβάρους. φύσει δὲ ὄντες εἰς ὀργὴν ὀξύρ-
ροποι, καὶ δεινὸν ποιούμενοι τὸ γέλωτα. ὀφλῆσαι
καὶ ἀπαγαγεῖν ὀπίσω τὴν παρασκευὴν ἄπρακτον,
ἐγκελευομένου σφίσι τοῦ βασιλέως, προσῆγον τῷ
τείχει καὶ ἐβάλλοντο πυκνοῖς " τοῖς λίθοις καὶ
τοῖς τοξεύμασι: καὶ ἐτρώθη τῶν θηρί ίων τινὰ καὶ
ἀπέθανεν κατενεχθέντα * ὑπὸ τῆς ἰλύος. δείσαντες
δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπῆγον ὀπίσω πάλιν εἰς
τὸ στρατόπεδον.
1 τὰ μὲν θηρία corrupt, Hertlein.
2 πυκνοῖς Cobet, πυκνῶς MSS., Hertlein.
ὃ κατενεχθέντα Reiske, εἰσενεχθέντα MSS., Hertlein,
174
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS.
likely to overawe us by that novel sort of fighting.
For surely they had not been stricken so blind as not
to see that an elephant is heavier than a horse, since
it carries the load, not of two horses or several, but
_ what would, I suppose, require many waggons, I mean
archers and javelin men and the iron tower besides.
All this was a serious hindrance, considering that the
ground was artificially made and had been converted
into a bog. And this the event made plain. Hence
it is probable that they were not advancing to give
battle, but rather were arrayed to overawe the
besieged. They came on in battle line at equal
distances from one another, in fact the phalanx of
the Parthians resembled a wall, with the elephants
carrying the towers, and hoplites filling up the spaces
between. But drawn up as these were they were of
no great use to the barbarian. It was, however,
a spectacle which gave the defenders on the wall
great pleasure and entertainment, and when they had
gazed their fill at what resembled a splendid and
costly pageant in procession, they hurled stones from
their engines, and, shooting their arrows, challenged
the barbarians to fight for the wall. Now the
Parthians are naturally quick-tempered, and they -
could not endure to incur ridicule and lead back
this imposing force without striking a blow; so by
the king’s express command they charged at the
wall and received a continuous fire of stones and
arrows, while some of the elephants were wounded,
and perished by sinking into the mud. Thereupon, in
fear for the others also, they led them back to the
camp.
T75
᾿ THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
‘Os δὲ καὶ ταύτης ὁ Παρθυαῖος ἥμαρτε τῆς
, \ ’ Ν > / f
πείρας, τοὺς τοξότας διελὼν εἰς μοίρας διαδέ-
χεσθαί τε ἀλλήλους κελεύει καὶ συνεχῶς βάλλειν
πρὸς τὸ διερρηγμένον τοῦ τείχους, ὡς μὴ δυνηθεῖεν
ἀποικοδομῆσαι καὶ ἔχειν ἀσφαλῶς τὴν πόλιν"
cf \ ς / \ x lA An
οὕτω yap αἱρήσειν λαθὼν ἢ βιασάμενος TO
πλήθει τοὺς ἔνδον ἤλπιζε. ἀλλὰ μάταιον yap}
2 7 ς 7 \ ΄“Ὁ /
ἀπέφηνεν ἡ βασιλέως παρασκευὴ τοῦ βαρβάρου
τὸ διανόημα. κατὰ νώτου γὰρ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἕτερον
τεῖχος εἰργάζετο! ὁ δὲ ὠετο τοῖς ἀρχαίοις ἴχνεσιν
> \ / 7 4 id / \
és τὰ θεμέλια χρωμένους μέλλειν ἔτι. ἡμέρᾳ δὲ
ὅλῃ καὶ νυκτὶ συνεχῶς ἐργασαμένων ἔστε ἐπὶ
t , Ψ 2 / nS 4 >
τέτταρας πήχεις ὕψους ἠγείρετο, Kal ἕωθεν ὥφθη
λαμπρὸν καὶ νεουργές, ἐκείνων οὐδὲ ἀκαρῆ χρόνον
ἐνδιδόντων, διαδεχομένων δὲ ἀλλήλους καὶ ἀκοντι-
ζόντων ἐς τοὺς ἐφεστῶτας τῷ κειμένῳ τείχει,
τοῦτο ἐξέπληξε δεινῶς τὸν βάρβαρον. οὐ μὴν
> an > \ \ 7 > ᾽ 5 lal
ἀπῆγεν εὐθὺς τὴν στρατίάν, ἀλλ᾽ αὖθις τοῖς
αὐτοῖς χρῆται παλαίσμασι. δράσας δὲ οἶμαι καὶ
παθὼν παραπλήσια ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιὰν ὀπίσω,
- \ Ν ς \ n b] / / > ἧς
πολλοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας δήμους ἀπολέσας,
Ν \ > rd \ fal / \ A
πολλὰ δὲ ἀναλώσας περὶ τοῖς χώμασι Kal TH
πολιορκίᾳ σώματα, σατράπας δὲ ἀνελὼν συχνούς,
+ ἐκ 2 4 Ν \ v4 \
ἄλλον ANNO ἐπαιτιώμενος, TOV μὲν OTL μὴ καρτε-
a 3 / \ , 3 \ \ > 4
ρῶς ἐπεποίητο τὰ χώματα, εἶξε δὲ Kai ἐπεκλύσθη
παρὰ τῶν ποταμίων ῥευμάτων, τὸν δὲ ὡς φαύλως
1 ἀλλὰ μάταιον γὰρ Hertlein suggests, μάταιον δ᾽ ἄρα Reiske,
μάταιον γὰρ MSS.
176
=e σου. .“ ἀἌέμΝμ ὁ ὦ
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Having failed in this second attempt as well,
the Parthian king divided his archers into companies
and ordered them to relieve one another and to
keep shooting at the breach in the wall, so that the
beseiged could not rebuild it and thus ensure the
safety of the town. For he hoped by this means
either to take it by surprise, or by mere numbers
to overwhelm the garrison. But the preparations
that had been made by the Emperor made it clear
_ that the barbarian’s plan was futile. For in the rear
of the hoplites a second wall was being built, and
while he thought they were using the old line
of the wall for the foundations and that the work
was not yet in hand, they had laboured continuously
for a whole day and night till the wall had risen
to a height of four cubits. And at daybreak it
became visible, a new and conspicuous piece of
work. Moreover the besieged did not for a moment
yield their ground, but kept relieving one another
and shooting their javelins at those who were
attacking the fallen wall, and all this terribly
dismayed the barbarian. Nevertheless he did not
at once lead off his army but employed the same
efforts over again. But when he had done as before,
and as before suffered repulse, he did lead his army
back, having lost many whole tribes through famine,
and squandered many lives over the dykes and
in the siege. He had also put to death many satraps
one after another, on various charges, blaming one
of them because the dykes had not been made
strong enough, but gave way and were flooded by
the waters of the river, another because when
| 177
VOL, I N
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
᾽ / ς Ν a , Δ ὃ} ες
ἀγωνισάμενον ὑπὸ τοῖς τείχεσι, καὶ ἄλλους ἄλλας
> / : eet 4 μὴ Ψ \ s 4 a
ἐπάγων αἰτίας ἔκτεινεν. ἔστι yap εὖ μάλα τοῖς
7 \
kata τὴν ᾿Ασίαν βαρβάροις σύνηθες ἐς τοὺς
a / ’
ὑπηκόους τὰς αἰτίας τῆς δυσπραγίας ἀποσκευά-
ἃ \ \ Ι͂ / > \ ” \
ζεσθαι, ὃ δὴ καὶ τότε δράσας ἀπιὼν wKETO. καὶ
ἄγει πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰρήνην ἐκ τούτου, καὶ οὔτε ὅρκων
5 a 50. 5 > lal \ ” / >
οὔτε συνθηκῶν ἐδέησεν, ἀγαπᾷ δὲ οἴκοι μένων, εἰ
> \ /
μὴ στρατεύοιτο βασιλεὺς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ δίκην
ἀπαιτοίη τοῦ θράσους καὶ τῆς ἀπονοίας.
/ a
"Apa ye ἄξιον ταύτην παραβαλεῖν τὴν μάχην
a an n a ¢ an na
ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῶν νεῶν TOV Ελληνικῶν Kal τοῦ τείχους;
3 a ΑΕ Φ \ e / \ \ 4 /
ἀθρεῖτε δὲ ὧδε τὴν ὁμοιότητα Kal TO διάφορον λογί-
fecbe. “EXdnvov μὲν Αἴαντε καὶ οἱ Λαπίθαι καὶ
Qn nw ΝΑ
Μενεσθεὺς τοῦ τείχους εἶξαν καὶ περιεῖδον τὰς πύ-
7 a
λας συντριβομένας ὑφ᾽ Extopos καὶ τῶν ἐπάλξεων
/ /
ἐπιβεβηκότα τὸν Σαρπηδόνα. οἱ δὲ οὐδὲ διαρ-
rn /
ραγέντος αὐτομάτως τοῦ τείχους ἐνέδοσαν, ἀλλὰ
ἐνίκων μαχόμενοι καὶ ἀπεκρούοντο Ἰ]αρθυαίου
μαχὸμ LT EK P ρ s
\ > an > 4 3 ς \ > x
ξὺν Ἰνδοῖς ἐπιστρατεύσαντας. εἶτα ὁ μὲν ἐπιβὰς
a a \ cal 7 “ 4
TOV νεῶν ἀπὸ TOV ἰκρίων ὥσπερ ἐρύματος πεζὸς
/ Η / \ a a
διαγωνίζεται, of δὲ πρότερον ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν
> 4 7 Ν ς Ν a > 4 3
ἐναυμάχουν, τέλος δὲ οἱ μὲν τῶν ἐπάλξεων εἶξαν
a “ / /
καὶ TOV νεῶν, οἱ δὲ ἐνίκων ναυσί τε ἐπιόντας Kal
a 7 \ a /
πεζῇ τοὺς πολεμίους. ἀλλὰ γὰρ εὖ ποιῶν ὁ λόγος
oe" Ν Ὕ“ Ν \ / > 5
ἐπὶ τὸν “Ἕκτορα καὶ τὸν Σαρπηδόνα, οὐκ οἶδα
“ ς 7 bere: anes J > / 7 n ΝΜ ;
ὅπως, ὑπηνέχθη Kal ἐπ᾽ αὐτό γέ φασι τῶν ἔργων CO
178
67
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
fighting under the walls he had not distinguished
himself ; and others he executed for one offence or
another. ‘This is in fact the regular custom among
the barbarians in Asia, to shift the blame of their
ill-suecess on to their subjects. Thus then the king
acted on that occasion, and afterwards took himself
off. And from that time he has kept the peace with
us and has never asked for any covenant or treaty, but
he stays at home and is thankful if only the
Emperor does not march against him and exact
vengeance for his audacity and folly.
And now am I justified in comparing this
battle with those that were fought in defence
of the Greek ships and the wall? Observe the
following points of similarity, and note also the
difference. Of the Greeks the two Ajaxes, the
Lapithae and Menestheus fell back from the wall
and looked on helplessly while the gates were bat-
tered down by Hector, and Sarpedon scaled the
battlements. But our garrison did not give way
even when the wall fell in of itself, but they fought
and won, and repulsed the Parthians, aided though
these were by their Indian allies. ‘Then again Hector
went up on to the ships and fought from their decks
on foot, and as though from behind a rampart,
whereas our garrison first had to fight a naval battle
from the walls, and finally, while Hector and
Sarpedon had to retreat from the battlements and the
ships, the garrison routed not only the forces that
brought ships to the attack but the land force as
well. Now it is appropriate that by some happy
chance my speech should have alluded to Hector
and Sarpedon, and to what I may call. the very
crown of their achievements, I mean the de-
179
N 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
TO κεφάλαιον, τὴν καθαίρεσιν τοῦ τείχους, 0} μιᾷ
4 ¢ / \ 3 4 a
πρότερον ἡμέρᾳ τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς φησι, τοῦ IvAtov
δημαγωγοῦ καὶ βασιλέως ξυμπείθοντος, ἄρρηκτον
νηῶν τε καὶ αὐτῶν εἶλαρ κατασκευάσασθαι.
Σχεδὸν γάρ μοι τοῦτο φαίνεται τὸ γενναιότατον
A 4 17d \ 3. τὰ ΤᾺ / / 2
τῶν ἔργων Extopos, καὶ οὐχὶ Ἰ'λαύκου τέχνης
συνεῖναι οὐδὲ σοφωτέρας ἐπινοίας δεῖται, Ομήρου
σαφῶς διδάσκοντος, ὡς ᾿Αχίλλέως μὲν φανέντος
3Q 7 > \ > ἴω
ἐδύσετο οὐλαμὸν ἀνδρῶν.
> / \ a \ > / +2 \
Αγαμέμνονος δὲ τοῖς Τρωσὶν ἐπικειμένου καὶ ἐς τὸ
τεῖχος καταδιώξαντος "ἡ ‘Extopa ὕπαγε Ζεύς, ἵνα
ἀποσώξοιτο καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν. προσπαίξων δὲ αὐτὸν
ὁ ποιητὴς καὶ καταγελῶν τῆς δειλίας ὑπὸ τῇ
φηγῷ καὶ πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ἤδη καθημένῳ τὴν
ay 4 7 \ a A \ 7
ριν ἥκειν ΤΥ παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς φράζουσαν
Ὄφρ᾽ ἂν μέν κεν ὁρᾷς ᾿Αγαμέμνονα ποιμένα λαῶν
Θύνοντ᾽ ἐν προμάχοισιν, ἐναίροντα στίχας ἀν-
δρῶν,
Τόφρ᾽ ἀριθτρδα μάχης.
πῶς γὰρ εἰκὸς οὕτως ἀγεννῆ καὶ δειλὰ παραινεῖν
τὸν “Δία, ἄλλως τε οὐδὲ μαχομένῳ, ξὺν πολλῇ δὲ
ἑστῶτι ῥᾳστώνῃ; καὶ ὁπηνίκα δὲ ὁ τοῦ Τυδέως,
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς πολλὴν ἐκ τοῦ κράνους ἀναπτούσης
φλόγα, πολλοὺς μὲν ἔκτεινε, φεύγειν δὲ ἠνάγκαξε,
τοὺς ὑπομένοντας, πόρρω τε ἀφειστήκει 7 τοῦ πολέ-
μου, καὶ πολλὰ ὑπομένων ὀνείδη ἀπέγνω μὲν
κρατοῦσι τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς ἀντιστῆναι, εὐπρεπῆ δὲ
ποιεῖται τὴν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ πορείαν, ὡς τῇ μητρὶ
1 ὅ Reiske adds.
2 τέχνης Reiske, τέχνη cant. Hertlein, τέχνῃ MSS.
180
eee?)
at
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
struction of that wall which Homer tells us the
Achaeans built only the day before, on the advice of
the princely orator! of Pylos “to be an impregnable
bulwark for the ships and the army.” 3
For that I think was almost the proudest of
Hecetor’s achievements, and he did not need the
craft of Glaucus to help him, or any wiser plan, for
Homer says plainly that the moment Achilles ap-
peared
“ He shrank back into the crowd of men.’ 8
Again, when Agamemnon attacked the Trojans and
pursued them to the wall, Zeus stole away + Hector
so that he might escape at his leisure. And the
poet is mocking him and ridiculing his cowardice
when he says that as he was sitting under the oak-
tree, being already near the gate, Iris came to him
with this message from Zeus :
“So long as thou seest Agamemnon, shepherd of
the host, raging among the foremost fighters and
cutting down the ranks of men, so long do thou
keep back from the fight.” ὃ
For is it likely that Zeus would give such base and
cowardly advice, especially to one who was not even
fighting, but was standing there very much at his
ease? And while the son of Tydeus, on whose head
Athene kindled a mighty flame, was slaying many
and forcing to flight all who stayed to encounter him,
Hector stood far away from the battle. Though
he had to endure many taunts, he despaired of
making a stand against the Achaeans, but made a
specious excuse for going to the city to advise his
! Nestor. 2 Iliad 14. 56. 3 Ihad 20. 379.
4 Ilad 11. 163. > Iliad 11. 202..
181
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
A \ A a
παραινέσων ἐξιλεοῦσθαι τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν μετὰ τῶν
Ν / a
Τρωάδων. καίτοι εἰ μὲν αὐτὸς ἱκέτευε πρὸ τοῦ
Ν \ a / ru WaT oe λό }
νεὼ ξὺν τῇ γερουσίᾳ, πολὺν ἂν εἶχε λόγον: προσ-
ἠκει γὰρ οἶμαι τὸν στρατηγὸν ἢ βασιλέα
θ 7 ς / \ / θ 4 2 ὶ RE
καθάπερ ἱερέα καὶ προφήτην θεραπεύειν ἀεὶ ξὺν
κόσμῳ τὸν θεὸν καὶ μηδὲν ὀλυγωρεῖν μηδὲ ἑτέρῳ
μᾶλλον προσήκειν ἡγεῖσθαι μηδὲ ἐπιτρέπειν, ἀν-
“ ,
άξιον αὑτοῦ νομίζοντα τὸ διακόνημα.
\ \ \
Οἶμαι yap τὴν Πλάτωνος μικρὰ παρατρέψας
[ a
λέξιν οὐχ ἁμαρτήσεσθαι, ὡς ὅτῳ ἀνδρί, waddov
an \ \ /
δὲ βασιλεῖ, ἐς τὸν θεὸν ἀνήρτηται πάντα τὰ πρὸς
> rg J \ 1 ἡ’. 5 > ΄
εὐδαιμονίαν φέροντα καὶ μὴ ἐν ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις
αἰωρεῖται, ἐξ ὧν εὖ ἢ κακῶς πραξάντων πλανᾶ-
\ \
σθαι ἀναγκάζεται αὐτὸς Kal τὰ ἐκείνου πράγματα,
τούτῳ ἄριστα παρεσκεύασται πρὸς τὸ ζῆν. εἰ δὲ
ἐπιτρέποι μηδεὶς μεταγράφεινξ μηδὲ ἐκτρέπειν
\ / DA > \ “ ς Ν
μηδὲ μεταλαμβάνειν τοὔνομα, ἀλλὰ ὥσπερ ἱερὸν
a / - /
ἀρχαῖον κελεύοι μένειν ἐᾶν ἀκίνητον, οὐδὲ οὕτως
lA “ \ \ 3 a ἈΝ \
ἄλλο τι διανοεῖσθαι τὸν σοφὸν ἐροῦμεν. TO yap
> € \ 3 > ὃ 7 Ν a / WY: \
εἰς ἑαυτὸν! ov δήπου τὸ σῶμά dnow οὐδὲ τὰ
/ n
χρήματα οὐδὲ εὐγένειαν καὶ δόξαν πατέρων' ταῦτα
an / “Ὁ
γὰρ αὐτοῦ μέν τινος οἰκεῖα κτήματα, οὐ μήν ἐστι
a al aed 3 Ν an \ / 4 4 \
ταῦτα αὐτός: ἀλλὰ νοῦν καὶ φρονησιν, φησί, καὶ
Lv ΚΣ, haste Achaia ae Wein Wits le, ἔτει.
τὸ ὅλον τὸν ἐν ἡμῖν θεόν" ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς ἑτέρωθι
1 ἄν Hertlein adds.
2 μεταγράφειν Cobet, παραγράφειν MSS., Hertlein.
3 cis ἑαυτὸν Cobet, cf. Menexenus 2478 σεαυτοῦ Hertlein,
suggests ἑαυτὸν, σεαυτὸ V, σεαυτοῦ MSS.
4 γρῦν-- φρόνησιν Hertlein suggests, νῷ--- φρονήσει MSS.
5 τὺν---θεεόν Hertlein suggests, τῷ---θϑεῷ MSS. Hertlein
suspects corruption.
182
2. Pe -ὐθ ως ᾿
hii
—
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
mother to .propitiate Athene in company with the
Trojan women. And yet if in person he had be-
sought the goddess before the temple, with the
elders, he would have had good reason for that, for
it is only proper, in my opinion, that a general or
king should always serve the god with the appointed
ritual, like a priest or prophet, and not neglect this
duty nor think it more fitting for another, and de-
pute it as though he thought such a service beneath
his own dignity.
For here 1 think I may without offence adapt
slightly Plato’s language where he says that the
man, and especially the king, best equipped for this
life is he who depends on God for all that relates to
happiness, and does not hang in suspense on other
men, whose actions, whether good or bad, are liable
to force him and his affairs out of the straight path.
And though no one should allow me to paraphrase
or change that passage or alter that word,? and
though I should be told that I must leave it un-
disturbed like something holy and consecrated by
time, even in that case I shall maintain that this is
what that wise man meant. For when he says
“depends on himself,” assuredly he does not refer
to a man’s body or his property, or long descent, or
distinguished ancestors. For these are indeed his
belongings, but they are not the man himself; his
real self is his mind, his intelligence, and, in a
1 Menexenus 247 Ἐ.
2 Plato says εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνήρτηται ‘who depends on himself.”
183
/
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
κυριώτατον ἐν ἡμῖν ψυχῆς εἶδος ἔφη, καὶ ὡς ἄρα
> \ ὃ / θ \ € / δέδ “ ἃ δή
αὐτὸν δαίμονα θεὸς ἑκάστῳ δέδωκε, τοῦτο ὃ δή
a lal A ΄ \
φαμεν οἰκεῖν μὲν ἡμῶν ἐπ᾽ ἄκρῳ τῷ σώματι, πρὸς
a \ a n
δὲ τὴν ἐν οὐρανῷ ξυγγένειαν ἀπὸ γῆς ἡμᾶς αἴρειν.
ἐς τοῦτο γὰρ ἔοικεν ἐπιτάττειν ἀνηρτῆσθαι χρῆναι
ς:;.2 > 7 δον» >» » , τὰν ζῶ
ἑκάστῳ ἀνδρί, καὶ οὐκ εἰς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους, οἱ
4
τὰ μὲν ἄλλα βλάπτειν καὶ κωλύειν ἐθέλοντες
πολλάκις ἐδυνήθησαν: ἤδη δέ τινες καὶ μὴ βου-
λόμενοι τῶν ἡμετέρων τινὰ παρείχοντο. τοῦτο δὲ
ἀκώλυτον μόνον καὶ ἀπαθές ἐστιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ
θεμιτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ χείρονος τὸ κρεῖττον βλάπτε-
σθαι. ἔστι δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἐκεῖθεν ὁ λόγος. GAN
» Ν / ς an “ a /
ἔοικα yap καταφορτίζειν ὑμᾶς τοῖς τοῦ ΤΤλάτωνος
λόγοις μικρὰ ἐπιπάττων τῶν ῥημάτων ὥσπερ
ἁλῶν ἢ χρυσοῦ ψήγματος. τούτων δὲ οἱ μὲν
SOL \ / ς δὲ 3 a a /
ἠδίω τὴν τροφὴν, ο δὲ εὐπρεπῆ μᾶλλον παρέχει
τὴν θέαν. ἀμφότερα δὲ ἐν τοῖς Πλάτωνος λόγοις"
καὶ γὰρ αἰσθέσθαι διὰ τῆς ἀκοῆς ἡδίους τῶν ἁλῶν C
καὶ θρέψαι ψυχὴν ξὺν ἡδονῇ καὶ καθῆραι θαυ-
/ /
μαστοί: ὥστε οὐκ ἀποκνητέον οὐδὲ εὐλαβητέον
\ / » / \ > :
τὸν ψόγον, εἴ τις apa καταμέμφοιτο THY ἄπλη-
[4
στίαν, καὶ ὅτι παντὸς ἐπιδραττόμεθα ὥσπερ ἐν
a a 7
τοῖς συμποσίοις οἱ λίχνοι στῶν ἐδωδίμων ardv-
n /
TOV, οὐχ ὑπομένοντες TO μὴ τῶν προκειμένων
ἅψασθαι. τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ τρόπον τινὰ καὶ ἡμῖν ἔοικε
/
συμβαίνειν, ἐπαίνους ἅμα καὶ δόγματα ἄδειν καὶ
“ 4
πρὶν ἢ μετρίως ἐφικέσθαι τοῦ προτέρου λόγου
/ ς / / > lal ΠᾺΡ
μέσον ὑποτεμομένοις φιλοσόφων ἐξηγεῖσθαι ῥή-
! [és] ἡδίω Hertlein, μᾶλλον V adds.
184
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
word, the god that is in us. As to which, Plato
elsewhere calls it “the supreme form of the soul
that is within us,” and says that “God has given
it to each one of us as a guiding genius, even
that which we say dwells in the summit of our
body and raises us from earth towards our celestial
affinity.”! It is on this that he plainly says every
man ought to depend, and not on other men, who
. have so often succeeded when they wish to harm
and hinder us in other respects. Indeed it has
happened before now that even without such a
desire men have deprived us of certain of our posses-
sions. But this alone cannot be hindered or harmed,
since “ Heaven does not permit the bad to injure
what is better than itself.”? This saying also is from
Plato. But it may be that I am wearying you with
these doctrines of his with which I sprinkle my own
utterances in small quantities, as with salt or gold dust.
For salt makes our food more agreeable, and gold
enhances an effect to the eye. But Plato’s doctrines
produce both effects. For as we listen to them they
give more pleasure than salt to the sense, and they
have a wonderful power of sweetly nourishing and
cleansing the soul. So that I must not hesitate or
be cautious of criticism if someone reproaches me
with being insatiable and grasping at everything,
like persons at a banquet who, in their greed to
taste every dish, cannot keep their hands from what
is set before them.’ For something of this sort
seems to happen in my case when, in the same
breath, I utter panegyric and philosophic theories,
and, before I have done justice to my original theme,
break off in the middle to expound the sayings of
ἢ Timaeus 90 A. 2 Apology 30 ν. 3 Republic 354.B.
185
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
σεις. πρὸς δὴ τοὺς τὰ τοιαῦτα καταμεμφομένους
εἴρηται μὲν ἤδη καὶ πρότερον καὶ αὖθις δὲ ἴσως
λελέξεται.
Νῦν δὲ τὸ συνεχὲς ἀποδόντες τῷ παρόντι λόγῳ
ἐπὶ τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπανάγωμεν ὥσπερ οἱ προεκ-
θέοντες ἐν τοῖς δρόμοις. ἐλέγετο δ᾽ οὖν ἐν τοῖς
πρόσθεν ὡς αὐτὸν μέν τινά φησι Πλάτων τὸν
νοῦν καὶ τὴν ψυχήν, αὐτοῦ δὲ τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν
κτῆσιν. ταῦτα δὲ ἐν τοῖς θαυμασίοις διώρισται
νόμοις. ὥσπερ οὖν, εἴ τις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβὼν
λέγοι: ““Ὅτῳ ἀνδρὶ ἐς νοῦν καὶ φρόνησιν ἀνήρ-
τηται πάντα τὰ ἐς εὐδαιμονίαν φέροντα καὶ μὴ
ἐν τοῖς ἐκτός, ἐξ ὧν εὖ ἢ κακῶς πραξάντων ἢ
καὶ πασχόντων πλανᾶσθαι ἀναγκάξεται, τούτῳ
ἄριστα παρεσκεύασται πρὸς τὸ ζῆν," οὐ παρα-
τρέπει τὴν λέξιν οὐδὲ παραποιεῖ, ἐξηγεῖται δὲ
ὀρθῶς καὶ ἑρμηνεύει: οὕτω δὲ καὶ ὅστις ἀντὶ
τῆς αὐτοῦ λέξεως τὸν θεὸν παραλαμβάνει οὐκ
ἀδικεῖ. εἰ γὰρ τὸν ἐν ἡμῖν δαίμονα, ὄντα μὲν
ἀπαθῆ τῇ φύσει καὶ θεῷ ξυγγενῆ, πολλὰ δὲ
ἀνατλάντα καὶ ὑπομείναντα διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ
σῶμα κοινωνίαν καὶ τοῦ πάσχειν τε καὶ φθείρ-
εσθαι φαντασίαν τοῖς πολλοῖς 1 παρασχόντα,
τοῦ παντὸς ἐκεῖνος προΐσταται βίου τῷ γε
εὐδαιμονήσειν μέλλοντι, τί χρὴ προσδοκᾶν αὐτὸν
ὑπὲρ τοῦ καθαροῦ καὶ ἀμεγοῦς ynive σώματι δια-
νοηθῆναι νοῦ, ὃν δὴ καὶ θεὸν εἶναί φαμεν καὶ
αὐτῷ τὰς ἡνίας ἐπιτρέπειν τοῦ βίου χρῆναι
παραινοῦμεν πάντα ἰδιώτην te? καὶ βασιλέα,
1 τοῖς πολλοῖς Hertlein suggests, πολλοῖς MSS.
2 ἰδιώτην re Hertlein suggests, τε ἰδιώτην MSS,
186
70
C
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
philosophers. I have had occasion before now to
reply to those who make such criticisms as these,
and perhaps I shall have to do so again.
I will now, however, resume the thread of my dis-
course and go back to my starting-point, like those
who, when a race is being started, run ahead out
of the line. Well, I was saying, a moment ago, that
Plato declares that a man’s real self is his mind and
soul, whereas his body and his estate are but his
possessions. This is the distinction made in that
marvellous work, the Laws. And so if one were
to go back to the beginning and say “That man
is best equipped for life who makes everything
that relates to happiness depend on his mind and
intelligence and not on those outside himself who,
by doing or faring well or ill force him out of the
straight path,’ he is not changing or perverting the
sense of the words, but expounds and interprets
them correctly. And if for Plato’s word “ genius” !
he substitutes the word “ God” he has a perfect
right to do so. For if Plato gives the control of our
whole life to the presiding “genius” within us which
is by nature unaffected by sensation and akin to God,
but must endure and suffer much because of its
association with the body, and therefore gives the
impression to the crowd that it also is subject to
sensation and death; and if he says that this is true
of every man who wishes to be happy, what must we
suppose is his opinion about pure intelligence un-
mixed with earthly substance, which is indeed
synonymous with God? To this I say every man,
whether he be a private citizen or a king, ought to
entrust the reins of his life, and by a king 1 mean
1 δαίμων, cf. 69 A.
187
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
τόν γε ws ἀληθῶς ἄξιον THs ἐπικλήσεως καὶ οὐ
2>O\ / f b] a
νόθον οὐδὲ ψευδώνυμον, συνιέντα μὲν αὐτοῦ
Ν 2 \ ΄ e f \
καὶ αἰσθανόμενον διὰ συγγένειαν, ὑφιέμενον δὲ
an n a a} “ 7
αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ ὑποχωροῦντα τῆς ἐπιμελείας
4. 7. 3. οἷ \ / 3 \
ὡς ἔμφρονα; ἀνόητον yap καὶ μάλα αὔθαδες τὸ
Χ ‘a / ? ὃ 7 ha] θ [οἷ θ an > an
μὴ καθάπαξ ἐς δύναμιν πείθεσθαι τῷ θεῷ ἀρετῆς
ἐπιμελομένους: τούτῳ γὰρ μάλιστα χαίρειν
ὑποληπτέον τὸν θεόν. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τῆς ἐννόμου
θεραπείας ἀποστατέον οὐδὲ τὴν τοιαύτην τιμὴν
a 7 al
ὑπεροπτέον τοῦ κρείττονος, θετέον δὲ ἐν ἀρετῆς
’
μοίρᾳ τὴν εὐσέβειαν τὴν κρατίστην. ἔστι γὰρ
ὁσιότης τῆς δικαιοσύνης ἔκγονος" αὕτη δὲ ὅτι
τοῦ θειοτέρου ψυχῆς εἴδους ἐστίν, οὐδένα. λέληθε
τῶν ὅσοι τὰ τοιαῦτα μεταχειρίζονται.
Ταῦτά τοι καὶ ἐπαινοῦμεν τὸν “Ἕκτορα σπένδειν
μὲν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα διὰ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν χειρῶν λύθρον'
» »" \ \ > + 5} \ > /
ἠξιοῦμεν δὲ μηδὲ ἐς ἄστυ ἰέναι μηδὲ ἀπολείπειν
τὴν μάχην μέλλοντά γε οὐ στρατηγοῦ καὶ
/ 2 val 7” / \ \
βασιλέως ἐπιτελεῖν ἔργον, διακόνου δὲ καὶ
ὑπηρέτου, ᾿Ιδαίον twos ἢ Ταλθυβίου τάξιν
> f > 3 Ν 4 v4 +
ἀναληψόμενον. ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικε γάρ, ὅπερ ἔφαμεν
\ n
ἐξ ἀρχῆς, πρόφασις εὐπρεπὴς 1 εἶναι φυγῆς
τοῦτο. καὶ γὰρ ὁπότε τῷ Τελαμωνίῳ ξυνί-
στατο πεισθεὶς τῇ φήμῃ τοῦ μάντεως, ἀσπασίως
διελύθη καὶ ἔδωκε δῶρα, τὸν θάνατον ἐκφυγὼν
2 «ἢ θό δὲ > a 4 Ψ
ἄσμενος "5 καθόλου δὲ εἰπεῖν, φεύγουσιν ἕπεται
* εὐπρεπὴς Cobet, εὐπρεποῦς MSS., Hertlein suggests
εὐπρεπὴς ἀπρεποῦς cf. 19D.
2 ἄσμενος Hertlein suggests, ἀσμένως MSS.
188
71
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
one who is really worthy of the name, and not coun-
terfeit or falsely so called, but one who is aware of
God and discerns his. nature because of his affinity
with him, and being truly wise bows to the divine
authority and yields the supremacy to God. For it
is senseless and arrogant indeed for those who culti-
vate virtue not to submit to God once and for all,
as far as possible. For we must believe that this
above all else is what God approves. Again, no man
must neglect the traditional form of worship or
lightly regard this method of paying honour to the
higher power, but rather consider that to be virtuous
is to be scrupulously devout. For Piety is the child
of Justice, and that justice is a characteristic of the
more divine type of soul is obvious to all who discuss
such matters.
For this reason, then, while I applaud Hector for
refusing to make a libation because of the blood-
stains on his hands, he had, as I said, no right to go
back to the city or forsake the battle, seeing that
the task he was about to perform was not that of a
general or of a king, but of a messenger and
underling, and that he was ready to take on himself
the office of an Idaeus or Talthybius. However, as
I said at first, this seems to have been simply a
specious excuse for flight. And indeed when he
obeyed the bidding of the seer and fought a duel
with the son of Telamon,! he was very ready to
make terms and to give presents, and rejoiced to
have escaped death. In short, as a rule, he is brave
when in pursuit of the retreating foe, but in no case
1 Ajax.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
rn , \
θρασέως, αἴτιος δέ ἐστιν οὐδαμοῦ νίκης καὶ
τροπῆς, πλὴν ὅτε
a) -“] > [οἷ
πρῶτος ἐσήλατο τεῖχος ᾿Αχαιῶν
a 4
ξὺν τῷ Σαρπηδόνι. πότερον οὖν ws οὐκ ἔχοντες
n / a
τηλικοῦτον ἔργον βασιλέως εὐλαβησόμεθα Tov
a \
ἀγῶνα, μή ποτε ἄρα μικρὰ μεγάλοις καὶ φαῦλα
δῆ > gs / θέ δό x
“σπουδῆς ἀξίοις μείζονος παρατιθέναι δόξωμεν, ἢ
4 \ \ a δ ς “
τολμήσομεν καὶ πρὸς τηλικοῦτον ἔργον ἀμιλλᾶ-
“ n \ an \ “
σθαι; οὐκοῦν ἐκεῖνο μὲν ἦν τὸ τεῖχος ὑπὲρ τῆς
la / /
novos, ἐν οὐδὲ ὅλῳ TH πρὸ μεσημβρίας χρόνῳ
συντελεσθέν, ὁποίους ἡμῖν τοὺς χάρακας ἔννομον
κατασκευάζεσθαι" τὸ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν "Αλπεων τεῖχος
ῇ “ an \
παλαιὸν Te HY φρούριον, Kal αὐτῷ χρῆται μετὰ
\ \
τὴν φυγὴν ὁ τύραννος, ὥσπερ ἔρυμά TL νεουργὲς
> 7 \ > / \ > \
ἀποφήνας καὶ ἀξιόλογον φρουρὰν ἀπολιπὼν
ἐρρωμένων ἀνδρῶν. οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ὡς πορρωτάτω
/ Μ δὲ 2 aA / / ΝΜ δὲ
πορεύεται, ἔμενε δὲ ἐν τῇ πλησίον πόλει. ἔστι δὲ
ἡ} n 2 ῇ Ν / 4 ἤδ
ταλῶν ἐμπόριον πρὸς θαλάττῃ μάλα εὔδαιμον
\ VA 7 f \ 2 a ,
καὶ πλούτῳ βρύον. φέρουσι γὰρ ἐντεῦθεν φορτία
fal a \
Μυσοὶ καὶ Iaioves καὶ τῶν ᾿Ιταλῶν ὁπόσοι τὴν
/ an
μεσόγαιαν κατοικοῦσιν, Evertol δὲ οἶμαι τὸ πρόσ-
> / la} \ » « , \ /
θεν ὠνομάζοντο. νῦν δὲ ἤδη Ρωμαίων τὰς πόλεις
, an
ἐχόντων τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὄνομα σώζουσι βραχείᾳ
προσθήκῃ γράμματος ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ἐπωνυμίας"
ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ σύμβολον χαρακτὴρ εἷς, ὀνομάζουσι
δὲ αὐτὸν οὔ, καὶ χρῶνται ἀντὶ τοῦ βῆτα πολλάκις
προσπνεύσεως οἶμαι τινὸς ἕνεκα καὶ ἰδιότητος τῆς
190
D
72
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
has he the credit of a victory or of turning the tide
of battle, except when
“ He was the first to leap within the wall of the
Achaeans ”’ 1
together with Sarpedon. Shall I therefore shrink
from competition as though I could not cite on
behalf of the Emperor any such exploit, and must
therefore avoid seeming to compare the trivial with
the important and things of little account with what
deserves more’ serious consideration, or shall I
venture to enter the lists even against an achieve-
ment so famous? Now that wall was to protect the
beach, and was a palisade such as we are wont to
construct, and was completed in less than a morning.
But the wall that was on the Alps was an ancient
fort, and the usurper used it after his flight,
converting it into a defence as strong as though
it had been newly built, and he left there an
ample garrison of seasoned troops. But he did not
himself march all the way there, but remained in
the neighbouring city.? This is a trading centre of
the Italians on the coast, very prosperous and
teeming with wealth, since the Mysians and Paeon-
ians and all the Italian inhabitants of the interior
procure their merchandise thence. ‘These last used,
I think, to be called Heneti in the past, but now
that the Romans are in possession of these cities
they preserve the original name, but make the
trifling addition of one letter at the beginning of
the word. Its sign is a single character® and
they call it “oo,’ and they often use it instead
of “b,” to serve, I suppose, as a sort of breathing,
1 Iliad 12, 438. 2 Aquileia. mn ihe”,
191
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
γλώττης. τὸ μὲν δὴ ξύμπαν ἔθνος ὧδε ἐπονο-
μάζεται: τῇ πόλει δὲ ἀετός, ὥς φασιν, οἰκιζομένῃ
δεξιὸς ἐκ Διὸς ἱπτάμενος τὴν αὑτοῦ φήμην
χαρίζεται. οἰκεῖται δὲ ὑπὸ τοῖς ποσὶ τῶν" Αλπεων"
ὄρη δέ ἐστι ταῦτα παμμεγέθη ᾿ καὶ ἀπορρῶγες ἐν
αὐτοῖς πέτραι, μόλις ἁμάξῃ μιᾷ καὶ ὀρικῷ ζεύγει
τὴν ὑπέρβασιν βιαζομένοις ξυγχωροῦντα, ἀρχό-
μενα μὲν ἀπὸ θαλάττης, ἣν δὴ τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον εἶναί
φαμεν, ἀποτειχίζοντα δὲ τὴν νῦν ᾿Ιταλίαν ἀπό τε
᾿Ιλλυριῶν καὶ Γαλατῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ Τυρρηνὸν
πέλαγος ἀναπαυόμενα. Ῥωμαῖοι γὰρ ἐπειδὴ τῆς
χώρας ἁπάσης ἐκράτουν: ἔατι δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ τό τε
τῶν Evetav ἔθνος καὶ Λίγυές τινες καὶ τῶν ἄλλων
Γαλατῶν οὐ φαύλη μοῖρα: τὰ μὲν ἀρχαῖα σφῶν
ὀνόματα σώζειν οὐ διεκώλυσαν, τῷ κοινῷ δὲ τῶν
Ἰταλῶν ξυγχωρεῖν κατηνάγκασαν. καὶ νῦν ὁπόσα.
μέν εἴσω τῶν Αλπεων κατοικεῖται, ἔστε ἐπὶ
τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον καὶ τὸν Τυρρηνὸν καθήκοντα, ταύτῃ
κοσμεῖται τῇ προσωνυμίᾳ: τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν
"AMreov τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέραν Γαλάται νέμονται, καὶ
‘Paerol δὲ τὰ ὑπὸ τῆν ἄρκτον, ἵνα Ῥήνου TE εἰσιν
αἱ ,“πηγαὶ καὶ αἱ τοῦ Ἴστρου πλησίον παρὰ τοῖς
γείτοσι βαρβάροις τὰ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἕω ταῦτα δὴ
τὰς "Adres ὀχυροῦν ἔφαμεν, ἵναπερ ὁ τύραν-
νος τὴν φρουρὰν κατεσκευάσατο. οὕτω δὴ τῆς
Ἰταλίας ἁπανταχόθεν ὄρεσί τε συνεχομένης
λίαν δυσβάτοις καὶ θαλάσσῃ ἀναγ ζει ἅτε
ἐσρεόντων ποταμῶν μυρίων, οὗ ποιοῦσιν ἕλος
ore τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἕλεσι, τὸ ξύμπαν
1 παμμεγέθη Hertlein suggests, παμμιγῇ MSS.
192 ‘
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
and to represent some peculiarity of their pronuncia-
tion. The nation as a whole is called by this name,
but at the time of the founding of the city an eagle
from Zeus flew past on the right, and so bestowed on
the place the omen derived from the bird. It is
situated at the foot of the Alps, which are very high
mountains with precipices in them, and they hardly
allow room for those who are trying to force their
way over the passes to use even a single waggon and
a pair of mules. They begin at the sea which we
call Ionian, and form a barrier between what is now
Italy and the Illyrians and Galatians, and extend as
far as the Etruscan sea. For when the Romans
conquered the whole of this country, which includes
the tribe of the Heneti and some of the Ligurians and
a considerable number of Galatians besides, they did
not hinder them from retaining their ancient names,
but compelled them to acknowledge the dominion of
the Italian republic. And, in our day, all the territory
that lies within the Alps and is bounded by the
Ionian and the Etruscan seas has the honour of
being called Italy. On the other side of the Alps, on
the west, dwell the Galatians, and the Rhaetians to
the north where the Rhine and the Danube have
their sources hard by in the neighbouring country of
the barbarians. And on the east, as I said, the Alps
fortify the district where the usurper_stationed his
garrison. In this way, then, Italy is contained on
all sides, partly by mountains that are very hard to
cross, partly by a shallow sea into which countless
streams empty and form a morass like the marsh-
lands of Egypt. But the Emperor by his skill
1 Because of this favourable omen the city was called
Aquileia, ‘‘the city of the Eagle.”
193
VOL. I. oO
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a / \ /
τῆς ἐκείνῃ θαλάττης πέρας βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ σοφίας
ΝΟ / \ 5
ἔλαβε καὶ ἐβιάσατο τὴν ἄνοδον.
Καὶ ἵνα μὴ διατρίβειν δοκῶ αὖθίς τε ὑπὲρ τῶν
a /
δυσχωριῶν διαλεγόμενος, Kal ὡς οὔτε στρατόπεδον
350ῸΝ / / / ΕΝ 3 ΄
ἣν οὐδὲ χάρακα πλησίον καταβαλέσθαι, οὔτε ἐπά-
yew μηχανὰς καὶ ἑλεπόλεις, ἀνύδρου δεινῶς ὄντος
\ >Q\ \ / 4 n 7 /
Kal οὐδὲ μικρὰς λιβάδας ἔχοντος τοῦ πέριξ χωρίου,
> 9 FAWN 3 \ “ \ ? ΄, θ \
ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν εἶμι τὴν αἵρεσιν. καὶ εἰ βούλεσθε TO
7 > / ς a a) Ld ¢ /
κεφάλαιον ἀθρόως ἑλεῖν τοῦ λόγου, ὑπομνήσθητε
n fa) 7 Δ
τῆς τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ινδοὺς πορείας, οἵ
\ ἃ n
τὴν πέτραν ἐκείνην κατῴκουν, ἐφ᾽ ἣν οὐδὲ τῶν
5 7 a n
ὀρνίθων ἣν τοῖς κουφοτάτοις ἀναπτῆναι, ὅπως
εο \ > \ / > 4 > la
ἑάλω, Kal οὐδὲν πλέον ἀκούειν ἐπιθυμήσετε:'
\ a / “ 5 7 \ 2 7
πλὴν τοσοῦτον μόνον, ὅτι ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ἀπέ-
βαλε πολλοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐξελὼν τὴν πέτραν,
\ \ /
ὁ δὲ ἡμέτερος ἄρχων Kal στρατηγὸς οὐδὲ χιλί-
ἄρχον ἀποβαλὼν ἢ λοχαγόν τινα, GAN οὐδὲ
/ a ~
ὁπλίτην τῶν ἐκ καταλόγου, καθαρὰν Kal ἄδακρυν
7
περιεποιήσατο τὴν νίκην. “Extwp δὲ οἶμαι καὶ
» δὰ \ > na / / 1
αρπηδὼν πολλοὺς ἐκ τοῦ τειχίσματος κατέβαλον,
ῇ
ἐντυχόντες δὲ ἀριστεύοντι Ἰ]ατρόκλῳ ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ
a n ς n
TOV νεῶν κτείνεται, ὁ δὲ ἔφευγεν αἰσχρῶς οὐδὲ
? / \ a a / 2 3 \
ἀνελόμενος TO σῶμα τοῦ φίλου. οὕτως οὐδενὶ
\ na / ἴω
ξὺν νῷ, ῥώμῃ δὲ μᾶλλον σωμάτων θρασυνόμενοι
a > \
τὴν ἐς TO τεῖχος πάροδον ἐτόλμων. βασιλεὺς δὲ
οὗ μὲν ἀλκῆς ἔργον ἐστὶ καὶ θυμοῦ χρῆται τοῖς
δηλ νομαὶ 3 Eby ebBovnia,2 od δὲ ed
is καὶ κρατεῖ ξὺν εὐβουλίᾳ," οὗ δὲ μόνον
1 κατέβαλον Reiske, ἔβαλον MSS., Hertlein.
2 ξὺν εὐβουλίᾳ Hertlein suggests, εὐβουλίᾳ Weyttenbach,
ξυμβονλίᾳ MSS.
194
73
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
gained control of the whole of that boundary of the
sea, and forced his way inland.
I will now relate how the city was actually
taken, lest you should think I am wasting time by
describing once more the difficulties of the ground,
and how it was impossible to plant a camp or even
a palisade near the city or to bring up siege-engines
or devices for storming it, because the country all
about was terribly short of water, and there were not
even small pools. And if you wish to grasp the main
point of my narrative in a few words, remember the
Macedonian’s! expedition against those Indians who
lived on the famous rock ? up to which not even the
lightest birds could wing their flight, and how he
took it by storm, and you will be content to hear no
more from me. However I will add this merely,
that Alexander in storming the rock lost many of his
Macedonians, whereas our ruler and general lost
not a single chiliarch or a captain, nay not even a
legionary from the muster-roll, but achieved an un-
sullied and “tearless” ὅ victory. Now Hector and
Sarpedon, no doubt, hurled down many men from the
wall, but when they encountered Patroclus in all his
glory Sarpedon was slain near the ships, while Hector,
to his shame, fled without even recovering the body
of his friend. Thus without intelligence and em-
boldened by mere physical strength they ventured
to attack the wall. But the Emperor, when strength
and daring are required, employs force of arms and
good counsel together, and so wins the day, but
where good judgment alone is necessary it is by this
1 Alexander.
2 A hill fort in Sogdiana where the Bactrian chief Oxyartes
made his last stand against Alexander, 327 B.c.
9. οὗ, 77 8B., Plutarch, de Fort. Rom. c. 4.
ΓΟ 5
ο 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
A 4
ἐδέησε γνώμης, ταύτῃ κυβερνᾷ καὶ κατεργάζεται
n / 2 / ς /
πράγματα τοσαῦτα, ὁπόσα οὐδ᾽ ἄν ὁ σίδηρος
Ȣ a > UA 1
ἐξελεῖν ἰσχύσειεν.
e€ / ?
"AAN ἐπειδὴ Kal’ αὑτὸν ὁ λόγος φερόμενος
n / val \ \
ἥκει πάλαι ποθῶν τὴν ξύνεσιν ἐπαινεῖν καὶ THY
\ 7 5 7
εὐβουλίαν, ἀποδοτέον. καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀλίγα
id / \ n > /
πάλαι" διεληλύθαμεν: ὁπόσα δὲ ἡμῖν ἐφαίνετο
la / f
πρὸς τὰ TOV ἡρώων ἐκείνων ἔχειν ξυγγένειαν,
΄ a yd ὃ 9... Ὁ / ὃ ΄
μεγάλα μικροῖς εἰκάζοντες, ὃι ομοιόοτητα διὴλ-
wl ͵ \ ἂν pois
θομεν. δῆλον δὲ ἀποβλέψαντι πρὸς TO τῆς Tapa-
a an \ /
σκευῆς μέγεθος καὶ τῆς δυνάμενως THY περιουσίαν.
/
τότε yap ἥ Te Ἑλλὰς ἐκεκίνητο ξύμπασα καὶ
a o \ / ΄ τιν ΄Ζ
Θρφκῶν μοῖρα καὶ Παιόνων τὸ τε τοῦ ἸΙριάμου
ς ΄
ξύμπαν ὑπήκοον,
7
Ὅσσον Λέσβος ἔσω Μάκαρος ἕδος ἐντὸς ἐέργει
/ / € f
Καὶ Φρυγίη καθύπερθε καὶ Ἑλλήσποντος ἀπείρων.
\ a -
τὰ δὲ νῦν ἔθνη συνιόντα βασιλεῖ καὶ συμπολε-
na \
μοῦντα τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους
θ “ \ an 3 \ / \ \
καταριθμεῖν μὴ λῆρος ἡ Kal φλυαρία περιττὴ καὶ
/ > a 4 “ \ / e n
λίαν ἀρχαῖον. ὅσῳ δὲ μείζους αἱ συνιοῦσαι
/ 4 \ , > /
δυνάμεις, τοσούτῳ τὰ ἔργα προφέρειν εἰκός" ὥστε
> n
ἀνάγκη καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνων ὑπεραίρειν. πλήθει
\ a / an
γε μὴν ποῦ ποτε ἄξιον συμβαλεῖν; οἱ μὲν yap περὶ
1 Hertleix suggests ἐκτελεῖν, but cf. Phoenissae 516, ἐξελεῖν
MSS. οὐδ᾽ ἂν---ἰσχύσειεν Hertlein suggests, οὐδὲ---ἰσχύσει MSS.
2 πάλαι Hertlein suggests, ἅπαντα MSS.
3 διήλθομεν Reiske, δηλοῦμεν MSS., Hertlein.
4 ἀρχαῖον Reiske, ἀρχαῖος Hertlein, ὕθλος λίαν ἀρχαῖος Cobet,
ἀρχαῖος MSS.
196
74
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
that he steers his course, and thus achieves triumphs
such as not even iron could ever avail to erase.+
But since my speech has of its own accord reached
this point in its course and has long been eager to
praise the Emperor's wisdom and wise counsel, I
allow it to do so. And in fact I spoke briefly on this
subject some time ago, and all the cases where there
seemed to me to be any affinity between the heroes
of Homer and the Emperor, I described because
of that resemblance, comparing great things with
small, And indeed if one considers the size of their
armaments, the superiority of his forces also becomes
evident. For in those days all Greece was set in
motion,” and part of Thrace and Paeonia, and all the
subject allies of Priam,
“ All that Lesbos, the seat of Makar, contains
within, and Phrygia on the north and the boundless
Hellespont.” 8
But to try to count up the nations who lately
marched with the Emperor and fought on his side
in the war, would be idle talk, superfluous verbiage,
and absurd simplicity. And it is natural that, in
proportion as the armies are larger, their achieve-
ments are more important. So it follows of necessity
that, in this respect as well, the Emperor’s army sur-
passed Homer’s heroes. In mere numbers, at any
rate, at what point, I ask, could one justly compare
them? For the Greeks fought all along for a single
1 Julian refers to the triumph of Constantius over Vetranio,
described in Or. 1. 31 foll. and echoes Euripides, Phoenissae
516, πᾶν γὰρ ἐξαιρεῖ λόγος | ὃ καὶ σίδηρος πολεμίων δράσειεν ἄν.
Themistius, Or. 2, 37 B quotes these verses to illustrate the
same incident.
? Isocrates, Hvagoras 65, Panegyricus 83. 3 Iliad 24. 544,
197
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a 4 a \ lal
μιᾶς ἐμάχοντο πόλεως ξυνεχῶς, καὶ οὔτε Tpdes !
\ > A
ἀπελάσαι τοὺς ᾿Αχαιοὺς ἐπικρατοῦντες ἠδύναντο;
-“" ἴω 5 lal n
οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι νικῶντες ἐξελεῖν καὶ ἀνατρέψαι TOV
a \ \ \ \
Πριαμιδῶν τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἴσχυον,
ὔ δὲ > an > 50 , A eX
δεκαέτης δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναλώθη χρόνος. βασιλεῖ δὲ
\ , Π 5.120 \ ke B75 ,
πολλοὶ μέν εἰσιν ἀγῶνες: Kal γὰρ " ἀνεγράφη
“ lal \ ae / a
Γερμανοῖς τοῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ῥήνου πολεμῶν, τά τε
eee fal / / \ A 7
ἐπὶ τῷ Τύγρητι ζεύγματα καὶ τῆς Παρθυαίων
sf lal cal
δυνάμεως Kal τοῦ φρονήματος ἔλεγχος ov φαῦλος,
n n ’
ὅτε οὐχ ὑπέμενον ἀμῦναι τῇ χώρᾳ πορθουμένῃ,
ἀλλὰ περιεῖδον ἅπασαν τμηθεῖσαν τὴν εἴσω
Τίγρητος καὶ Δύκου, τῶν γε μὴν πρὸς τὸν τύραννον
πραχθέντων ὅ τε ἐπὶ Σικελίαν ἔκπλους καὶ ἐς
Καρχηδόνα, ᾿Ηριδανοῦ τε ai προκαταλήψεις τῶν
> - ᾧ 2 > n \ 3.:9 , ,
ἐκβολῶν ἁπάσας αὐτοῦ tas ἐν ᾿Ιταλίᾳ δυνάμεις
\ a r
ἀφελόμεναι, Kal TO τελευταῖον Kal τρίτον πάλ-
\ A , ” A O\ rn
αισμα περὶ Tats Kortiats ᾿Αλπεσιν, ὃ δὴ βασιλεῖ
Ν , > ip \ a / > fa)
μὲν παρέσχεν ἀσφαλῆ Kal τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀδεᾷ
aA , / \ \ 7
τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης ἡδονήν, τὸν δὲ ἡττηθέντα δίκην
ἐπιθεῖναι δικαίαν αὑτῷ καὶ τῶν ἐξειργασμένων
πάνυ ἀξίαν κατηνάγκασε.
Τοσαῦτα ὑπὲρ τῶν βασιλέως ἔργων ἐν βραχεῖ
΄ 7 / } Ν
διεληλύθαμεν, οὔτε κολακείᾳ προστιθέντες καὶ
> a \ \
αὔξειν ἐπιχειροῦντες τυχὸν οὐδενὸς διαφέροντα
τῶν ἄλλων, οὔτε πόρρωθεν ἕλκοντες καὶ βιαζό-
; nm Ν e /
μενοι TOV ἔργων τὰς ὁμοιότητας, καθάπερ οἱ τοὺς
1 τρῷες Hertlein adds.
2 καὶ yap Horkel, lacuna Hertlein ; the inappropriate verb
ἀναγράφω =‘ register, record,” indicates corruption.
198
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
city, and the Trojans when they prevailed were not
able to drive away the Greeks, nor were the Greeks
strong enough, when they won a victory, to destroy
and overthrow the power and the royal sway of the
house of Priam, and yet the time they spent over it
was ten years long. But the Emperor’s wars and
undertakings have been numerous. He has been
described as waging war against the Germans across
the Rhine, and then there was his bridge of boats
over the Tigris, and his exposure of the power and
arrogance of the Parthians! was no trivial thing, on
that occasion when they did not venture to defend
their country while he was laying it waste, but had
to look on while the whole of it was devastated be-
tween the Tigris and the Lycus. Then, when the
war against the usurper was concluded, there followed
the expeditions to Sicily and Carthage, and that
stratagem of occupying beforehand the mouth of
the Po, which deprived the usurper of all his forces
in Italy, and finally that third and last fall? at the
Cottian Alps, which secured for the Emperor the
pleasure of a victory that was sure, and carried with
it no fears for the future, while it compelled the de-
feated man to inflict on himself a just penalty wholly
worthy of his misdeeds.
I have given this brief account of the Emperor’s
achievements, not adding anything in flattery and
trying to exaggerate things that are perhaps of no
special importance, nor dragging in what is far-
fetched and unduly pressing points of resemblance
with those achievements, like those who interpret
1 cf. Oration 1. 22. 28. -
2 In wrestling the third fall was final: the phrase became
proverbial, cf. Plato, Phaedrus 256 8, Aeschylus, Humenides
592, Julian, Or. 1. 40 B.
199
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
“ a \ > 4
μύθους ἐξηγούμενοι τῶν ποιητῶν Kal ἀναλύοντες
ἐς λόγους πιθανοὺς καὶ ἐνδεχομένους τὰ πλάσματα.
fal an 7] ς ,
ἐκ μικρᾶς πάνυ τῆς ὑπονοίας ὁρμώμενοι καὶ
\ an
ἀμυδρὰς λίαν παραλαβόντες τὰς ἀρχὰς πειρῶνται
n /
ξυμπείθειν, ws δὴ ταῦτά ye αὐτὰ ἐκείνων ἐθελόντων
λέγειν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ εἴ τις ἐξέλοι τῶν Ὁμήρου
n / / \
μόνον τὰ τῶν ἡρώων ὀνόματα, ἐνθείη δὲ TO
va) /
βασιλέως καὶ ἐναρμόσειεν, οὐ μᾶλλον εἰς ἐκείνους
BY fal ‘ a θ δό ΔΕ a Ἴ {ὃ 4
ἢ τοῦτον πεποιῆσθαι δόξει τὰ τῆς ᾿Ιλιάδος ἔπη.
3 23. ὦ \ A> {Ὁ \ “ » / 5 A
Αλλ᾽ ὅπως μὴ τὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἔργων μόνον ἀκού-
fal la \ /
οντες TA TOV κατορθωμάτων THY” ἐς τὸν πόλεμον
» + ς / 7 \ \
ἔλαττον ἔχειν ὑπολαμβάνητε βασιλέα περὶ τὰ
/ n
σεμνότερα Kal ὧν ἄξιον μείζονα ποιεῖσθαι λόγον,
n an ε
δημηγοριῶν φημι καὶ ξυμβουλιῶν, καὶ ὁπόσα
7 fal 7 /
γνώμη μετὰ νοῦ καὶ φρονήσεως κατευθύνει,
5 a > 3 lal \ - a >
ἀθρεῖτε ἐν ᾿Οδυσσεῖ καὶ Νέστορι τοῖς ἐπαινου-
/ \ / n
μένοις κατὰ τὴν ποίησιν, καὶ ἤν TL μεῖον ἐν
a a / ἴω
βασιλεῖ καταμανθάνητε, τοῖς ἐπαινέταις τοῦτο
7
λογίζεσθε, πλέον δὲ ἔχοντα δικαίως ἂν 5 αὐτὸν
“ ’ὔ “ ς
μᾶλλον ἀποδεχοίμεθα. οὐκοῦν ὁ μέν, ὁπηνίκα
χαλεπαίνειν καὶ στασιάξειν ἤρχοντο περὶ τῆς
αἱ μαλώτου κόρης, λέγειν ἐπιχειρῶν οὕτω δή τί
πείθει τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὸν τῆς Θέτεδος, ὥστε
ὁ μὲν ἀκόσμως διέλυσε τὸν ξύλλογον, ὁ δὲ οὐδὲ
? ΄ \ /
περιμείνας ἀφοσιώσασθαι τὰ “πρὸς τὸν θεόν, ἔτι
δὲ αὐτὰ δρῶν καὶ ἀφορῶν ἐς τὴν θεωρίδα, στέλλει
τοὺς κήρυκας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αχιλλέως σκηνήν, ὥσπερ
οἶμαι δεδιὼς μὴ τῆς ὀργῆς ἐπιλαθόμενος καὶ
1 Before τῆς Hertlein,. Reiske omit ὑπὲρ.
2 τῶν Hertlein adds. 3 ἂν Hertlein adds,
200
75
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
the myths of the poets and analyse them into
plausible versions which allow them to introduce
fictions of their own, though they start out from very
slight analogies, and having recourse to a very ~
shadowy basis, try to convince us that this is the
very thing that the poets intended to’ say. But
in this case if anyone should take out of Homer's
poems merely the names of the heroes, and insert
and fit in the Emperor’s, the epic of the Iliad would
be seen to have been composed quite as much in his
honour as in theirs.
But that you may not think, if you hear only
about his achievements and successes in’ war, that
the Emperor is less well endowed for pursuits that
are loftier and rightly considered of more import-
ance, I mean public speaking and deliberations and
all those affairs in which judgment combined with
intelligence and prudence take the helm, consider
the case of Odysseus and Nestor, who are so highly
praised in the poem ; and if you find that the Em-
peror is inferior to them in any respect, put that
_down to his panegyrists, but we should rather in
fairness concede that he is far superior. Nestor, for
instance, when they began to disagree and quarrel
about the captive damsel,! tried to address them,
and he did persuade the king and the son of Thetis,
but only to this extent that Achilles broke up the
assembly in disorder, while Agamemnon did not even
wait to complete his expiation to the god, but while
he was still performing the rite and the sacred ship
was in view, he sent heralds to the tent of Achilles,
just as though, it seems to me, he were afraid that
1 Briseis, Idiad 1. 247.
201
΄-
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
» \ lal / / \ > /
ἀπαλλαγεὶς τοῦ πάθους μεταγνοίη καὶ ἀποφύγοι
\ e 7 ς \ > n 3 ff ς΄
τὴν ἁμαρτάδα: ὁ δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιθάκης ῥήτωρ
΄, / ᾽ [οὶ \ \
πολύτροπος πείθειν ἐπιχειρῶν πρὸς διαλλαγὰς
> ΄ Qn
Αχιλλέα καὶ δῶρα πολλὰ διδούς, μυρία δὲ
/ /
ἐπαγγελλόμενος, οὕτω τὸν νεανίσκον παρώξυνεν,
/
ὥστε πρότερον ov! βουλευσάμενον τὸν ἀπό-
. a 9 / θ 5 δὲ 9.) \
πλουν viv? παρασκευάζεσθαι. ἔστι δὲ αὐτῶν τὰ
a \
θαυμαστὰ τῆς συνέσεως δείγματα ai τε ἐπὶ τὸν
/ a
πόλεμον παρακλήσεις καὶ ἡ τειχοποιία τοῦ Néo-
Ν 7 »,
τορος, πρεσβυτικὸν λίαν καὶ ἄτολμον ἐπινόημα.
5 50ῸΧΝ v 5 \ a 3 a a
οὔκουν οὐδὲ ὄφελος ἦν πολὺ τοῖς ᾿Αχαιοῖς τοῦ
\ [4] la a
μηχανήματος" ἀλλὰ ἡττῶντο τῶν Τρώων τὸ τεῖχος
/
ἐπιτελέσαντες, Kal μάλα εἰκότως. τότε μὲν γὰρ
αὐτοὶ τῶν νεῶν ὥοντο προβεβλῆσθαι καθάπερ
ἔρυμα γενναῖον" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤσθοντο σφῶν ® προκεί-
μενον καὶ ἀποικοδομούμενον * τεῖχος τάφρῳ βαθείᾳ
καὶ πασσάλοις ὀξέσι διηλούμενον," κατερρᾳθύμουν.
καὶ ὑφίεντο τῆς ἀλκῆς τῷ τειχίσματι πεποιθότες.
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ εἴ τις ἐκεΐνοις μέμφοιτο καὶ ἐπι-
δεικνύοι διαμαρτάνοντας, οὗτός ἐστι βασιλέως
ἀξιόχρεως ἐπαινέτης" ὅστις δὲ οἶμαι τῶν ἔργων
ἀξίως μνησθείη, οὐ μάτην οὐδὲ αὐτομάτως οὐδὲ
ἀλόγῳ φορᾷ γενομένων, προβουλευθέντων δὲ ὀρθῶς
καὶ διοικηθέντων, οὗτος ἀρκούντως ἐπαινεῖ τὴν
βασιλέως ἀγχίνοιαν.
Τὸ δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῃ συνόδῳ τὰς. δημηγορίας
ἐκλέγειν τὰς ἐς τὰ στρατόπεδα καὶ δήμους καὶ
πρότερον οὐ Hertlein suggests, οὐ πρότερον MSS.
νῦν Cobet adds.
ἤσθοντο σφῶν Cobet, ἤσθοντο τὸ MSS., Hertlein.
ἀπῳκοδομημένον Hertlein suggests, ἀποικοδομούμενον MSS.
διειλημμένον Hertlein suggests, διηλούμενον MSS.
τὰς Reiske adds.
aon ἢ ὦ Ne
X
oO
N
76
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
he would forget his anger, and, once free from that
passion, would repent and avoid his error. Again,
the far-travelled orator from Ithaca, when he tried
to persuade Achilles to make peace, and offered him
many gifts and promised him countless others, so
provoked the young warrior that, though he had not
before planned to sail home, he now began to make
preparations.! Then there are those wonderful
proofs of their intelligence, their exhortations to
battle and Nestor’s building of the wall, a cowardly
notion and worthy indeed of an old man. Nor in
truth did the Achaeans benefit much from that
device. For it was after they had finished the wall
that they were worsted by the Trojans, and naturally
enough. For before that, they thought that they
were themselves protecting the ships, like a noble
bulwark. But when they realised that a wall lay
in front of them, built with a deep moat and set at
intervals with sharp stakes, they grew careless and
slackened their valour, because they trusted to the
fortification. Yet it isnot anyone who blames them
and shows that they were in the wrong who is there-
fore a fit and proper person to praise the Emperor.
But he who, in a worthy manner, recounts the
Emperor's deeds, which were done not idly or
automatically, or from an irrational impulse, but
were skilfully planned beforehand and _ carried
through, he alone praises adequately the Emperor's
keen intelligence.
But to report to you those speeches which he
made at every public gathering to the armies and
1 Ttiad9. 260.
203
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
βουλευτήρια μακροτέρας δεῖται τῆς Evyypadis.
ἑνὸς δὲ tows ἐπακούειν οὐ χαλεπόν. καί μοι
πάλιν ἐννοήσατε τὸν Λαέρτου, ὁπότε ὡρμημένους _
ἐκπλεῖν τοὺς “Ελληνας ἐπέχει τῆς ὁρμῆς καὶ ἐς C
τὸν πόλεμον μετατίθησι τὴν προθυμίαν, καὶ
βασιλέως τὸν ἐν ᾿Ιλλυριοῖς ξύλλογον, ἵνα δὴ
πρεσβύτης ἀνὴρ ὑπὸ μειρακίων παιδικὰ φρονεῖν
ἀναπειθόμενος ὁμολογιῶν ἐπελανθάνετο καὶ
πίστεων, καὶ τῷ μὲν σωτῆρι καὶ εὐεργέτῃ
δυσμενὴς ἦν, σπονδὰς δὲ ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς ὃν ἣν
ἄσπονδος καὶ ἀκήρυκτος βασιλεῖ πόλεμος, στρα-
τόν τε ἤγειρε καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις ἀπήντα τῆς Ὁ)
χώρας, κωλῦσαι τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν ἐπιθυμῶν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς ταὐτὸν ἦλθον ἀμφοτέρω τὼ στρατεύ-
ματε καὶ ἐχρῆν ἐπὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ποιεῖσθαι
τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, βῆμά τε ὑψηλὸν ἤρετο καὶ
αὐτὸ περιέσχεν ὁπλιτῶν δῆμος καὶ ἀκοντισ-
τῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν ἱππεῖς τε ἐνσκευασάμενοι
τοὺς ἵππους καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τῶν τάξεων" ἀνῇει
τε ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸ βασιλεὺς μετὰ τοῦ τέως Evvap-
χοντὸος οὔτε αἰχμὴν φέρων οὔτε ἀσπίδα καὶ 77
κράνος, ἀλλὰ ἐσθῆτα τὴν συνήθη. καὶ οὐδὲ
αὐτῷ τις τῶν δορυφόρων εἵπετο, μόνος δὲ ἐπὶ
τοῦ βήματος εἱστήκει πεποιθὼς τῷ λόγῳ σεμνῶς
ἡρμοσμένῳ. ἐργάτης γάρ ἐστι καὶ τούτων aya-
θός, οὐκ ἀποσμιλεύων οὐδὲ ἀπονυχίζων τὰ ῥή-
ματα οὐδὲ ἀποτορνεύων τὰς περιόδους καθά-
1 [τοῦ] βασιλέως Hertlein.
204
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
the common people and the councils, demands too
long a narrative, though it is perhaps not too much
to ask you to hear about one of these. Pray then
think once more of the son of Laertes when the
Greeks were rushing to set sail and he checked the
rush and diverted their zeal back to the war,! and
then of the Emperor’s assembly in Illyria, when that
old man,” persuaded by mere youths to think
childish thoughts, forgot his treaties and obligations
and proved to be the enemy of his preserver and
benefactor, and came to terms with one against
whom the Emperor was waging a war that allowed
no truce nor herald of a truce,’ and who was not only
getting an army together, but came to meet the
οὐ Emperor on the border of the country, because he
was anxious to hinder him from advancing further.
And when those two armies met, and it was
necessary to hold an assembly in the presence of the
hoplites, a high platform was set up and it was
surrounded by a crowd of hoplites, javelin-men and
archers and cavalry equipped with their horses and
the standards of the divisions. Then the Emperor,
accompanied by him who for the moment was
his colleague, mounted the platform, carrying no
sword or shield or helmet, but wearing his usual
dress. And not even one of his bodyguard followed
him, but there he stood alone on the platform,
trusting to that speech which was so impressively
appropriate. For of speeches too he is a good crafts-
man, though he does not plane down and polish his
phrases nor elaborate his periods like the ingenious
1 Iliad 2. 188.
* Vetranio; Themistius, Or. 2. 37 B, who in a panegyric
on Constantius describes this oratorical triumph.
9 Demosthenes, De Corona 262, jv γὰρ ἄσπονδος καὶ
ἀκήρυκτος. . . πόλεμος.
205
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
περ οἱ κομψοὶ ῥήτορες, σεμνὸς δὲ ἅμα καὶ
καθαρὸς καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι ξὺν καιρῷ χρώμενος,
ὥστε ἐνδύεσθαι ταῖς ψυχαῖς οὐ τῶν παιδείας
καὶ ξυνέσεως μεταποιουμένων μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη
καὶ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ξυνιέναι. πολλοὺς καὶ ἐπ-
αἴεν τῶν ῥημάτων. οὐκοῦν ἥρει μυριάδας
ὁπλιτῶν συχνὰς καὶ χιλιάδας ἱππέων εἴκοσι
καὶ ἔθνη μαχιμώτατα ' καὶ χώραν πάμφορον, οὐ
βίᾳ ἕλκων οὐδὲ αἰχμαλώτους ἄγων, ἑκόντας δὲ
αὐτῷ πειθομένους καὶ τὸ ἐπιταττόμενον ποιεῖν
ἐθέλοντας. ταύτην ἐγὼ τὴν νίκην κρίνω τῆς
Λακωνικῆς ἐκείνης 5 μακρῷ σεμνοτέραν" ἡ μέν ye
ἣν ἄδακρυς μόνοις τοῖς κρατοῦσιν, ἡ δὲ οὐδὲ τοῖς
κρατηθεῖσιν ἤνεγκε δάκρυα, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ βήμα-
τος κατῆλθεν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ὑποκριτὴς δικα-
σάμενος καὶ ὥσπερ ὄφλημα βασιλεῖ πατρῷον
ἀποδοὺς τὴν ἁλουργίδα: τἄλλα δὲ αὐτῷ δίδωσι
βασιλεὺς ἄφθονα μᾶλλον ἢ Κῦρόν φασι παρα-
σχεῖν τῷ πάππῳ, ζῆν τε ἐποίησε καὶ διαιτᾶσθαι
καθάπερ ‘ Ὅμηρος ἀξιοῖ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς ἀφηλι-
κεστέρους,
Τοιούτῳ γὰρ ἔοικεν, ἐπεὶ λούσαυτο φάγοι τε,
Εὐὑδέμεναι μαλακῶς: ἣ γὰρ δίκη ἐστὶ γερόντων.
τὸ μὲν οὗν ἐμὸν ἡδέως ἃ ἂν τοὺς ῥηθέντας λόγους
διεξῆλθον, καὶ οὐκ ἄν με ὄκνος καταλάβοι οὕτω
καλῶν ἁπτόμενον λόγων" αἰδὼς δὲ οἶμαι κατείργει
καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει μετατιθέναι καὶ ἐξερμηνεύειν
ἐς ὑμᾶς τοὺς λόγους. ἀδικοίην γὰρ ἂν διαφθείρων
1 τὰ before μαχιμώτατα V, Hertlein omit.
2 ἐκείνης Naber adds.
: 3 μόνοις Hertlein suggests, μόνον MSS.
20
SS θεΝ
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
rhetoricians, but is at once dignified and simple, and
uses the right words on every occasion, so that they
sink into the souls not only of those who claim to be
cultured and intelligent, but many unlearned persons
too understand and give hearing to his words. And so
~he won over many tens of thousands of hoplites and
twenty thousand cavalry and most warlike nations,
and at the same time a country that is extremely
fertile, not seizing it by force, or carrying off
captives, but by winning over men who obeyed him
of their own free will and were eager to carry out
his orders. This victory I judge to be far more
splendid than that for which Sparta is famous.! For
that was “tearless” for the victors only, but
the Emperor’s did not cause even the defeated
to shed tears, but he who was masquerading as
Emperor came down from the platform when he had
pleaded his cause, and handed over to the Emperor
the imperial purple? as though it were an ancestral
debt: And all else the Emperor gave him in
abundance, more than they say Cyrus gave to his
grandfather, and arranged that he should live and be
maintained in the manner that Homer recommends
for men who are past their prime :—
“ For it is fitting that such a one, when he has
bathed and fed, should sleep soft, for that is the
manner of the aged.” ἢ
Now for my part I should have been glad to repeat
to you the words that the Emperor used, and no fear
would overtake me when handling words so noble.
But modesty restrains me and does not permit me
to change or interpret his words to you. For it
1 The victory of Archidamus over the Arcadians Xenophon,
Fellenica 7. 1. 32. 2 cf. Oration 1. 32 a.
3 Odyssey 24. 253.
207
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
καὶ ἐλεγχόμενος αἰσχυνοίμην, εἴ τις ἄρα τὸ
βασιλέως ἀναγνοὺς ξύγγραμμα ἢ τότε ἀκούσας
ἀπομνημονεύοι καὶ ἀπαιτοίη οὐ τὰ νοήματα μόνον,
ὅσαις δὲ ἀρεταῖς ἐκεῖνα κοσμεῖται κατὰ τὴν
/ Ἁ / an \ > 3
πάτριον φωνὴν ξυγκείμενα. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἣν
Ὁμήρῳ τὸ δέος πολλαῖς μὲν ὕστερον γενεαῖς
τοὺς λόγους διηγουμένῳ, λιπόντων δὲ ἐκείνων
οὐδὲν ὑπόμνημα τῶν ἐς τοὺς ξυλλόγους ῥηθέντων,
καὶ σαφῶς οἶμαι πιστεύοντι, ὅτι ἄμεινον | τἀκεί-
νων αὐτὸς ἐξαγγελεῖ καὶ διηγήσεται. τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ
τὸ χεῖρον μιμεῖσθαι καταγέλαστον καὶ οὐκ ἄξιον
ἐλευθέρας ψυχῆς καὶ γενναίας. τὰ μὲν δὴ θαυ-
μαστὰ τῶν ἔργων καὶ ὁπόσων ὁ πολὺς ὅμιλος θεα-
τής τε ἘΠΕ ΕΟ, καὶ διασώξει τὴν μνήμην ξὺν εὐφη-
μίᾳ, ἅτε ἐς τὸ ” τέλος ἀφορῶν καὶ τῶν εὖ ἢ κακῶς
ἀποβάντων κριτὴς καθεστὼς καὶ ἐπαινέτης οὐ
μάλα ἀστεῖος, ἀκηκόατε πολλάκις τῶν μακαρίων
σοφιστῶν καὶ τοῦ ποιητικοῦ γένους πρὸς αὐτῶν
τῶν μουσῶν ἐπιπνεομένου, ὥστε ὑμᾶς τούτων
ἕνεκα καὶ διωχλήκαμεν, μακροτέρους τοὺς ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν ποιούμενοι λόγους" καὶ γάρ ἐστε λίαν
αὐτῶν “ἤδη διακορεῖς καὶ ὑμῶν ἐστι τὰ ὦτα πλήρη,
καὶ οὐ μή ποτε ἐπιλίπωσιν οἱ τούτων ποιηταί,
πολέμους ὑμνοῦντες καὶ νίκας ἀνακηρύττοντες
λαμπρᾷ τῇ φωνῇ κατὰ τοὺς Ὀλυμπίασι κήρυκας"
παρέσχεσθε γὰρ ὑμεῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ἀ-
φθονίαν, ἀσμένως ἐπακούοντες. καὶ οὐδὲν θαυμα-
στόν. εἰσὶ γὰρ αἱ τούτων ὑπολήψεις ἀγαθῶν
1 ἄμεινον Petavius, Cobet, ἄρα Hertlein, MSS., ἄρα κἀκείνων
cant. and ἢ, 2 τὸ Reiske adds.
208
a ΄
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
would be wrong of me to tamper with them, and I
should blush to have my ignorance exposed, if some-
one who had read the Emperor’s composition or
heard it at the time should remember it by heart,
and demand from me not only the ideas in it but all
the excellences with which they are adorned, though
they are composed in the language of our ancestors.!
Now this at any rate Homer had not to fear when,
- many generations later, he reported his speeches, since
his speakers left no record of what they said in their
assemblies, and I think he was clearly confident that
he was able to relate and report what they said in a
better style. But to make an inferior copy is absurd
and unworthy of a generous and noble soul. Now as to
the marvellous portion of his achievements and those
of which the great multitude was spectator and hence
preserves their memory and commends them, since
it looks to the result and is there to judge whether
they turn out well or ill, and eulogises them in
language that is certainly not elegant,—as to all
this I say you have often heard from the ingenious
sophists, and: from the race of poets inspired by the
_ Muses themselves, so that, as far as these are con-
cerned, I must have wearied you by speaking about
them at too great length. For you are already
surfeited with them, your ears are filled with them,
and there will always be a supply of composers of
such discourses to sing of battles and proclaim vic-
tories with a loud clear voice, after the manner of the
heralds at the Olympic games. For you yourselves,
since you delight to listen to them, have produced an
abundance of these men. And no wonder. For their
1 Latin; of which Julian had only a slight knowledge.
The fourth century Sophists were content with Greek.
Themistius never learned Latin, and Libanius needed an
interpreter for a Latin letter, Hpzstle 956.
209
VOL. 1. Ρ
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
πέρι καὶ φαύλων ταῖς ὑμετέραις ξυγγενεῖς, καὶ D
ἀπαγγέλλουσι πρὸς ὑμᾶς τὰ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν δια-
νοήματα, ἃ ὥσπερ ἐσθῆτι ποικίλῃ 5 τοῖς
ὀνόμασι σκιαγραφήσαντες καὶ διαπλάσαντες
ἡδίστοις ῥυθμοῖς καὶ σχήμασιν ὡς δή τι και-
νὸν εὑρόντες εἰς ὑμᾶς φέρουσιν" ὑμεῖς δὲ ἄσμε-
vou παραδέχεσθε, καὶ ἐκείνους τε οἴεσθε ὀρθῶς
ἐπαινεῖν, τούτοις τε ἀποδίδοσθαι τὸ προσῆκόν
φατε. τὸ δέ ἐστι μὲν ἴσως ἀληθές, τυχὸν δὲ
καὶ ἄλλως ἔχει, ἀγνοούμενον πρὸς ὑμῶν ὅπῃ
ποτὲ ἂν ὀρθῶς γίγνοιτο.
Ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖον ἐνενόησα. Σωκράτη:
ἴστε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἀκοῇ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
κλέος τῆς σοφίας παρὰ τῆς Πυθίας ἐκβοηθέν'
οὐ ταῦτα ἐπαινοῦντα ὃ οὐδὲ εὐδαίμονας καὶ μα-
καρίους ὁμολογοῦντα τοὺς πολλὴν κεκτημένους
χώραν, πλεῖστα δ᾽ ἔθνη καὶ ἐν αὐτοῖς πολ-
λοὺς μὲν Ἑλλήνων, πλείους δὲ ἔτι καὶ μείζους
βαρβάρων καὶ τὸν "AG διορύττειν δυναμένους
καὶ σχεδίᾳ τὰς ἠπείρους, ἐπειδὰν ἐθέλωσι
διαβαίνειν, συνάπτοντας καὶ ἔθνη καταστρεφο-
μένους καὶ αἱροῦντας νήσους καὶ σαγηνεύοντας
καὶ λιβανωτοῦ χίλια. τάλαντα καταθύοντας.
οὔτε οὖν Ξέρξην ἐκεῖνος ἐπήνει ποτὲ οὔτε
ἄλλον τινὰ Περσῶν ἢ Λυδῶν ἢ Μακεδόνων
βασιλέα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Ἑλλήνων ,“στρατηγόν, πλὴν
σφόδρα ὀλίγων, ὁπόσους ἠπίστατο χαίροντας
ἀρετῇ καὶ ἀσπαζομένους ἀνδρείαν μετὰ σωφρο-
σύνης καὶ φρόνησιν μετὰ δικαιοσύνης στέργοντας.
1 ἃ Reiske adds.
2 ἐσθῆτι ποικίλῃ MSS., Cobet, ἐσθῆτα ποικίλην Hertlein.
3 ἐπαινοῦντα Reiske, “ilahibusters MSS., Hertlein.
210
79
/
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
conceptions of what is good and bad are akin to your
own, and they do but report to you your own
opinions and depict them in fine phrases, like a dress’
of many colours, and cast them into the mould of
agreeable rhythms and forms, and bring them forth
for you as though they had invented something new.
And you welcome them eagerly, and think that this
is the correct way to eulogise, and you say that these
deeds have received their due. And this is perhaps
true, but it may well be otherwise, since you do not
really know what the correct way should be.
For I have observed that Socrates the Athenian—
you know the man by hearsay and that his reputation
for wisdom was proclaimed aloud by the Pythian
oracle !—I say I have observed that he did not praise
that sort of thing, nor would he admit? that they
are happy and fortunate who are masters of a great
territory and many nations, with many Greeks too
among them, and still more numerous and powerful
barbarians, such men as are able to cut a canal through
Athos and join continents? by a bridge of boats
whenever they please, and who subdue nations and
reduce islands by sweeping the inhabitants into a
net,‘ and make offerings of a thousand talents’ worth
of frankincense.® Therefore he never praised Xerxes
or any other king of Persia or Lydia or Macedonia,
and not even a Greek general, save only a very
few, whomsoever he knew to delight in virtue and
to cherish courage with temperance and to love
wisdom with justice. But those whom he saw to be
1 οἵ, 1914. ? Plato, Gorgias 470p. Ὁ Plato, Laws 699 a.
4 Plato, Laws 698 ἡ ; Herodotus 6. 31. ὅ Herodotus 1. 183.
211
p 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
“ \ > / x \ x \ x
ὅσους δὲ ἀγχίνους ἢ δεινοὺς ἢ στρατηγικοὺς ἢ
\ \ “ 7 \ ες" ΄, >
κομψοὺς καὶ τῷ πλήθει πιθανοὺς ἑώρα, σμίκρ
na \ 4
ATTA μόρια κατανειμαμένους ἀρετῆς, οὐδὲ τούτους
ἐς ἅπαν ἐπήνει. ἕπεται δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇ κρίσει σοφῶν
3 a a > \ θ / \ \ δὲ
ἀνδρῶν δῆμος ἀρετὴν θεραπεύοντες, τὰ κλεινὰ δὲ
fa) / / e
οἶμαι ταῦτα καὶ θαυμαστὰ οἱ μὲν ὀλίγου τινός, οἱ
\ > Ν 7 /
δὲ οὐδενὸς ἄξια λέγοντες.
9 a / a , >
Εἰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ὑμῖν ταύτῃ πῃ ξυνδοκεῖ, δέος οὐ
φαῦλόν με ἔχει περὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν λόγων καὶ
a \
ἐμαυτοῦ, μή ποτε ἄρα τοὺς μὲν παιδιὰν ἀπο-
/ \ \ pi a \ “ἢ n
φήνητε, σοφιστὴν δὲ ἐμὲ γελοῖον καὶ ἀμαθῆ,
,
μεταποιούμενον τέχνης, ἧς σφόδρα ἀπείρως ἔχειν
ς fal \ A ς / \
ὁμολογῶ, ὥς γ᾽ ἐμοὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὁμολογητέον ἐστὶ
\ > ἀξ δ 7 / \ Ὄ bd] 4
τοὺς ἀληθεῖς ἐπαίνους διεξιόντε Kal ὧν ἀκούειν
7 ΙΕ. Ὁ " > \ b 4 lA
ἄξιον ὑμῖν οἴεσθε, εἰ Kal ἀγροικότεροι καὶ ἐλάτ-
nr “ 7 - a Ψ
τους μακρῷ τῶν ῥηθέντων τοῖς πολλοῖς φαίνοιντο.
> / [χὰ » Μ > / \
εἰ δέ, ὅπερ ἔμπροσθεν ἔφην, ἀποδέχεσθε τοὺς
ἐκείνων ποιητάς, ἐμοὶ μὲν ἀνεῖται τὸ δέος εὖ μάλα.
οὐ γὰρ πάντα ὑμῖν ἄτοπος φανοῦμαι, ἀχλὰ
πολλῶν μὲν οἶμαι φαυλότερος, κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν δὲ
ἐξεταζόμενος οὐ παντάπασιν ἀπόβλητος οὐδὲ 80
ἀτόποις ἐπιχειρῶν. ὑμῖν δὲ ἴσως οὐ ῥάδιον σοφοῖς
\ 7 > a > / “Δδ \ / \
καὶ θείοις ἀπιστεῖν ἀνδράσιν, ot. δὴ λέγουσι πολλὰ
\ “ 50}, \ / 7 Ae “ /
μὲν ἕκαστος ἰδίᾳ, TO κεφάλαιον δέ ἐστι τῶν λόγων
ἀρετῆς ἔπαινος. ταύτην δὲ τῇ ψυχῆ φασιν
ἐμφύεσθαι καὶ αὐτὴν ἀποφαίνειν εὐδαίμονα καὶ
βασιλικὴν καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία πολιτικὴν καὶ στρατη-
1 παιδιὰν Cobet, Mnemosyne 10. παιδιὰς (earlier conjecture
Cobet) Hertlein, ΕΟ ΤΎΕ ΤΣ V, παῖδας MSS.
212
i a a
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
cunning, or merely clever, or generals and nothing
more, or ingenious, or able, though each one could
lay claim to only one small fraction of virtue, to
impose on the masses, these too he would not praise
without reserve. And his judgment is followed by
a host of wise men who reverence virtue, but as for
all those wonders and marvels that I have described,
some say of them that they are worth little, others
that they are worth nothing.
Now if you also are of their opinion, I feel no in-
considerable alarm for what I said earlier, and for
myself, lest possibly you should declare that my words
are mere childishness, and that I am an absurd and
ignorant sophist and make pretensions to an art in
which I confess that I have no skill, as indeed I must
confess to you when I recite eulogies that are really
deserved, and such as you think it.worth while to
listen to, even though they should seem to most of
you somewhat uncouth and far inferior to what
has been already uttered. But if, as I said before,
you accept the authors of .those other eulogies, then
my fear is altogether allayed. For then I shall not
seem wholly out of place, but though, as I admit,
inferior to many others, yet judged by my own
standard, not wholly unprofitable nor attempting
what is out of place. And indeed it is probably
not easy for you to disbelieve wise and inspired
men who have much to say, each in his own manner,
though the sum and substance of all their speeches
is the praise of virtue. And virtue they say is im-
planted in the soul and makes it happy and kingly,
yes, by Zeus, and statesmanlike and gifted with true
213
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
/ \ / nn
γικὴν καὶ μεγαλόφρονα καὶ πλουσίαν ye ἀληθῶς
/
ov τὸ Κολοφώνιον ἔχουσαν χρυσίον
iF \ ΄ Δ: ὁ ὦ . ἃ
Οὐδ᾽ ὅσα λάϊνος οὐδὸς ἀφήτορος ἐντὸς ἔεργε Β΄
> ld 5 \ \ rn ¢
τὸ πρὶν ἐπ᾽ εἰρήνης, ὅτε ἣν ὀρθὰ τὰ τῶν “EXAHvav
/ > A. 2 n n \ / >
πράγματα, οὐδὲ ἐσθῆτα πολυτελῆ καὶ ψήφους Ἴν-
δικὰς καὶ γῆς πλέθρων μυριάδας πάνυ πολλάς,
ἀλλ᾽ ὃ πάντων ἅμα τούτων καὶ κρεῖττον καὶ
/
θεοφιλέστερον, ὃ καὶ ἐν ναυαγίαις ἔνεστι διασώ-
na /
σασθαι Kai ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ ἐν δήμῳ Kat ἐν οἰκίᾳ καὶ
/ a \
ἐπ᾽ ἐρημίας, ἐν λῃσταῖς μέσοις Kal ἀπὸ τυράννων C
βιαίων.
a
“Ὅλως yap οὐδέν ἐστιν ἐκείνου κρεῖττον, ὃ
7 \ / \ ;
βιασάμενον καθέξει καὶ ἀφαιρήσεται Tov ἔχοντα
4 \ n a 3." n 6
ἅπαξ. ἔστι yap ἀτεχνῶς ψυχῇ TO κτῆμα τοῦτο
a e al \ na /
τοιοῦτον, ὁποῖον οἶμαι TO φῶς ἡλίῳ. Kal yap δὴ
fal \ \ \ > / \ ,
τοῦδε νεὼς μὲν Kal ἀναθήματα πολλοὶ πολλάκις
ε / \ ὃ a] 7 Vv δό A
ὑφελόμενοι καὶ διαφθείραντες ᾧχοντο, δόντες μὲν
v \ , " Ne , ε >
ἄλλοι τὴν δίκην, ἄλλοι δὲ ὠλυγωρηθέντες ὡς οὐκ
» / > > / / \
ἄξιοι κολάσεως εἰς ἐπανόρθωσιν φερούσης" TO
a \ lal lal
φῶς δὲ οὐδεὶς αὐτὸν ἀφαιρεῖται, οὐδὲ ἐν ταῖς.
, / 7 /
συνόδοις ἡ σελήνη τὸν κύκλον ὑποτρέχουσα, D
οὐδὲ εἰς αὑτὴν δεχομένη τὴν ἀκτῖνα καὶ ἡμῖν
n \ /
πολλάκις, τοῦτο δὴ TO λεγόμενον, ἐκ μεσημβρίας
ἴω > \
νύκτα δεικνῦσα. GAN οὐδὲ αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἀφαι-
a \ \ / / /
ρεῖται φωτὸς τὴν σελήνην ἐξ ἐναντίας ἱσταμένην
\ \ a a “
περιλάμπων καὶ μεταδιδοὺς αὐτῇ τῆς αὑτοῦ
φύσεως οὐδὲ τὸν μέγαν καὶ θαυμαστὸν τουτονὶ
/ / a \ 7 +
κόσμον ἐμπλήσας αὐγῆς Kal ἡμέρας. οὔκουν
214
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
generalship, and generous and truly wealthy, not be-
cause it possesses the Colophonian ! treasures of gold,
“Nor all that the stone threshold of the Far-Darter
contained within,” 3
“in the old days, in times of peace,’ * when the
fortunes of Greece had not yet fallen; nay nor costly
clothing and precious stones from India and many
tens of thousands of acres of land, but that which is
superior to all these things together and more pleas-
ing to the gods; which can keep us safe even in
shipwreck, in the market-place, in the crowd, in the
house, in the desert, in the midst of robbers, and
. from the violence of tyrants.
For there is nothing at all superior to it, nothing
that can constrain and control it, or take it from him
who has once possessed it. Indeed it seems to me
that this possession bears the same relation to the
soul as its light to the sun. For often men have
stolen the votive offerings of the Sun and destroyed
his temples and gone their way, and some have
been punished, and others let alone as not worthy of
the punishment that leads to amendment. But his
light no one ever takes from the sun, not even the
moon when in their conjunctions she oversteps his
disc, or when she takes his rays to herself, and
often, 85. the saying is, turns midday into night.‘
. Nor is he deprived of his light when he illumines
the moon in her station opposite to himself and
shares with her his own nature, nor when he fills
with light and day this great and wonderful universe.
1 The gold work of Colophon was proverbial for its excel-
lence. Cf. Aristophanes, Cocalus fr. 8.
2 Iliad 9. 404. 3 Iliad 22. 156.
4 First used by Archilochus, fr. 74, in a description of an
eclipse of the sun.
215
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
οὐδὲ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἀρετῆς μεταδιδοὺς ἄλλῳ TO
μεταδοθέντι μεῖον ἔχων ἐφάνη ποτέ: οὕτω θεῖόν
ἐστι κτῆμα καὶ πάγκαλον, καὶ οὐ ψευδὴς ὁ λόγος
τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίου ξένου, ὅστις ποτὲ ἄρα ἣν ἐκεῖνος
ὁ θεῖος ἀνήρ' πᾶς γὰρ ὅ τε ὑπὸ γῆς καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς
χρυσὸς ἀρετῆς οὐκ ἀντάξιος. θαρροῦντες οὖν
ἤδη πλούσιον καλῶμεν τὸν ταύτην ἔχοντα, οἶμαι
δὲ ἐγὼ καὶ εὐγενῆ καὶ βασιλέα μόνον τῶν
ἁπάντων, εἴ τῳ ξυνδοκεῖ. κρείττων μὲν εὐγένεια
φαυλότητος γένους, κρείττων δὲ ἀρετὴ διαθέσεως
οὐ πάντη σπουδαίας. καὶ μή τις οἰέσθω τὸν
λόγον δύσεριν καὶ βίαιον εἰς τὴν συνήθειαν
ἀφορῶν τῶν ὀνομάτων" φασὶ γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τοὺς
ἐκ πάλαι πλουσίων εὐγενεῖς. καίτοι πῶς οὐκ
ἄτοπον μάγειρον μὲν ἢ σκυτέα καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία
κεραμέα τινὰ χρήματα ἐκ τῆς τέχνης ἢ καὶ
ἄχλοθέν ποθεν ᾿ἀθροίσαντα μὴ δοκεῖν εὐγενῆ μηδὲ
ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπονομάζεσθαι τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα,
εἰ δὲ ὁ τούτου παῖς διαδεξάμενος τὸν κλῆρον εἰς
τοὺς ἐκγόνους διαπορθμεύσειε, τούτους δὲ ἤδη μέγα
φρονεῖν. καὶ τοῖς "Πελοπίδαις ἢ τοῖς Ἡρακλείδαις
ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐγενείας ἁμιλλᾶσθαι; ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ὅ στις
προγόνων ἀγαθῶν ἔφυ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν
τοῦ βίου ῥοπὴν κατηνέχθη, δικαίως ἃἂ ἂν μεταπου-
otro τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ξυγγενείας, εἰ 1 μηδὲ ἐς
τοὺς Πελοπίδας ἐξῆν ἐγγράφεσθαι τοὺς μὴ
φέροντας ἐπὶ τὸν ὦμον τοῦ γένους τὰ γνωρίσοσ-
ματα. λόγχη δὲ λέγεται περὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν
τοῖς Σπαρτοῖς ἐντυπωθῆναι παρὰ τῆς τε-
1 εἰ Hertlein adds.
216
81
Ὁ ee
ἡ τ (6,
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
Just so no good man who imparts his goodness to
another was ever thought to have less virtue by as
much as he had bestowed. So divine and excellent
is that possession, and most true is the saying of the
Athenian stranger, whoever that inspired man may
have been: “ All the gold beneath the earth and
above ground is too little to give in exchange for vir-
tue.” + Let us therefore now boldly call its possessor
wealthy, yes and I should say well-born also, and
the only king among them all,? if anyone agree to
this. For as noble birth is better than-a lowly
pedigree, so virtue is better than a character not in
all respects admirable. And let no one say that this
statement is contentious and too strong, judging by
the ordinary use of words. For the multitude are
wont to say that the sons of those who have long
been rich are well-born. And yet is it not extra-
ordinary that a cook or cobbler, yes, by Zeus, or
some potter who has got money together by his
craft, or by some other means, is not considered
well-born nor is given that title by the many,
whereas if this man’s son inherit his estate and hand |
it on to his sons, they begin to give themselves airs
and compete on the score of noble birth with the
Pelopids and the Heraclids? Nay, even a man who
is born of noble ancestors, but himself sinks down in
the opposite scale of life, could not justly claim
kinship with those ancestors, seeing that no one
could be enrolled among the Pelopids who had not
on his shoulder the birth-mark® of that family.
And in Boeotia it was said that there was the
impression of a spear on the Sown-men*‘ from the
1 Plato, Laws 728 a. 2 Horace, Lpistles 1. 1. 106.
3 One shoulder was white as ivory.
4 The Sparti, sprung from the dragon’s teeth sown by
Cadmus.
217
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
κούσης καὶ θρεψαμένης αὐτοὺς βώλου, καὶ τὸ Ὁ
> “ ee A \ na lal a 7
ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ πολὺ διασωθῆναι τοῦτο τῷ γένει
n a 27
σύμβολον. ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν ψυχῶν οὐδὲν οἰόμεθα
A na aA \ 7
δεῖν ἐγκεχαράχθαι τοιοῦτον, ὃ τοὺς πατέρας
a “ a 7 \ /
ἡμῖν ἀκριβῶς κατερεῖ Kal ἀπελέγξει τὸν τόκον
a \
γνήσιον; ὑπάρχειν δέ φασι καὶ Κελτοῖς ποταμὸν
ἀδέκαστον κριτὴν τῶν ἐκγόνων" καὶ οὐ πείθουσιν
/
αὐτὸν οὔτε αἱ μητέρες ὀδυρόμεναι συγκαλύπτειν
- \
αὐταῖς Kal ἀποκρύπτειν τὴν ἁμαρτάδα οὔτε
fal fal n /
οἱ πατέρες ὑπὲρ τῶν γαμετῶν Kal TOV ἐκγόνων 3
a / ’ ΄
ἐπὶ τῇ κρίσει δειμαίνοντες, ἀτρεκὴς δέ ἐστι καὶ
» \ / ς a \ / \ n
ἀψευδὴς κριτής. ἡμᾶς δὲ δεκάζει μὲν πλοῦτος,
δεκάζει δὲ ἰσχὺς καὶ ὥρα σώματος καὶ δυναστεία
προγόνων ἔξωθεν ἐπισκιάξζουσα, καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει
a 2Q\ 9 , > \ A a \ A
διορᾶν οὐδὲ ἀποβλέπειν ἐς τὴν ψυχήν, ἧπερ δὴ TOV
BA / ὃ / » ala αὶ x > » pete \
ἄλλων ζῴων διαφέροντες εἰκότως ἂν κατ᾽ αὐτὸ τὴν
a / /
ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐγενείας ποιοίμεθα κρίσιν. καί μοι δο-
κοῦσιν εὐστοχίᾳ φύσεως οἱ πάλαι ᾿θαυμαστῇ χρώ-
μενοι, καὶ οὐκ ἐπίκτητον ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς ἔχοντες τὸ
φρονεῖν, οὔτι πλαστῶς, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοφυῶς φιλοσο-
φοῦντες, τοῦτο κατανοῆσαι, καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα
a Ἀ 5 “ » 3 \ \ n "ὃ e/
τοῦ Διὸς ἀνευπεῖν ἔκγονον" καὶ τὼ τῆς Λήδας viée,
7
Μίνω τε οἶμαι τὸν νομοθέτην καὶ “Ῥαδάμανθυν τὸν
Κνώσιον τῆς αὐτῆς ἀξιῶσαι φήμης" καὶ ἄλλους δὲ
ἄλλων ἐκγόνους ἀνεκήρυττον πολλοὺς διαφέροντας
τῶν φύσει πατέρων. ἔβλεπον γὰρ ἐς τὴν ψυχὴν
αὐτὴν καὶ τὰς πράξεις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐς πλοῦτον βαθὺν
1 ἐκγόνων MSS., cf. 824 Β, ἐγγύνων Hertlein.
2 ἐκγόνων MSS., ἐγγόνων Hertlein.
3 ἔκγονον MSS., Cobet, ἔγγονον Hertlein,
218
ne,
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
clod of earth that bore and reared them, and that
hence the race long preserved that distinguishing
mark. And can we suppose that on men’s souls no
mark of that sort is engraved, which shall tell us
accurately who their fathers were and vindicate
their birth as legitimate? They say that the Celts
also have a river! which is an_ incorruptible
judge of offspring, and neither can the mothers
persuade that river by their laments to hide and
conceal their fault for them, nor the fathers who are
afraid for their wives and sons in this trial, but it is
an arbiter that never swerves or gives a false verdict.
But we are corrupted by riches, by physical strength
in its prime, by powerful ancestors, an influence from
without that overshadows and does not permit us to
see clearly or discern the soul; for we are unlike all
other living things in this, that by the soul and by
nothing else, we should with reason make our decision
about noble birth. And it seems to me that the
ancients, employing a wondrous sagacity of nature,
since their wisdom was not like ours a thing acquired,
but they were philosophers by nature, not manu-
factured,? perceived the truth of this, and so they
called Heracles the son of Zeus, and Leda’s two
sons also, and Minos the law-giver, and Rhadaman-
thus of Cnossus they deemed worthy of the same
distinction. And many others they proclaimed to
be the children of other gods, because they so
surpassed their mortal parents. For they looked at
the soul alone and their actual deeds, and not at
wealth piled high and hoary with age, nor at the
1 The Rhine; cf. Julian, Hpistle 16.
2 Plato, Laws 6420,
219
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
Kal χρόνῳ πολιόν, οὐδὲ δυναστείαν ἐκ πάππων
τινῶν καὶ ἐπιπάππων ἐς αὐτοὺς ἥκουσαν: καίτοι
γε ὑπῆρχέ τισιν οὐ παντάπασιν ἀδόξων γενέσθαι
πατέρων' ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἧς ἐτίμων τε
καὶ ἐθεράπευον ἀρετῆς αὐτῶν ἐνομίζοντο τῶν θεῶν
παῖδες. δῆλον δὲ ἐνθένδε: ἄλλων γὰρ οὐδὲ εἰδότες
τοὺς φύσει γονέας ἐς τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀνῆπτον τὴν
φήμην, τῇ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἀρετῇ χαριξόμενοι. καὶ οὐ
πειστέον τοῖς λέγουσιν, ὡς apa ἐκεῖνοι UT apa-
Bias ἐξαπατώμενοι ταῦτα τῶν θεῶν κατεψεύδοντο.
εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰκὸς ἦν ἐξαπατη-
θῆναι θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων, σχήματα περιτιθέντας
ἀνθρώπινα καὶ μορφὰς τοιαύτας, ἀφανῆ μὲν
αἰσθήσει καὶ ἀνέφικτον κεκτημένων αὐτῶν φύσιν,
νῷ δὲ ἀκριβεῖ διὰ ξυγγένειαν μόλις προσπίπτου-
σαν" οὔτι γε καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμφανῶν θεῶν τοῦτο
παθεῖν εὔλογον ἐκείνους, Ἡλίου μὲν ἐπιφημίζοντας
Αἰήτην υἱέα, “Εωσφόρου δὲ ἕτερον, καὶ ἄλλους ἄλ.-
λων. ὅπερ δὲ ἔφην, χρὴ περὶ αὐτῶν πειθομένους
ἡμᾶς ταύτην ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐγενείας
ἐξέτασιν" καὶ ὅτῳ μὲν ἂν ὦσιν ἀγαθοὶ πατέρες καὶ
αὐτὸς ἐκείνοις ἐμφερής, τοῦτον ὀνομάζειν θαρρούν-
τως εὐγενῆ" ὅτῳ δὲ τὰ μὲν τῶν πατέρων ὑπῆρξεν
ἀρετῆς ἐνδεᾶ, αὐτὸς δὲ μετεποιήθη τούτου τοῦ κτή-
ματος, τούτου δὲ νομιστέον πατέρα τὸν Δία καὶ
φυτουργόν, καὶ οὐδὲν μεῖον αὐτῷ δοτέον ἐκείνων,
ob γεγονότες πατέρων ἀγαθῶν τοὺς σφῶν τοκέας
83
ἐζήλωσαν: ὅστις δὲ ἐξ ἀγαθῶν γέγονε μοχθηρός, B
220
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
power that had come down to them from some
grandfather or great-grandfather. And yet some of
them were the sons of fathers not wholly inglorious.
But because of the superabundance in them of that
virtue which men honoured and cherished, they
were held to be the sons of the gods themselves.
This is clear from the following fact. In the case of
certain others, though they did not know those who
were by nature their sires, they ascribed that title
_ to a divinity, to recompense the virtue of those men.
And we ought not to say that they were deceived, .
and that in ignorance they told lies about the gods.
For even if in the case of other gods or deities it
was natural that they should be so deceived, when
they clothed them in human forms and human
shapes, though those deities possess a nature not
to be perceived or attained by the senses, but
barely recognisable by means of pure intelligence,
by reason of their kinship with it; nevertheless in
the case of the visible gods it is not probable
that they were deceived, for instance, when they
entitled Aeetes “son of Helios” and another! “son of
the Dawn,’ and so on with others. But, as I said,
we must in these cases believe them, and make our
enquiry about noble birth accordingly. And when a
man has virtuous parents and himself resembles
them, we may with confidence call him nobly born.
But when, though his parents lack virtue, he him-
self can claim to possess it, we must suppose that the
father who begat him is Zeus, and we must not pay
~ less respect to him than to those who are the sons
of virtuous fathers and emulate their parents. But
when a bad man comes of good parents, we ought to
1 Memnon.
22F
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a na / 2 , LA \ \ >
τοῦτον τοῖς νόθοις ἐγγράφειν ἄξιον: τοὺς δὲ ἐκ
“ “ 7] Ὁ n
μοχθηρῶν φῦντας καὶ προσομοίους τοῖς αὑτῶν το-
κεῦσιν οὔποτε εὐγενεῖς φατέον, οὐδὲ εἰ πλουτοῖεν
ταλάντοις μυρίοις, οὐδὲ εἰ ἀπαριθμοῖντο προγόνους
; \
δυνάστας ἢ val μὰ Δία τυράννους εἴκοσιν, οὐδὲ εἰ
\ £ “Ὁ an
νίκας ᾿Ολυμπιακὰς ἢ Πυθικὰς ἢ τῶν πολεμικῶν
¢ / la
ἀγώνων, al δὴ τῷ παντὶ ἐκείνων εἰσὶ χλαμπρότεραι,
> / ” / / Ἃ lal
ἀνελομένους ἔχοιεν δείκνυσθαι πλείους ἢ Καῖσαρ
ς an > i ΄, 1 neg ΄ AT te
ὁ πρῶτος, ὀρύγματά τε! τὰ ᾿Ασσύρια καὶ τὰ Βαβυ-
/ 7
λωνίων τείχη πυραμίδας τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὰς
7 7
Αἰγυπτίων, καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα πλούτου καὶ χρημάτων
καὶ τρυφῆς γέγονε σημεῖα καὶ διανοίας ὑπὸ
φιλοτιμίας ἀναφλεγομένης καὶ ἀπορουμένης 2 ἐς
ὅ,τι τῷ πλούτῳ χρήσεται, εἶτα ἐς τοῦτο τὰς τῶν
, / \
χρημάτων εὐπορίας καταβαλλομένης. εὖ yap
σι a ,
δὴ ἴστε, ὡς οὔτε πλοῦτος ἀρχαῖος ἢ νεωστί ποθεν
> s 4 la) ” ς \ e 4
ἐπιρρέων βασιλέα ποιεῖ οὔτε ἁλουργὲς ἱμάτιον
οὔτε τιάρα καὶ σκῆπτρον καὶ διάδημα καὶ θρόνος
> a > 2 50ῸΝ ς a \ \ e a
ἀρχαῖος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ὁπλῖται πολλοὶ Kal ἱππεῖς
, Oe > / ” θ / lal
μυρίοι, οὐδὲ εἰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι βασιλέα σφῶν
a e a /
τοῦτον ὁμολογοῖεν συνελθόντες, ὅτε μηδὲ ἀρετὴν
οὗτοι χαρίζονται, ἀλλὰ δυναστείαν μὲν οὐ μάλα
“ an 4 al
εὐτυχῆ τῷ λαβόντι, πολὺ δὲ πλέον τοῖς παρα-
ς “
σχομένοις. δεξάμενος γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦτος αἴρεται μετέ-
wpos ἐπίπαν, οὐδὲν διαφέρων τοῦ περὶ τὸν Φαέ-
θοντα μύθου καὶ πάθους. καὶ οὐδὲν ἑτέρων δεῖ παρα-
/ an , an / \
δευγμάτων πρὸς πίστιν τῷ λόγῳ, τοῦ βίου παντὸς
ἀναπεπλησμένου τοιούτων παθημάτων καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐ-
τοῖς λόγων. ὑμῖν δὲ εἰ θαυμαστὸν δοκεῖ τὸ μὴ
1 re Hertlein adds, 2 καὶ ἀπορουμένης Hertlein suggests.
222
84
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
enrol him among the bastards, while as for those who
come of a bad stock and resemble their parents,
never must we call them well-born, not even though
their wealth amounts to ten thousand talents, not
though they reckon among their ancestors twenty
rulers, or, by Zeus, twenty tyrants, not though they
can prove that the victories they won at Olympia or
Pytho or in the encounters of war—which are in
every way more brilliant than victories in the games
—were more than the first Caesar’s, or can point to
excavations in Assyria! or to the walls of Babylon and
the Egyptian pyramids besides, and to all else that is
a proof of wealth and great possessions and luxury
and a soul that is inflamed by ambition and, being at
a loss how to use money, lavishes on things of that sort
all those abundant supplies of wealth. For you are
well aware that it is not wealth, either ancestral or
newly acquired and pouring in from some source or
other, that makes a king, nor his purple cloak nor
his tiara and sceptre and diadem and ancestral
throne, nay nor numerous hoplites and ten thousand
cavalry ; not though all men should gather together
and acknowledge him for their king, because virtue
. they cannot bestow on him, but only power, ill-
omened indeed for him that receives it, but still
more for those that bestow it. For once he has
received such power, a man of that sort is alto-
gether raised aloft in the clouds, and in nowise
differs from the legend of Phaethon and his fate.
And there is no need of other instances to make
us believe this saying, for the whole of life is
full of such disasters and tales about them. And
if it seems surprising to you that the title of king,
1 cf, Oration 3. 126.
223
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IL
δικαίως μεταποιεῖσθαι τῆς καλῆς ταύτης καὶ θεο-
φιλοῦς ἐπωνυμίας τοὺς πολλῆς μὲν γῆς καὶ ἐθνῶν
ἀπείρων ἄρχοντας, γνώμῃ δὲ αὐτεξουσίῳ δίχα νοῦ
καὶ φρονήσεως καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ “ξυνεπομένων ἀ ἀρετῶν
τὰ προστυχόντα κρίνοντας" ἴστε οὐδὲ ἐλευθέρους
ὄντας, οὐ μόνον εἰ τὰ παρόντα οὐδενός σφισιν
ἐμποδὼν ὄ ὄντος ἔχοιεν καὶ ἐμφοροῖντο τῆς ἐξουσίας,
ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰ τῶν ἐπιστρατευόντων κρατοῖεν καὶ
ἐπιόντες ἀνυπόστατοί τινες καὶ 1 “ἄμαχοι φαί-
vowTo. εἰ δὲ ἀπιστεῖ TLS ὑμῶν τῷ λόγῳ τῷδε,
μάλα ἐμφανῶν μαρτύρων οὐκ ἀπορήσομεν, Ἑλλή-
νων ὁμοῦ καὶ βαρβάρων, οἱ μάχας πολλὰς καὶ
ἰσχυρὰς λίαν μαχεσάμενοι καὶ νενικηκότες ἔθνη
μὲν ἐκτῶντο καὶ αὑτοῖς φόρους ἀπάγειν κατηνάγ-
καΐζον, ἐδούλευον δὲ αἴσχιον ἐκείνων ἡδονῇ καὶ
τρυφῇ καὶ ἀκολασίᾳ καὶ ὕβρει. καὶ ἀδικίᾳ.
τούτους δὲ οὐδὲ ἰσχυροὺς ἂν φαίη νοῦν ἔχων
ἀνήρ, εἰ καὶ ἔπι αίνοιτο καὶ ἐπιλάμποι μέγεθος
τοῖς ἔργοις... μόνος γάρ ἐστι τοιοῦτος ὁ “μετὰ
ἀρετῆς ἀνδρεῖος καὶ μεγαλόφρων' ὅστις δὲ ἥττων
μὲν ἡδονῶν, ἀκράτωρ δὲ ὀργῆς καὶ ἐπιθυμιῶν
παντοιῶν, καὶ ὑπὸ σμικρῶν ἀπαγορεύειν ἀναγ-
καζόμενος, οὗτος δὲ οὐδὲ ἰσχυρὸς οὐδὲ ἀνδρεῖος
ἀνθρωπίνην ἐ ἰσχύν" ἐπιτρεπτέον δὲ ἢ ἴσως αὐτῷ κατὰ
τοὺς ταύρους ἢ τοὺς λέοντας ἢ τὰς παρδάλεις τῆ
ῥώμῃ γάνυσθαι, εἰ μὴ καὶ ταύτην ἀποβαλὼν
καθάπερ οἱ κηφῆνες ἀλλοτρίοις ἐφέστηκε πόνοις,
αὐτὸς ὧν μαλθακὸς αἰχμητὴς καὶ δειλὸς καὶ
ἀκόλαστος. τοιοῦτος δὲ ὧν οὐ μόνον ἀληθοῦς
ἐνδεὴς πλούτου καθέστηκεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ πολυτι-
μήτου καὶ σεμνοῦ καὶ ἀγαπητοῦ, ἐξ οὗ παντοδαπαὶ
1 τινες καὶ Hertlein suggests, tives σφόδρα καὶ MSS.
224
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
so honourable, so favoured by the gods, cannot
justly be claimed by men who, though they rule
over a vast territory and nations without num-
ber, nevertheless settle questions that arise by an
autocratic decision, without intelligence or wisdom
or the virtues that go with wisdom, believe me they
are not even free men; I do not mean if they merely
possess what they have with none to hinder them
and have their fill of power, but even though they
conquer all who make war against them, and, when
they lead an invading army, appear invincible and
irresistible. And if any of you doubt this. state-
ment, I have no lack of notable witnesses, Greek and
barbarian, who fought and won many mighty battles,
and became the masters of whole nations and com-
pelled them to pay tribute, and yet were themselves
slaves in a still more shameful degree of pleasure,
money and wantonness, insolence and injustice. And
no man of sense would call them even powerful, not
though greatness should shine upon and _illumine
all that they achieved. For he alone is strong whose
virtue aids him to be brave and magnanimous. But
he who is the slave of pleasure and cannot control his
temper and appetites of all sorts, but is compelled to
succumb to trivial things, is neither brave himself
nor strong with a man’s strength, though we may
perhaps allow him to exult like a bull or lion or
leopard ! in his brute ‘force, if indeed he do not lose
even this and, like a drone, merely superintend the
labours of Shere, himself a “feeble warrior,’ 2 and
cowardly and dissolute. And if that be his character,
he is lacking not only in true riches, but in that wealth
also which men so highly honour and reverence and
1 Iliad 17, 20. 2 Homeric phrase: Iliad 17. 588.
225
VOL. 1. [ Q
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, If
κρεμάμεναι ψυχαὶ πράγματα ἔχουσι μυρία καὶ
πόνους, τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν κέρδους ἕ ἕνεκα πλεῖν τε ὑπο-
μένουσαι καὶ καπηλεύειν καὶ λῃστεύειν καὶ ᾿ἀναρ-
mabey τὰς τυραννίδας. ζῶσι γὰρ ἀεὶ μὲν κτώμενοι,
ἀεὶ δὲ ἐνδεεῖς, οὔτι τῶν ἀναγκαίων φημὶ σιτίων
καὶ ποτῶν καὶ , ἐσθημάτων" ὥρισται γὰρ ὁ τοιοῦ-
τος πλοῦτος εὖ μάλα παρὰ τῆς φύσεως, } καὶ οὐκ
ἔστιν αὐτοῦ στέρεσθαι οὔτε τοὺς ὄρνιθας οὔτε τοὺς
ἰχθῦς ' οὔτε τὰ θηρία, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ἀνθρώπων τοὺς
σώφρονας" ὅσους δὲ ἐνοχλεῖ χρημάτων ἐπιθυμία
καὶ ἔρως δυστυχής, τούτους δὲ ἀνάγκη πεινῆν διὰ
βίου καὶ ἀθλιώτερον ἀπαλλάττειν μακρῷ τῶν τῆς
ἐφημέρου τροφῆς ἐνδεομένων. τούτοις μὲν γὰρ
ἀποπλήσασι τὴν “γαστέρα πολλὴ γέγονεν εἰρήνη
καὶ ἀνοκωχὴ τῆς ἀλγηδόνος, ἐκείνοις δὲ οὔτε
ἡμέρα πέφηνεν ἀκερδὴς ἡδεῖα, οὔτε εὐφρόνη τὸν
λυσιμελῆ καὶ λυσιμέριμνον ὕπνον ἐπάγουσα
παῦλαν. ἐνεποίησε τῆς ἐμμανοῦς λύττης, στροβεῖ
δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ στρέφει τὴν ψυχὴν ἐκλογιζομένων
καὶ ἀπαριθμουμένων τὰ χρήματα" καὶ οὐκ
ἐξαιρεῖται τοὺς ἄνδρας τῆς ἐπιθυμίας καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽
αὐτῇ ταλαιπωρίας " οὐδὲ ὁ Ταντάλου καὶ Μίδου
πλοῦτος περιγενόμενος οὐδὲ. ἡ μεγίστη καὶ
χαλεπωτάτη δαιμόνων τυραννὶς προσγενομένη. ἢ
γὰρ οὐκ ἀκηκόατε Δαρεῖον. τὸν Περσῶν μονάρχην,"
οὐ παντάπασι μοχθηρὸν ἄνθρωπον, δυσέρωτα
αἰσχρῶς εἰς χρήματα καὶ νεκρῶν θήκας ὑπὸ τῆς
ares διορύττειν * Kal πολυτελεῖς ἐπιτάττειν
1 ἰχθῦς Hertlein suggests, ἰχθύας MSS., cf. 59 a, ἰχθθας V.
" ταλωμιπωρίας Hertlein suggests, λοιδυρίας MSS.
* μονάρχην Cobet, μονάρχην μισθωτόν MSS., Hertlein sug-
gests μόναρχον μισθωτόν, ἢ μισθωτὸν Reiske, μονάρχου V.
1 After διορύττειν Cobet omits ἀναπειθόμενον.
΄
220
ee 1...
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
desire, on which hang the souls of men of all sorts,
so that they undergo countless toils and labours for
the sake of daily gain, and endure to sail the sea and
to trade and rob and grasp at tyrannies. For they live
ever acquiring but ever in want, though I do not say
of necessary food and drink and clothes ; for the limit
of this sort of property has been clearly defined by
nature, and none can be deprived of it, neither birds
nor fish nor wild beasts, much less prudent men.
But those who are tortured by the desire and fatal
passion for money must suffer a lifelong hunger,! and
depart from life more miserably than those who lack
daily food. For these, once they have filled their
bellies, enjoy perfect peace and respite from their
torment, but for those others no day is sweet that
does not bring them gain, nor does night with her
gift of sleep that relaxes the limbs and frees men
from care 5 bring for them any remission of their raging
madness, but distracts and agitates their souls as
they reckon and count up their money. And not even
the wealth of Tantalus and Midas, should they possess
it, frees those men from their desire and their hard.
toil therewith, nay nor to gain “the most great and
grievous tyranny of heaven,’* should they become
possessed of this also, For have you not heard that
Darius, the ruler of Persia, a man not wholly base,
but insatiably and shamefully covetous of money, dug
up in his greed even the tombs of the dead * and
1 Plato, Laws 832 Α. 2 Odyssey 20. 56.
3 Euripides, Phoenissae 506 and fr. 252, Nauck.
4 Of Queen Nitocris, Herodotus 1. 187.
227
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
/ “ > a \ \ ” / \
φόρους; ὅθεν αὐτῷ TO κλεινὸν ὄνομα γέγονε κατὰ
πάντας ἀνθρώπους" ἐκάλουν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἸΤερσῶν
e , Ὁ 3 an \ /
οἱ γνώριμοι ὅτιπερ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸν Σάραμβον.
᾽ > + \ ¢€ / “ « “
Αλλ᾽ ἔοικε γὰρ ὁ λόγος, ὥσπερ ὁδοῦ τινος κατ-
΄ > / b] an > a a
ἄντους ἐπιλαβόμενος, ἀφειδῶς ἐμφορεῖσθαι τῆς
καταρρήσεως καὶ πέρα τοῦ δέοντος κολάζειν τῶν
an , an
ἀνδρῶν τοὺς τρόπους, ὥστε οὐκ ἐπιτρεπτέον αὐτῷ
περαιτέρω φοιτᾶν. ἀπαιτητέον δὲ εἰς δύναμιν τὸν
> \ 7 \ \ \ /
ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ βασιλικὸν καὶ μεγαλόφρονα.
Ὁ \
ἔστι δὲ πρῶτον μὲν εὐσεβὴς καὶ οὐκ ὀλίγωρος
θεραπείας θεῶν, εἶτα ἐς τοὺς τοκέας ζῶντάς τε
οἶμαι καὶ τελευτήσαντας ὅσιος καὶ ἐπιμελής,
> n » tp κ, 7 \ > ΄
ἀδελφοῖς τε εὔνους, καὶ ὁμογνίους θεοὺς αἰδού-
μενος, ἱκέταις καὶ ξένοις πρᾷος καὶ μείλιχος, τοῖς
μὲν ἀγαθοῖς τῶν πολυτῶν ἀρέσκειν ἐθέλων, τῶν
πολλῶν δὲ ἐπιμελόμενος ἐν δίκῃ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὠφελείᾳ:
ἀγαπᾷ δὲ πλοῦτον, οὔτι τὸν χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ
βριθόμενον, φίλων δὲ ἀληθοῦς εὐνοίας καὶ ἀκολα-
κεύτου θεραπείας μεστόν" ἀνδρεῖος μὲν φύσει
/
καὶ μεγαλοπρεπής, πολέμῳ δὲ ἥκιστα χαίρων
καὶ στάσιν ἐμφύλιον ἀπεχθαίρων, τούς γε
μὴν ἔκ τινος τύχης ἐπιφυομένους ἢ διὰ τὴν
σφῶν αὐτῶν μοχθηρίαν ἀνδρείως ὑφιστάμενος
Σ , an / a
Kal ἀμυνόμενος ἐγκρατῶς, τέλος τε ἐπάγων τοῖς
ἔργοις καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἀφιστάμενος, πρὶν ἂν
7
ἐξέλῃ τῶν “πολεμίων τὴν “δύναμιν καὶ ὑποχείριον
αὑτῷ ποιήσηται. κρατήσας δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων
1 ἀνθρώπους: Cobet, ἀνθρώπους ἐκφανές: Hertlein, expavés
V, Μ, ἐμφανὲς MSS.
22ὃ
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
exacted the most costly tribute? And hence he
acquired the title! that is famous among all man-
kind. For the notables of Persia called him by the
name that the Athenians gave to Sarambos.?
But it seems that my argument, as though it had
reached some steep descent, is glutting itself with
unsparing abuse, and is chastising the manners of
these men beyond what is fitting, so that I must not
allow it to travel further. But now I must demand
‘from it an account, as far as is possible, of the man
who is good and kingly and great-souled. In the
first place, then, he is devout and does not neglect
the worship of the gods, and secondly he is_pious
and ministers to his parents, both when they are
alive and after their death, and he is friendly to his
brothers, and reverences the gods who protect the
family, while to suppliants and strangers he is mild
and gentle; and he is anxious to gratify good
citizens, and governs the masses with justice and for
their benefit. And wealth he loves, but not that
which is heavy with gold and silver, but that which
is full of the true good-will of his friends,’ and
service without flattery. Though by nature he is
brave and gallant, he takes no pleasure in war, and
detests civil discord, though when men do attack him,
whether from some chance, or by reason of their own ἢ
wickedness, he resists them bravely and defends him-
self with energy, and carries through his enterprises
to the end, not desisting till he has destroyed the
power of the foe and made it subject to himself.
1 ἐς Huckster ” (κάπηλος) Herodotus 3. 89.
2 Or Sarabos, a Plataean wineseller at Athens; Plato;
Gorgias 518B; perhaps to be identified with the Vinarius
Hzxaerambus in Plautus, Asznaria 436 ; cf. Themistius 297 Ὁ.
3 A saying of Alexander, cf. Themistius 203¢ ; Stobaeus,
Sermones 214; Isocrates, 70 Nicocles 21. 229
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
ἔπαυσε τὸ ξίφος φόνων, μίασμα κρίνων τὸν
οὐκ ἀμυνόμενον ἔτι κτείνειν καὶ ἀναιρεῖν. φιλό-
movos δὲ ὧν φύσει καὶ μεγαλόψυχος κοινωνεῖ
μὲν, ἅπασι τῶν πόνων, καὶ ἔχειν ἐν αὐτοῖς τὸ
πλέον ἀξιοῖ, μεταδίδωσι δὲ ἐκείνοις τῶν κινδύ-
νων τὰ ἔπαθλα, χαίρων καὶ γεγηθὼς οὔτι τῷ
πλέον ἔχειν τῶν ἄλλων χρυσίον καὶ ἀργύριον καὶ
ἐπαύλεις κόσμῳ πολυτελεῖ κατεσκευασμένας,
ἀλλὰ τῷ πολλοὺς μὲν εὖ ποιεῖν δύνασθαι, χαρί-
ζεσθαι δὲ ἅπασιν ὅτου ἂν τύχωσιν ἐνδεεῖς ὄντες"
TOUT αὑτὸν ὅ γε ἀληθινὸς ἀξιοῖ βασιλεύς.
φιλόπολις 1 δὲ ὧν καὶ φιλοστρατιώτης τῶν μὲν
καθάπερ νομεὺς ποιμνίων ἐπιμελεῖται, προνοῶν
ὅπως ἂν αὐτῷ θάλλῃ καὶ εὐθηνῆται τὰ θρέμματα
δαψιλοῦς καὶ ἀταράχου τῆς νομῆς ἐμπιμπλάμενα,
τοὺς δὲ ἐφορᾷ καὶ συνέχει, πρὸς ἀνδρείαν καὶ
ῥώμην καὶ πρᾳότητα γυμνάξων καθάπερ σκύλα-
Kas εὐφυεῖς καὶ γενναίους τῆς ποίμνης φύλακας,
ἔργων τε αὑτῷ κοινωνοὺς καὶ ἐπικούρους. τῷ
πλήθει νομίζων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ ἁρπακτῆράς τινας
οὐδὲ λυμεῶνας τῶν ποιμνίων καθάπερ οἱ λύκοι
καὶ κυνῶν οἱ φαυλότατοι, οἱ τῆς αὑτῶν φύσεως
“καὶ τροφῆς. ἐπιλαθόμενοι ἀντὶ σωτήρων καὶ
προαγωνιστῶν ἀνεφάνησαν αὐτοὶ δηλήμονες"
οὐδὲ μὴν ὑπνηλοὺς ἀνέξεται εἶναι καὶ ἀργοὺς
καὶ ἀπολέμους, ὅπως ἂν μὴ φυλάκων ἑτέρων
οἱ φρουροὶ δέωνται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ἀπειθεῖς τοῖς ὃ
ἄρχουσιν, εἰδὼς ὅτι τοῦτο μάλιστα πάντων, ἔστι
δὲ ὅπου καὶ μόνον ἀπόχρη σωτήριον ἐπιτήδευμα
1 φιλοπολίτης Hertlein suggests, but cf. Isocrates 7Ὁ
Nicocles 15. ? of Hertlein adds. 9 τοῖς Hertlein suggests,
23°
87
B
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
But after he has conquered by force of arms, he
makes his sword cease from slaughter, because he
thinks that for one who is no longer defending
himself to go on killing and laying waste is to incur
pollution. And being by nature fond of work, and
great of soul, he shares in the labours of all; and claims
the lion’s share of those labours, then divides with
the others the rewards for the risks which he has
run, and is glad and rejoices, not because he has
more gold and silver treasure than other men, and
palaces adorned with costly furniture, but because he
is able to do good to many, and to bestow on all men
whatever they may chance to lack. This is what he
who is truly a king claims for himself. And since
he loves both the city and the soldiers,! he cares
for the citizens as a shepherd for his flock, planning
how their young may flourish and thrive, eating
their full of abundant and undisturbed pasture ; and
his soldiers he oversees and keeps together, training
them in courage, strength and mercy, like well-bred
dogs, noble guardians of the flock,’ regarding them
both as the partners of his exploits and the
protectors of the masses, and not as spoilers and
pillagers of the flock, like wolves and mongrel dogs
which, forgetting their own nature and nuture, turn
out to be marauders instead -of preservers and
defenders. Yet on the other hand, he will not
suffer them to be sluggish, slothful and unwarlike,
lest the guardians should themselves need others
to watch them, nor disobedient to their officers,
because he knows that obedience above all else,
and sometimes alone, is the saving discipline in
1 Tsocrates, 70 Nicocles 15 ; Dio Chrysostom, Oration i.
28, 2 Republic 416 a.
231
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, I
πρὸς πόλεμον: πόνων δὲ ἁπάντων ἀδεεῖς καὶ
ἀτεράμονας, οὔτι ῥᾳθύμους ἐργάσεται, ἐπιστά-
μενος ὅτι μὴ μέγα ὄφελος φύλακος τὸν πόνον
φεύγοντος καὶ οὐ δυναμένου καρτερεῖν οὐδὲ ἀντέ-
YEW πρὸς κάματον. ταῦτα δὲ οὐ παραινῶν μόνον
οὐδὲ ἐπαινῶν τοῦς ἀγαθοὺς προθύμως καὶ χαριζό-
μενος ἢ κολάζων ἐγκρατῶς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτως ξυμ-
πείθει καὶ βιάζεται, ἀλλὰ πολὺ πρότερον αὑτὸν
τοιοῦτον ἐπιδεικνύων, ἀπεχόμενος μὲν ἡδονῆς
ἁπάσης, χρημάτων δὲ οὐδὲν οὔτε σμικρὸν οὔτε
μεῖζον ἐπιθυμῶν καὶ ἀφαιρούμενος τῶν ὑπηκόων,
ὕπνῳ τε εἴκων ὀλίγα καὶ τὴν ἀργίαν ἀποστρε-
φόμενος, ἀληθῶς γὰρ οὐδεὶς οὐδενὸς εἰς οὐδὲν ἄξιος
καθεύδων ἀνὴρ ἢ καὶ ἐγρηγορὼς τοῖς καθεύδουσιν
ἐμφερής. πειθομένους δὲ αὐτοὺς ἕξει καλῶς αὑτῷ
τε οἶμαι καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, εἰ τοῖς ἀρίστοις
πειθόμενος Ψόμοις καὶ τοῖς ὀρθοῖς, ξυνεπόμενος
διατάγμασι δῆλος εἴη, καὶ ὅλως τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
ἀποδοὺς τῷ φύσει βασιλικῷ καὶ ἡγεμονικῷ τῆς
ψυχῆς μορίῳ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τῷ θυμοειδεῖ καὶ ἀκο-
λάστῳ. καὶ καρτερεῖν δὲ καὶ ὑπομένειν τόν τε
ἐπὶ στρατιᾶς καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κάματον ὁπόσα
τε κατὰ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐξηυρέθη γυμνάσια μελέτης
ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ὀθνείους ἀγῶνας,- πῶς ἄν
τίς μάλιστα πείσας ein,” ἢ δῆλον ὡς αὐτὸς ὁρώ-
μενος καρτερὸς καὶ ἀδαμάντινος; ἔστι γὰρ ἀλη-
θῶς ἥδιστον θέαμα στρατιώτῃ πονουμένῳ σώφρων
ag magtse: συνεφαπτόμενος ἔργων καὶ mpobu-
1 ἀδεεῖς Reiske, ἐνδεεῖς MSS., Hertlein.
* πείσας εἴη Naber, ef. 272D 281A, πείσειεν Hertlein,
πεισθείη MSS. :
232
C
88
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
war. And he will train them to be hardy and
not. afraid of any labour, and never indolent, for
he knows that there is not much use in a guardian
who shirks his task and. cannot hold out or endure
fatigue. And not only by exhorting, or by his
readiness to praise the deserving or by rewarding
and punishing severely and inexorably, does he win
them. over to this and coerce them; but far rather
does he show that he is himself what he would have
them be, since he refrains from all pleasure, and as
for money desires it not at all, much or little, nor
robs his subjects of it; and since he abhors indolence
he allows little time for sleep, For in truth no
one who is asleep is good for anything,! nor if, when
awake he resembles those who are asleep. And he
will, I think, succeed in keeping them wonderfully
obedient to himself and to their officers, since he
himself will be seen to obey the wisest laws and to
live in accordance with right precepts, and in short
to be under the guidance of that part of the
soul which is naturally kingly and worthy to take
the lead, and not of the emotional or undisciplined
part. For how could one better persuade men
to endue and undergo fatigue, not only in ἃ cam-
paign and under arms, but also in all those exercises
that have been invented in times of peace to give
men practice for conflicts abroad, than by being
clearly seen to be oneself strong as adamant? «For in
truth the most agreeable sight for a soldier, when
he is fighting hard, is a prudent commander who
takes an active part in the work in hand, himself
zealous while exhorting his men, who is cheerful and
' Plato, Laws 808 Β.
233
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
povpevos καὶ παρακαλῶν καὶ ἐν τοῖς δοκοῦσι
φοβεροῖς φαιδρὸς. καὶ ἀδεὴς καὶ ὅπου λίαν θαρ-
ροῦσι σεμνὸς καὶ ἐμβριθής. πέφυκε γὰ ἐξομοι-
ova bat πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα τὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων εὖλα-
Betas πέρι καὶ θράσους. προνοητέον δὲ αὐτῷ
τῶν εἰρημένων οὐ μεῖον ὅπως ἄφθονον τὴν τροφὴν
ἔχωσι καὶ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐνδέωνται.
πολλάκις γὰρ οἱ πιστότατοι τῶν ποιμνίων φρου-
ροὶ καὶ φύλακες ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας ἀναγκαζόμενοι
ἄγριοί τέ εἰσι τοῖς νομεῦσι, καὶ αὐτοὺς πόρρωθεν
ἰδόντες περιυλακτοῦσι καὶ οὐδὲ τῶν προβάτων
ἀπέσχοντο.
Τοιοῦτος μὲν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδων ὁ 0 γενναῖος, πόλει
δὲ σωτὴρ καὶ κηδεμών, οὔτι τοὺς ἔξωθεν μόνον
ἀπείργων κινδύνους οὐδὲ ἀντιταττόμενος ἢ καὶ
ἐπιστρατεύων βαρβάροις γείτοσι" στάσιν δὲ
ἐξαιρῶν καὶ ἔθη μοχθηρὰ καὶ τρυφὴν καὶ ἀκο-
λασίαν τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν παρέξει ῥᾳστώνην.
ὕβριν δὲ ἐξείργων καὶ παρανομίαν αὶ ἀδικίαν
καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν ἀμέτρου κτήσεως Tas! ἐκ τούτων
ἀναφυομένας στάσεις καὶ ἔριδας εἰς οὐδὲν χρηστὸν
τελευτώσας οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνέξεται φῦναι, γενο-
μένας δὲ ὡς ἔνι τάχιστα ἀφανιεῖ " καὶ ἐξελάσει
τῆς αὑτοῦ πόλεως. λήσεται δὲ αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς
ὑπερβὰς τὸν νόμον καὶ βιασάμενος, οὐ "μᾶλλον. ἢ
τῶν πολεμίων τίς τὸν χάρακα. φύλαξ δὲ ὧν
ἀγαθὸς τῶν νόμων, ἀμείνων ἔσται δημιουργός, εἴ
ποτε καιρὸς καὶ τύχη καλοίη" καὶ οὐδεμία μηχανὴ
πείθει τὸν τοιοῦτον ψευδῆ καὶ κίβδηλον καὶ νόθον
1 Before τὰς Hertlein omits καὶ.
5. ἀφανιεῖ Cobet, ἀφανίσει MSS., Hertlein,
3 οὐ Hertlein adds.
234
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
calm in what seems to be a dangerous situation, but
on occasion stern and severe whenever they are over
confident. For in the matter of caution or boldness
the subordinate naturally imitates his leader. And he
must plan as well, no less than for what I have
mentioned, that they may have abundant. provisions
and run short of none of the necessaries of life. For
often the most loyal guardians and protectors of the
flock are driven by want to become fierce towards
the shepherds, and when they see them from afar
they bark at them and do not even spare the sheep.!
Such then is the good king at the head of his
legions, but to his city he is a saviour and protector,
not only when he is warding off dangers from without
or repelling barbarian neighbours or invading them ;
but also by putting down civil discord, vicious
morals, luxury and profligacy, he will procure relief
from the greatest evils. And by excluding insolence,
lawlessness, injustice and greed for boundless
wealth, he will not permit the feuds that arise from
these causes and the dissensions that end in disaster
to show even the first sign of growth, and if they
do arise he will abolish them as quickly as possible
and expel them from his city. And no one who
transgresses and violates the law will escape _ his
notice, no more than would an enemy in the act of
scaling his defences. But though he is a good
guardian of the laws, he will be still better at
framing them, if ever occasion and chance call on
him to do so. And no device can persuade one of
his character to add to the statutes a false and
spurious and bastard law, any more than he would
1 Republic 416 A.
235
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
τοῖς κειμένοις ἐπεισάγειν νόμον, οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς
αὑτοῦ παισὶ δούλειον καὶ ἀγεννὲς ἐπεισαγαγεῖν |
σπέρμα. δίκης δὲ αὐτῷ μέλει καὶ θέμιδος, καὶ
οὔτε γονεῖς οὔτε ξυγγενεῖς καὶ φίλοι πείθουσι
καταχαρίσασθαί σφιν καὶ προδοῦναι τὸ ἔνδικον.
ὑπολαμβάνει γὰρ ἁπάντων εἶναι τὴν πατρίδα
κοινὴν ἑστίαν καὶ μητέρα, πρεσβυτέραν μὲν καὶ
σεμνοτέραν TOV” πατέρων, φιλτέραν δὲ ἀδελφῶν
καὶ ξένων καὶ φίλων: ἧς ἀποσυλῆσαι τὸν νόμον
καὶ βιάσασθαι μεῖζον ἀσέβημα κρίνει τῆς περὶ τὰ
χρήματα τῶν θεῶν παρανομίας. ἔστι γὰρ ὁ νόμος
ἔκγονος τῆς δίκης, ἱερὸν ἀνάθημα καὶ θεῖον ἀληθῶς
τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ, ὃν οὐδαμῶς ὅ ye ἔμφρων ἀνὴρ
περὶ σμικροῦ ποιήσεται, οὐδὲ ἀτιμάσει" ἀλλὰ ἐν
δίκῃ πάντα δρῶν τοὺς μὲν ἀγαθοὺς τιμήσει προ-
θύμως, τοὺς μοχθηροὺς δὲ ἐς δύναμιν ἰᾶσθαι
καθάπερ t ἰατρὸς ἀγαθὸς προθυμήσεται.
Διττῶν δὲ ὄντων τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων, καὶ τῶν
μὲν ὑποφαινόντων ἐλπίδας ἀμείνους καὶ οὐ πάντη
τὴν θεραπείαν ἀπεστραμμένων, τῶν δὲ ἀνίατα
πλημμελούντων: τούτοις δὲ οἱ νόμοι θάνατον
λύσιν τῶν κακῶν ἐπενόησαν, οὐκ εἰς τὴν ἐκεί-
νων μᾶλλον, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἄλλων ὠφέλειαν" διττὰς
δ᾽ ἀνάγκη τὰς κρίσεις γίγνεσθαι. οὐκοῦν τῶν
μὲν ἰασίμων αὑτῷ προσήκειν ὑπολήψεται τήν
τε ἐπίγνωσιν καὶ τὴν θεραπείαν, ἀφέξεται δὲ
τῶν ἄλλων μάλα ἐρρωμένως, καὶ οὐκ ἄν ποτε
ἑκὼν ἅψαιτο κρίσεως, ἐφ᾽ 4 θάνατος ἢ ζημία
παρὰ τῶν νόμων τοῖς ὠφληκόσι τὴν δίκην
1 ἐπεισαγαγεῖν Hertlein, ἐπαγαγεῖν MSS.
2 After τῶν Hertlein omits φίλων καὶ,
3 ἔγγονος Hertlein, MSS,
236
B
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
introduce among his own sons a servile and vulgar
strain. For he cares for justice and the right, and
neither parents nor kinsfolk nor friends can persuade
him to do them a favour and betray the cause of
justice. For he looks upon his fatherland as _ the
common hearth and mother of all, older and more
reverend than his parents, and more precious than
brothers, or friends or comrades; and to defraud or
do violence to her laws he regards as a greater
impiety than sacrilegious robbery of the money that
belongs to the gods. For law is the child of justice,
the sacred and truly divine adjunct of the most
mighty god, and never will the man who is wise
make light of it or set it at naught. But since all
that he does will have justice in view, he will be
eager to honour the good, and the vicious he will,
like a good physician, make every effort to cure.
But there are two kinds of error, for in one type
of sinner may dimly be discerned a hope of improve-
ment, nor do they wholly reject a cure, while the
vices of others are incurable. And for the latter the
laws have contrived the penalty of death as a release
from evil, and this not only for the benefit of the
criminal, but quite as much in the interest of others,
Accordingly there must needs be two kinds of trials.
For when men are not incurable the king will
hold it to be his duty to investigate and to
eure. But with the others he will firmly refuse
to interfere, and will never willingly have anything
to do with a trial when death is the penalty
that has been ordained by the laws for the
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
mponyopevtat.! νομοθετῶν δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων
ὕβριν μὲν καὶ χαλεπότητα καὶ πικρίαν τῶν τιμω-
ριῶν ἀφαιρήσει, ἀποκληρώσει δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀνδρῶν
/ \ \ \ n / / > 7
σωφρόνων καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ βίου βάσανον ov φαύ-
λην τῆς αὑτῶν ἀρετῆς παρασχομένων δικαστήριον,"
€ a e na n
of μηδὲν αὐθαδῶς μηδὲ ὁρμῇ τινι παντελῶς ἀλόγῳ
χρώμενοι, ἐν ἡμέρας μορίῳ σμικρῷ βουλευσάμενοι,
τυχὸν δὲ οὐδὲ βουλῇ δόντες, ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς πολίτου.
τὴν μέλαιναν οἴσουσι ψῆφον. αὐτῷ δὲ οὔτε ἐν
n \ / > / x LO lal \ yw
τῇ χειρὶ ξίφος εἰς πολίτου, κἂν ἀδικῇ τὰ ἔσχατα,
a a / a ΄
φόνον οὔτε ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ κέντρον ὑπεῖναι χρή,
ὅπου καὶ τὴν τῶν μελιττῶν ὁρῶμεν βασιλεύουσαν
a /
καθαρὰν ὑπὸ τῆς φύσεως πλήκτρου γενομένην.
> > 3 ᾽ / / > 3 \ \
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ εἰς μελίττας βλεπτέον, εἰς αὐτὸν δὲ
a n \ /
οἶμαι τῶν θεῶν τὸν βασιλέα οὗπερ εἶναι χρὴ
n 7
τὸν ἀληθῶς ἄρχοντα προφήτην καὶ ὑπηρέτην.
οὐκοῦν ὅσα μὲν ἀγαθὰ γέγονε παντελῶς τῆς
/ “
ἐναντίας ἄμικτα φύσεως καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὠφελείᾳ κοινῇ
a n \ /
τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ τοῦ παντὸς κόσμου, τούτων
δὲ αὐτὸς ἦν τε καὶ ἔστι δημιουργός" τὰ κακὰ
\ 4 3 p EBA a BOE / + > > > \
δὲ OUT ἐγέννησεν OUT ἐπέταξεν εἶναι, ANN αὐτὰ
lal % \ na
μὲν ἐφυγάδευσεν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ, περὶ δὲ τὴν γῆν
Lal / r
στρεφόμενα καὶ τὴν ἐκεῖθεν ἀποικίαν σταλεῖσαν
n n /
τῶν ψυχῶν διαλαβόμενα κρίνειν ἐπέταξε καὶ
7 - “- / 4
διακαθαίρειν τοῖς αὑτοῦ παισὶ Kal ἐγγόνοις. τού-
an - , fol
των δὲ οἱ μέν εἰσι σωτῆρες καὶ ἐπίκουροι τῆς
,ὔ /
ἰνθρωπίνης φύσεως, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀπαραίτητοι κριταΐ,
an na \ /
εῶν ἀδικημάτων ὀξεῖαν καὶ δεινὴν ἐπάγοντες δίκην
“aol τε ἀνθρώποις καὶ ἀπολυθεῖσι τῶν σωμάτων,
1 προηγόρευται Hertlein suggests, προαγορεύεται MSS.
2 δικαστήριον Hertlein suggests, τὸ δικαστήριον MSS.
238
90
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
guilty. However, in making laws for such offences,
he will do away with violence and harshness and
eruelty of punishment, and will elect by lot, to
judge them, a court of staid and sober men who
throughout their lives have admitted the most rigid
scrutiny of their own virtue, men who will not
rashly, or led by some wholly irrational impulse,
after deliberating for only a small part of the day,
or it may be without even debating, cast the black
voting-tablet in the case of a fellow-citizen. But in
his own hand no sword should lie ready to slay a
citizen, even though he has committed the blackest
crimes, nor should a sting lurk in his soul, con-
sidering that, as we see, nature has made even the
queen-bee free from a sting. However it is not to
bees that we must look for our analogy, but in my
opinion to the king of the gods himself, whose
prophet and vice-regent the genuine ruler ought to
be. For wherever good exists wholly untainted by its
opposite, and for the benefit of mankind in common
and the whole universe, of this good God was and is
the only creator.? But evil he neither created nor
ordered to be,! but he banished it from heaven, and
as it moves upon earth and has chosen for its abode
our souls, that colony which was sent down from
heaven, he has enjoined on his sons and descendants
to judge and cleanse men from it. Now of these
some are the friends and protectors of the human
race, but others are inexorable judges who inflict. on
men harsh and terrible punishment for their mis-
deeds, both while they are alive and after they are
set free from their bodies, and others again are as it
1 Plato, 7'heaetetus 1764.
239
;
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
οἱ δὲ ὥσπερ δήμιοι τιμωροί τινες καὶ dora
poral TOV δικασθέντων, ἕτερον͵ τῶν φαύλων καὶ
ἀνοήτων δαιμόνων τὸ φῦλον: ἃ δὴ μιμητέον τῷ
γενναίῳ καὶ θεοφιλεῖ, καὶ μεταδοτέον πολλοῖς
μὲν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρετῆς ' διὰ φιλίας ἐς ταύτην τὴν
κοινωνίαν, προσληφθεῖσιν." ἀρχὰς δὲ ἐπιτρεπ-
τέον οἰκείας ἑκάστου τῇ φύσει καὶ προαιρέσει,
τῷ μὲν ἀνδρώδει καὶ τολμηρῷ καὶ μεγαλοθύμῳ
μετὰ ξυνέσεως στρατιωτικάς, ἵν᾽ εἰς δέον ἔχῃ
τῷ θυμῷ “χρῆσθαι καὶ τῇ ῥώμῃ, τῷ δικαίῳ δὲ καὶ
πράῳ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ πρὸς οἶκτον εὐχερῶς
ἐπικλωμένῳ τῶν πολιτικῶν τὰς ἀμφὶ τὰ συναλ-
λάγματα, βοηθείας τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ ἁπλου-
στέροις μηχανώμενον͵ καὶ πένησι πρὸς τοὺς
ἰσχυροὺς καὶ ἀπατεῶνας καὶ πανούργους καὶ
ἐπαιρομένους τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐς τὸ βιάζεσθαι
καὶ ὑπερορᾶν τῆς δίκης, τῷ δὲ ἐξ ἀμφοῖν κεκρα-
μένῳ μείζονα ἐν ὃ τῇ πόλει τιμὴν καὶ δύναμιν
περιθετέον, καὶ αὐτῷ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτη-
μάτων κρίσεις, οἷς ἕπεται τιμωρία καὶ κόλασις
ἔνδικος ἐπ᾽ ὠφελείᾳ τῶν ἀδικουμένων ἐ ἐπιτρέπων *
ὀρθῶς a ἂν καὶ ἐμφρόνως λογίξοιτο. κρίνας γὰρ ὁ
τοιοῦτος ἀδεκάστως ἃ ἅμα τοῖς συνέδροις παραδώσει
τῷ δημίῳ τὰ γνωσθέντα ἐπιτελεῖν, οὔτε διὰ θυμοῦ
μέγεθος οὔτε διὰ μαλακίαν ψυχῆς ἁμαρτάνων
τοῦ φύσει δικαίου. κινδυνεύει δὲ ὁ κράτιστος ἐν
πόλει τοιοῦτός τίς εἶναι, τὰ μὲν ἐν ἀμφοτέροις
ἔχων ἀγαθά, τὰς δὲ οἷον κῆρας ἐκ τοῦ πλεονάζοντος
1 τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀρετῆς Reiske, ἀρετῆς MSS., Hertlein.
2 κοινωνίαν προσληφθεῖσιν. Reiske, κοινωνίαν, MSS., Hertlein.
3 μείζονα ἐν Hertlein suggests, μείζονά τε ἐν MSS.
4 ἀδικουμένων ἐπιτρέπων Reiske, ἀδικουμένων, MSS., Hert-
lein.
240
Q
91
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
were executioners and avengers who carry out the
sentence, a different race of inferior and unintelligent
demons. Now the king who is good and a favourite
of the gods must imitate this example, and share
his own excellence with many of his subjects, whom,
because of his regard for them, he admits into this
partnership; and he must entrust them with offices
suited to the character and principles of each ;
military command for him who is brave and. daring
and high-spirited, but discreet as well, so that when
he has need he may use his spirit and energy; and
for him who is just and kind and humane and easily
prone to pity, that office in the service of the state
that relates to contracts, devising this means of pro-
tection for the weaker and more simple citizens and
for the poor against the powerful, fraudulent and
wicked and those who are so buoyed up by their
riches that they try to violate and despise justice ;
but to the man who combines both these tempera-
ments he must assign still greater honour and power
in the state, and if he entrust to him the trials of
offences for which are enacted just pains and penal-
ties with a view to recompensing-the injured, that
would be a fair and wise measure. For a man of
this sort, together with his colleagues, will give an
impartial decision, and then hand over to the public
official the carrying out of the verdict, nor will he
through excess of anger or tender-heartedness. fall
short of what is essentially just. Now the ruler in
241
VOL. 1. R
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
la) / /
ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν εἰρημένων ἐκφεύγων.
A 4 \
ἐφορῶν δὲ αὐτὸς ἅπαντα καὶ κατευθύνων καὶ
A / a 7 +
ἄρχων ἀρχόντων τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ TOV μεγίστων ἔργων
Ν 7 , \ > n n ig \
καὶ διοικήσεων τεταγμένους καὶ αὐτῷ τῆς ὑπὲρ
ἁπάντων βουλῆς κοινωνοῦντας ἀγαθούς τε εἶναι
Ο / na / Υ
καὶ ὅ,τι μάλιστα αὑτοῦ παραπλησίους εὔξεται
7 e / με > id “ >Q\ ς
γενέσθαι. αἱρήσεται δὲ οὐχ ἁπλῶς οὐδὲ ὡς
4 503 3 / / 53 \ μη
ἔτυχεν, οὐδ᾽ ἐθελήσει φαυλότερος εἶναι κριτὴς τῶν
/ lal / \ /
λιθογνωμόνων καὶ τῶν βασανιζόντων τὸ χρυσίον
x \ \ 7] ζῶνχ \ \
ἢ τὴν πορφύραν. τούτοις yap ov pia ὁδὸς ἐπὶ τὴν
/ / \ a
ἐξέτασιν ἀπόχρη, ἀλλὰ συνιέντες οἶμαι τῶν
lal / / 4
πανουργεῖν ἐθελόντων ποικίλην καὶ πολύτροπον
\ 7 \ A
τὴν μοχθηρίαν καὶ Ta ἐπιτεχνήματα εἰς δύναμιν
\ /
ἅπασιν ἀντετάξαντο, καὶ ἀντέστησαν ἐλέγχους
7 ny / a \ \ a
τοὺς ἐκ τῆς τέχνης. ὃ δὴ Kal αὐτὸς περὶ THs
/ \
κακίας ὑπολαμβάνων, ὡς ἐστὶ ποικίλη Kal ἀπα-
\ “ a ,
τηλὴ καὶ τοῦτό ἐστι χαλεπώτατον τῶν ἐκείνης
” “ ὃ) “ὃ - > \ ς ὃ
ἔργων, OTL δὴ ψεύδεται πολλάκις ἀρετὴν ὑποὸδυο-
\ 5 an \ > ,
μένη καὶ ἐξαπατᾷ τοὺς ov δυναμένους ὀξύτερον
AF γῶνΝ xX \ > / n 7 nan /
ὁρᾶν ἢ καὶ ἀποκάμνοντας τῷ μήκει τοῦ χρόνον
> an a 2 “
πρὸς τὴν ἐξέτασιν, τὸ παθεῖν τι τοιοῦτον ὀρθῶς
/ ς / \ Ψ“ \ \ e \
φυλάξεται. ἑλόμενος δὲ ἅπαξ καὶ περὶ αὑτὸν
\ / 7 4 a
TOUS ἀρίστους ἔχων τούτοις ἐπιτρέψει THY TOV
/ 7
ἐλασσόνων ἀρχόντων αἵρεσιν.
/ : 7
Νόμων μὲν δὴ πέρι καὶ ἀρχόντων τοιάδε
, “ Ὁ
γινώσκει. τοῦ πλήθους δὲ τὸ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἄστεσιν
\ ,
οὔτε ἀργὸν οὔτε αὔθαδες ἀνέξεται, εἶναι οὔτε: μὴν
a 2 7 \ 5 a a a
ἐνδεὲς τῶν ἀναγκαίων: τὸ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀγροῖς τῶν
fal fal a \
γεωργῶν φῦλον ἀροῦντες καὶ φυτεύοντες τροφὴν
242
Ne}
ee |
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
our state will be somewhat like this, possessing only
what is good in both those qualities. and in every
quality that I mentioned earlier avoiding a fatal
excess.!_ And though he will in person oversee and
direct and govern the whole, he will see to it that
those of his officials who are in charge of the most
important works and management and who share his
councils for the general good, are virtuous men and as
far as possible like himself. And he will choose them,
not carelessly or at random, nor will he consent to be
a less rigorous judge than a lapidary or one who tests
gold plate or purple dye. For such men are not
satisfied with one method of testing, but since they
know, I suppose, that the wickedness and devices of
those who are trying to cheat them are various and
manifold, they try to meet all these as far as possible,
and they oppose to them the tests derived from their
art. So too our ruler apprehends that evil changes
its face and is apt to deceive, and that the cruellest
thing that it does is that it often takes men in by
putting on the garb of virtue, and hoodwinks those
who are not keen sighted enough, or who in course of
time grow weary of the length of the investigation,
and therefore he will rightly be on his guard against
any such deception. But when once he has chosen
them, and has about him the worthiest men, he will
entrust to them the choice of the minor officials.
Such is his policy with regard to the laws and
magistrates. As for the common people, those who
live in the towns he will not allow to be idle or im-
pudent, but neither will he permit them to be with-
out the necessaries of life. And the farming class
who live in the country, ploughing and sowing to
1 Plato, Laws 937 Ὁ.
243
rR 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
> / n , \ > ΄ a
ὠποίσουσι τοῖς φύλαξι καὶ ἐπικούροις σφῶν,
Ν a
μισθὸν καὶ ἐσθῆτα THY ἀναγκαίαν. οἰκοδομήματα
δὲ 3 4 \ n \ \
ἐ ᾿Ασσύρια καὶ πολυτελεῖς καὶ δαπανηρὰς
/ / ἴω
λειτουργίας χαίρειν ἐάσαντες ἐν εἰρήνη πολλῇ τῶν
τε ἔξωθεν πολεμίων καὶ τῶν οἴκοθεν καταβιώσον-
ται, ἀγαπῶντες μὲν τὸν αἴτιον τῶν παρόντων
/
σφίσι καθάπερ ἀγαθὸν δαίμονα, ὑμνοῦντες δὲ ἐπ᾽
a \ 4 lal
αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν καὶ ἐπευχόμενοι, οὔτι TAATTOHS οὐδὲ
> Ν G2; x \ > > » ie n a
ἀπὸ γλώττης, ἔνδοθεν δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ψυχῆς
? na > κα XY 4 / / \ e \ \
αἰτοῦσιν αὐτῷ τὰ ἀγαθά. φθάνουσι δὲ οἱ θεοὶ Tas
εὐχάς, καὶ αὐτῷ πρότερον τὰ θεῖα δόντες οὐτὲ τῶν
> / > "3 > \ \ \ /
ἀνθρωπίνων ἐστέρησαν. εἰ δὲ τὸ χρεὼν βιάζουτο
5 A a \ n
κακῷ τῳ περιπεσεῖν, τούτων δὴ τῶν θρυλουμένων
ἀνηκέστων, χορευτήν τε αὑτῶν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ
συνέστιον, καὶ αὐτῷ κλέος καθ᾽ ἅπαντας ἤγειραν
ἀνθρώπους. ταῦτα ἐγὼ τῶν σοφῶν ἀκούω πολ-
lal / rn
λάκις, καί με ὁ λόγος ἰσχυρῶς πείθει. οὐκοῦν
n n Ἀ \
καὶ és ὑμᾶς αὐτὸν διεξῆλθον, μακρότερα μὲν τυχὸν
ἴσως τοῦ καιροῦ φθεγγόμενος, ἐλάττονα δὲ οἶμαι τῆς
ὑποθέσεως" καὶ ὅτῳ γέγονε τῶν τοιούτων λόγων
ἐπακούειν ἐν φροντίδι, οὗτος ὅτι μὴ ψεύδομαι
σαφῶς ἐπίσταται. “ἑτέρα δέ ἐστιν αἰτία τοῦ
μήκους τῆς μὲν εἰρημένης ἧττον ἀναγκαία, προσ-
εχεστέρα δὲ οἶμαι τῷ παρόντι λόγῳ" τυχὸν δὲ
οὐδὲ ταύτης ai ηκόους ὑμᾶς εἶναι χρή.
Πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ὑπομνησθῶμεν μικρὰ τῶν
ἔμπροσθεν, ὁπότε τῆς ὑπὲρ τούτων διηγήσεως
ἀπεπαυόμεθα. ἔφαμέν. που χρῆναι τοὺς σπου-
δαίους τῶν ἀληθινῶν ἐπαίνων ἀκροατὰς οὐκ εἰς
ταῦτα ὁρᾶν, ὧν ἡ τύχη καὶ τοῖς μοχθηροῖς πολ-
244
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
furnish food for their protectors and guardians, will
receive in return payment in money, and the clothes
that they need. But as for Assyrian palaces and
costly and extravagant public services, they will
have nothing to do with them, and will end their
lives in the utmost peace as regards enemies at home
and abroad, and will adore the cause of their good
fortune as though he were a kindly deity, and praise
God for him when they pray, not hypocritically or
with the lips only, but invoking blessings on him
from the bottom of their hearts. But the gods do
not wait for their prayers, and unasked they give
him celestial rewards, but they do not let him lack
human blessings either; and if fate should compel
him to fall into any misfortune, I mean one of those
incurable calamities that people are always talking
about, then the gods make him their follower and
associate, and exalt his fame among all mankind.
All this I have often heard from the wise, and in
their account of it I have the firmest faith. And so
I have repeated it to you, perhaps making a longer
speech than the occasion called for, but too short in’
my opinion for the theme. And he to whom it has
been given to hear such arguments and reflect on
them, knows well that I speak the truth. But there
is another reason for the length of my speech, less
forcible, but I think more akin to the present
argument. And perhaps you ought not to miss
hearing this also,
In the first place, then, let me remind you briefly
of what I said before, when I broke off my discourse .
for the sake of this digression. What I said was
that, when serious-minded people listen to sincere
panegyrics, they ought not to look to those. things
245
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
/ /
λάκις μεταδίδωσιν, εἰς δὲ τὰς ἕξεις καὶ THY ἀρετήν,
/ a a
ἧς μόνοις μέτεστι τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ φύσει
ὃ U be > 00 e / 1 \ Cen
σπουδαίοις. εἶτα ἐντεῦθεν ἑλόντες τοὺς ἑξῆς
, N , \
ἐπεραίνομεν λόγους, ὡς πρὸς 5 κανόνα τινὰ Kal
/ a [οἷ “
στάθμην ἀπευθύνοντες, ἣ τοὺς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν
/ / n
καὶ βασιλέων ἐπαίνους ἐναρμόττειν ἐχρῆν. Kat
“ \ ir O7; \ » AX ς / \
ὅτῳ μὲν ἀληθὴς Kal ἀπαράλλακτος ἁρμονία πρὸς
ἴω Ν > > \ \
τοῦτο γέγονε TO ἀρχέτυπον, ὄλβιος μὲν αὐτὸς καὶ
ὄντως εὐδαίμων, εὐτυχεῖς δὲ οἱ μεταλαβόντες τῆς
τοιαύτης ἀρχῆς: ὅστις δὲ ἐγγὺς ἀφίκετο, τῶν
/ 3 / > / \ > /
πλέον ἀπολειφθέντων ἀμείνων Kal εὐτυχέστερος"
e \ > / a“ A \ \ > /
οἱ δὲ ἀπολειφθέντες παντελῶς ἢ Kal THY ἐναντίαν
val / \ ,
τραπόμενοι δυστυχεῖς Kal ἀνόητοι Kal μοχθηροΐ,
a a /
αὑτοῖς τε Kal ἄλλοις TOV μεγίστων αἴτιοι συμ-
φορῶν.
\ a a
Ei δὴ οὖν καὶ ὑμῖν ταύτῃ πη ξυνδοκεῖ, ὥρα
ἐπεξιέναι τοῖς ἔργοις, ἃ τεθαυμάκαμεν. καὶ ὅπως
J e / \ / > e \ ΨΥ
μή τις ὑπολάβῃ τὸν λόγον καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἰόντα,
le) 4 -
καθάπερ ἵππον ἀνταγωνιστοῦ στερόμενον ἐν τοῖς
δρόμοις, κρατεῖν καὶ ἀποφέρειν τὰ νικητήρια,
7 n / > / “
πειράσομαι, πῇ ποτε διαφέρετον ἀλλήλων ὅ τε
ς fal a 4 a
ἡμέτερος καὶ ὁ τῶν σοφῶν ῥητόρων ἔπαινος, δεῖξαι.
a Ν 7
οὐκοῦν οἱ μὲν τὸ προγόνων γενέσθαι δυναστῶν καὶ
/ / / 3 , \ >
βασιλέων θαυμάζουσι para, ὀλβίων καὶ εὐδαι-
/
μόνων μακαρίους ὑπολαμβάνοντες τοὺς ἐκγόνους"
τὸ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις οὔτε ἐνενόησαν οὔτε ἐσκέψαντο,
τίνα τρόπον διατελοῦσιν τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ὃ χρώμενοι.
1 ἑλόντες Cobet, ἑλόντες τὴν ἀρχὴν MSS., Hertlein.
ὡς πρὸς Cobet, ὥσπερ MSS., Hertlein.
Trois ἀγαθοῖς Hertlein suggests, ἀλλήλοις MSS.
w pw
9
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
of which fortune often grants a share even to the
wicked, but to the character of the man and _ his
virtues, which belong only to those who are good
and by nature estimable ; and, taking up my tale at
that point, I pursued the arguments that followed,
guiding myself as it were by the rule and measure
to which one ought to adjust the eulogies of good
men and good kings. And when one of them
harmonises exactly and without variation with this
model, he is himself happy and truly fortunate, and
happy are those who have a share in such a
government as his. And he who comes near to
being like him is better and more fortunate than
those who fali further short of him. But those who
fail altogether to resemble him, or who follow an
opposite course, are ill-fated, senseless and wicked,
and cause the greatest disasters to themselves and
others.
And now if you are in any way of my opinion,
it is time to proceed to those achievements that
we have so admired. And lest any. should think
that my argument is running alone, like a horse
in a race that has lost its competitor and,for that
reason wins and carries off the prizes, 1 will try
to show in what way my encomium differs from that
of clever rhetoricians. For they greatly admire the
fact that a man is born of ancestors who had power
or were kings, since they hold that the sons of the
prosperous and fortunate are themselves blest. But
the question that next arises they neither think of
nor investigate, I mean how they employed their
247
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
a n /
καίτοι γε τοῦτο ἦν τῆς εὐτυχίας ἐκείνης TO
/ \ \ ς 4 Ὁ > Ν » a
κεφάλαιον Kal σχεδὸν ἁπάντων τῶν ἐκτὸς ἀγαθῶν"
Ν \ a
εἰ μή τις Kal πρὸς τοὔνομα δυσχεραίνει, THY κτῆσιν
ς \ n 4 / > \ ΄
ὑπὸ τῆς ἔμφρονος χρήσεως ἀγαθὴν καὶ φαύχην
Ν n 7 , /
ὑπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας γίγνεσθαι συμβαίνειν: ὥστε
> / θ / ” \ 7 /
ov μέγα, καθάπερ οἴονται, TO βασιλέως πλουσίου
\ 4 / , ἘΝ“ an \ \
καὶ πολυχρύσου γενέσθαι, μέγα δὲ ἀληθῶς TO τὴν
ἀρετὴν τὴν πατρῴαν ὑπερβαλλόμενον ἄμεμπτον
7 a
αὑτὸν τοῖς γειναμένοις παρασχεῖν εἰς ἅπαν.
ite 9 θ 3 > n cs rs
ούλεσθε ody εἰ τοῦτο ὑπάρχει βασιλεῖ KaTa-
al / a
μαθεῖν; παρέξομαι δὲ ὑμῖν ἐγὼ μαρτυρίαν πιστήν,
7
καί me οὐχ αἱρήσετε ψευδομαρτυρίων,' εὖ οἶδα:
¢ ΄ Vo @ mig 9 ἡ \ \ \ »¥
ὑπομνήσω yap ὑμᾶς" ὧν tote τυχὸν δὲ καὶ ἤδη
a / / " " a ΒΟΥ
τοῦ λεγομένου ξυνίετε, εἴ τε οὔπω δῆλον, αὐτίκα
“ / / a A
μάλα ξυνήσετε ἐννοήσαντες πρῶτον μὲν ὡς αὐτὸν
«ς \ n
ὁ πατὴρ ἠγάπα διαφερόντως, οὔτε πρᾷος ὧν λίαν
a / n a
τοῖς ἐκγόνοις οὐδὲ τῇ φύσει πλέον ἢ τῷ τρόπῳ
4 , \ 3 a /
διδούς, ἡττώμενος δὲ οἶμαι τῆς θεραπείας Kal
3 Μ [τέ / “Ὁ 9 BA ΝΜ
οὐκ ἔχων, ὅ,τι μέμφοιτο, δῆλος ἦν εὔνους ὦν.
καὶ αὐτοῦ σημεῖον τῆς γνώμης, πρῶτον μὲν
[ 7 4 > \ an
ὅτι Κωνσταντίῳ ταύτην ἐξεῖλε τὴν μοῖραν, ἣν
n / /
αὑτῷ πρότερον προσήκειν ἔχειν ὑπέλαβεν, εἶθ᾽
a \ /
ὅτι τελευτῶν τὸν βίον, τὸν πρεσβύτατον Kal TOV
, \ 7 A
νεώτατον ἀφεὶς σχολὴν ἄγοντας, τοῦτον δὴ ἄσχο-
λον ἐκάλει καὶ ἐπέτρεπε τὰ περὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν
7 ῇ \
ξύμπαντα. γενόμενος δὲ ἐγκρατὴς ἁπάντων οὕτω
1 ψευδομαρτυρίων Cobet, ψευδομαρτυριῶν Hertlein, V, Μ,
Wevdouaprupias MSS. ~
2 ὑμᾶς Hertlein suggests, ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς MSS.
248
-—
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
advantages throughout their lives. And yet, after
all, this is the chief cause of that happiness, and of
almost all external goods. Unless indeed someone
objects to this statement that it is only by wise use
of it that property becomes a good, and that it is
harmful when the opposite use is made. So that it
is not a great thing, as they think, to be descended
from a king who was wealthy and “rich in gold,’
but it is truly great, while surpassing the virtue
of one’s ancestors, to behave to one’s parents in a
manner beyond reproach in all respects.
Do you wish to learn whether this is true of the
Emperor? 1 will offer you trustworthy evidence,
and I know well that you will not convict me of
false witness. For I shall but remind you of what
you know already. And perhaps you understand
even now what I mean, but if it is not yet evident
you very soon will, when you call to mind that the—,
Emperor's father loved him more than the others, ὁ...
though he was by no means over-indulgent to his
children, for it was character that he favoured rather
than the ties of blood ; but he was, I suppose, won
over by the Emperor's dutiful service to him, and
as he had nothing to reproach him with, he made his
affection for him evident. And a proof of his feeling U~
is, first, that he chose for Constantius that portion of
the empire which he had formerly thought best suited
to himself, and, secondly, that when he was at the ἃ
point of death he passed over his eldest! and
youngest ? sons, though they were at leisure, and
summoned Constantius, who was not at leisure, and
entrusted him with the whole government. And
1 Constantine IT. 2? Constans,
249
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
- a 2
τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς δικαίως ἅμα καὶ σωφρόνως προση-
/ “ e % bY / + 2 ΄
νέχθη, ὥστε οἱ μὲν οὔτε κληθέντες οὔτε ἀφικό-
\ 2 / > / \ /
μενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίαζον καὶ διεμάχοντο,
,
τούτῳ δὲ ἐχαλέπαινον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ἐμέμφοντο.
3 \ \ b] a «ς / 4 53 > > /
ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ στάσις τέλος εἶχεν οὐκ εὐτυχές,
GN - / οι 3% > a an
ἐξὸν μεταποιεῖσθαι πλειόνων, ἑκὼν ἀφῆκε, τῆς
an an / 4
αὐτῆς ἀρετῆς ὑπολαμβάνων πολλά τε ἔθνη καὶ
i na an / 3 /
ὀλίγα δεῖσθαι, περικεῖσθαι δέ, οἶμαι, φροντίδας
/ [τ , ᾽ / n }1
μείζονας ὅτῳ πλειόνων ἀνάγκη τημελεῖν κα
\ a
κήδεσθαι. ov yap δὴ τρυφῆς ὑπολαμβάνει τὴν
“ an
βασιλείαν εἶναι παρασκευὴν οὐδέ, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ TOV
/
χρημάτων εἰς πότους Kal ἡδονὰς οἱ καταχρώμενοι
/ an
μειζόνων εὐπορίαν προσόδων ἐπινοοῦσιν, οὕτω
A \ / 4 θ Oe >
χρῆναι Tov βασιλέα παρασκευάζεσθαι, οὐδὲ ἀναι-
ρεῖσθαι πόλεμον, ὅ,τι μὴ τῶν ἀρχομένων τῆς
> / ο > “Ὁ 3 ΄ \ 5 \
ὠφελείας ἕνεκα. οὐκοῦν ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἔχειν TO
A n 9 2% \ \ > a »'
πλέον ξυγχωρῶν, αὑτὸς δὲ μετὰ ἀρετῆς ἔλαττον
ἔχων τῷ κρατίστῳ πλεονεκτεῖν ὑπέλαβε. καὶ
i ca) n /
ὅτι μὴ δέει μᾶλλον THs ἐκείνου παρασκευῆς τὴν
/ a id
ἡσυχίαν ἠγάπα, τεκμήριον ὑμῖν ἐμφανὲς ἔστω ὁ
μετὰ ταῦτα ξυμπεσὼν πόλεμος. ἐχρήσατο γοῦν
/ , a a
πρὸς Tas ἐκείνου δυνάμεις ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς ὅπλοις
na a Ν
ὕστερον. πάλιν δὲ ἐνταῦθα ἐκεῖνοι μέν που τὸ
“Ὁ / > \ \ \ / \ \
νικᾶν τεθαυμάκασιν: ἐγὼ δὲ πολὺ πλέον TO ξὺν
δί \ > 7 θ Ν / ὃ lal δὲ
ἰκῃ μὲν ἀνελέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, διενεγκεῖν OE
1 χημελεῖν καὶ Cobet, [ἐπιμελεῖν καὶ] Hertlein, who suggests
κήδεσθαι καὶ ἐπαμύνειν, ἐπιμένειν M, ἐπισυνέχειν V, ἐπιμελεῖν
MSS.
250
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
when he had become master of the whole, he be-
haved to his brothers at once so justly and with such
moderation, that, while they who had neither been
summoned nor had come of themselves quarrelled
and fought with one another, they showed no resent-
ment against Constantius, nor ever reproached him.
And. when their feud reached its fatal issue,! though
he might have laid claim to a greater share of
empire, he renounced it of his own free will, because
he thought that many nations or few called for the
exercise of the same virtues, and also, perhaps, that
the more a man has to look after and care for the
greater are the anxieties beset him. For he does
not think that the imperial power is a means of
procuring luxury, nor that, as certain men who have
wealth and misapply it for drink and other pleasures
set their hearts on lavish and ever-increasing revenues,
this ought to be an emperor's policy, nor that he ought
ever to embark ona war except only for the benefit of
his subjects. And so he allowed his brother ? to have
the lion’s share, and thought that if. he himself pos-
sessed the smaller share with honour, he had the ad-
vantage in what was most worth having. And that
it was not rather from fear of his brother’s resources
that he preferred peace, you may consider clearly
proved by the war that broke out later. For he had
recourse to arms later on against his brother’s forces,
but it was to avenge him.? And here again there
are perhaps some who have admired him merely for
having won the victory. But I admire far more the
fact that it was with justice that he undertook the
1 Constantine II was slain while marching against
Constans. 2 Constans.
3 Constans was slain by the soldiers of Magnentius.
251
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
> / \ / » > Ν Ν
ἀνδρείως καὶ μάλα ἐμπείρως, ἐπιθείσης δὲ τὸ
an n ,ὔ
τέλος τῆς τύχης δεξιὸν χρήσασθαι τῇ νίκῃ σωφ-
ρόνως καὶ βασιλικῶς, καὶ ὅλως ἄξιον τοῦ κρατεῖν
φανῆναι.
7 5 \ 7 tian Ψ > a
Βούλεσθε οὖν καὶ τούτων ὑμῖν ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς
δικαστηρίοις ὀνομαστὶ καλῶμεν τοὺς μάρτυρας;
, ΄ 7 :
καὶ ὅτι μὲν οὐδείς πω πόλεμος συνέστη πρότερον
a 7
οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Τροίαν τοῖς “EXAnow οὐδὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς
7 \ a ,
Πέρσας Μακεδόσιν, οἵπερ δὴ δοκοῦσιν ἐν δίκῃ
γενέσθαι, τοσαύτην ἔχων ὑπόθεσιν, καὶ παιδί που
an a / /
δῆλον, τοῖς μέν ye λίαν ἀρχαίων ἀδικημάτων
an > an
τιμωρίας σφόδρα νεαρᾶς ᾿ οὔτ᾽ eis παῖδας οὔτε εἰς
> / s ᾽ ΚΡΙΩ͂Ν Ν τ τὰ / ;
ἐγγόνους γενομένης, ἀλλὰ εἰς τὸν ἀφελόμενον καὶ
\ \ a
ἀποστερήσαντα τὴν ἀρχὴν τοὺς TOV ἀδικησάντων
7 \ oo
ἀπογόνους" ᾿Αγαμέμνων δὲ ὥρμητο
, e 7 ec ΄ / /
τίσασθαι ‘EXévns ὁρμήματά τε στοναχάς τε,
\ «ΦγχΝ \ an > / a / 3
καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς Τρῶας ἐστράτευε γυναῖκα μίαν ἐκδι-
κεῖν ἐθέλων. τῷ δὲ ἔτε μὲν ἦν νεαρὰ τὰ ἀδική-
ε τᾷ μὲν ἢ ρ ἐκή
3 Ν > \ - ΟΝ /
pata, ἦρχε δὲ ov Kata Δαρεῖον οὐδὲ Πρίαμον
ἀνὴρ εὐγενὴς καὶ τυχὸν δι’ ἀρετὴν ἢ κατὰ γένος
A > a an ᾽ὔ > 7, > \
προσηκούσης avTo τῆς βασιλείας ἀξιωθείς, ἀλλὰ
ἀναιδὴς καὶ τραχὺς βάρβαρος τῶν ἑαλωκότων οὐ
πρὸ πολλοῦ. καὶ ὅσα μὲν ἔπραξε καὶ ὅπως
ἦρχεν, οὔτε ἡδύ μοι λέγειν οὔτε ἐν καιρῷ" ἐν δίκῃ
δὲ ὅτι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπολέμησεν, ἀκηκόατε. τῆς δὲ
ἐμπειρίας καὶ τῆς ἀνδρείας ἱκανὰ μὲν τὰ πρόσθεν
5 a / an
ῥηθέντα σημεῖα, πιστότερα δέ, οἶμαι, τὰ ἔργα TOV
1 νεαρᾶς Hertlein suggests, νεωτέρας MSS.
252
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
war, and that. he carried it through with great
courage and skill, and, when fortune gave him a
Pe ourable issue, ouga his victory with moderation
and in imperial fashion, and showed himself entirely
worthy to overcome.
Now do you wish that, as though I were in a law-
court, [ should summon before you by name witnesses
of this also? But it is plain even to a child that no
war ever yet arose that had so good an excuse, not
even of the Greeks against Troy or of the Mace-
donians! against the Persians, though these wars, at
-any rate, are thought to have been justified, since
the latter was to exact vengeance in more recent
times for very ancient offences, and that not on sons or
grandsons, but on him? who had robbed and de-
prived of their sovereignty the descendants of those
very offenders. And Agamemnon set forth
“To avenge the strivings and groans of Helen,’’?
for it was because he desired to avenge one woman
that he went to war with the Trojans. But the
wrongs done to Constantius were still fresh, and he +
who was in power was not, like Darius or Priam, a man
of royal birth who, it may be, laid claim to an empire
that belonged to him by reason of his birth or his
family, but a shameless and savage barbarian who not
long before had _been_amon 1g_the captives of war.? _
But all that he did and how he governed is ‘neither
agreeable. for me to tell nor would it be well-timed.
And that the Emperor was justified in making war on
him you have heard, and of his skill and courage
what I said earlier is proof enough, but deeds are, I
1 Under Alexander. 2 Darius ITT. 3 Tliad 2. 356.
4 Magnentius. ° ef. Oration 1. 34 a.
253
e
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
λό Ν δὲ Pe $i a / / \ “
oyov. τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ γενόμενα καὶ ὅπως
7 \ +O\ 50. 4 > ἔν > ΄
ξίφους μὲν οὐδὲν ἐδέησεν ἔτι, οὐδ᾽ εἴ τις ἀδικημά-
/ 3 ε / >Q\ 7 \ \
Tov μειζόνων εἶχεν ὑποψίαν, οὐδὲ εἴ τῳ πρὸς TOV
. / /
τύραννον οἰκειοτέρα γέγονε φιλία, οὐδὲ μὴν εἴ τις
/ / / \
ἐκείνῳ χαριζόμενος φέρειν τε ἠξίου κηρύκιον καὶ
a - a ,
ἐλοιδορεῖτο βασιλεῖ, τῆς προπετείας ἀπέτισε
/ “ \ * \ = 3 / \
δίκην, ὅ,τι μὴ τἄλλα μοχθηρὸς ἦν, ἐννοήσατε δὴ
Ν 77 4 \ \ n /
πρὸς φιλίου Διός. ποταπὸν δὲ χρῆμα λοιδορία;
a 4 an
ὡς θυμοδακὲς ἀληθῶς καὶ ἀμύττον ψυχὴν μᾶλλον
Xx J ἴω 2 al \ \ , /
ἢ σίδηρος χρῶτα; οὐκοῦν καὶ τὸν Οδυσσέα.
/ > / > / / \
παρώξυνεν εἰς δύναμιν ἀμύνασθαι λόγῳ τε Kal
ἔργῳ: διηνέχθη γοῦν ὑπὲρ τούτου πρὸς τὸν
ξενοδόκον αὐτὸς ὧν ἀλήτης καὶ Eévos, καὶ ταῦτα
εἰδώς, ὅτι
"Adpov ... καὶ οὐτιδανὸς πέλει ἀνήρ,
Ὅστις ξεινοδόκῳ ἔριδα προφέρῃσι βαρεῖαν,
καὶ ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν Φιλίππου καὶ ᾿Αχιλλέα
τὸν Θέτιδος: καὶ ἄλλους δέ τινας οὐ φαύλους
οὐδὲ ἀγεννεῖς ἀνθρώπους. μόνῳ δὲ ὑπῆρχεν,
οἶμαι, Σωκράτει καὶ σπανίοις τισὶν ἐκείνου
ζηλωταῖς, εὐδαίμοσιν ἀληθῶς καὶ μακαρίοις
γενομένοις, τὸν ἔσχατον ἀποδύσασθαι χιτῶνα
an / / \ n \ 4
τῆς φιλοτιμίας. φιλότιμον yap δεινῶς τὸ πάθος,
\ » > 4 Ἂν ἴω a a
καὶ ἔοικεν ἐμφύεσθαι διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ταῖς
γενναίαις ψυχαῖς: ἄχθονται γὰρ ὡς ἐναντιωτάτῳ
σφίσι λοιδορίᾳ, καὶ τοὺς ἀπορρίπτοντας ἐς αὐτοὺς
1 toy V, τὸν τῆς MSS.
254 |
D
OO ΥΡῪ ΜΙ ΨΨΨ Ψ0ΙΝΝ -
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
think, more convincing than words. But what hap-
pened after the victory, and how he no longer made
use of the sword, not even against those who were
under suspicion of serious crimes, or who had been
familiar friends of the usurper, nay not even against
anyone who, to curry favour with the latter, had
stooped to win a tale-bearer’s fee by slandering the
Emperor, consider, in the name of Zeus the god of
friendship, that not even these paid the penalty of
their audacity, except when they were guilty of other
crimes. And yet what a terrible thing is slander! -
How truly does it devour the heart and wound the
soul as iron cannot wound the body!. This it was
that goaded Odysseus to defend himself by word and
deed. At any rate it was for this reason that he
quarrelled with his host! when he was himself a
wanderer and a guest, and though he knew that
* Foolish and of nothing worth is that man who
provokes a violent quarrel with his host.” ?
And so. it was with Alexander, Philip’s son, and
Achilles, son of Thetis, and others who were not
worthless or ignoble men. But only to Socrates, I
think, and a few others who emulated him, men
who were truly fortunate and happy, was it given
to put off the last garment that man discards—the
love of glory.? For resentment of calumny is due
to the passion for glory, and for this reason it is
implanted most deeply in the noblest souls. For
they resent it as their deadliest foe, and
those who hurl at them slanderous language they
1 Alcinous. 2 Odyssey 8. 209.
3 Dioscorides in Athenaeus 507 p; Tacitus Hist. 4. 6; cf.
. Milton Lycidas,
‘**Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise
“ (That last infirmity of noble miud).” 255
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
τοιαῦτα ῥήματα μισοῦσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἐπάγοντας
Ν /
Tov σίδηρον Kai ἐπιβουλεύοντας φόνον, διαφόρους
τε αὑτοῖς ὑπολαμβάνουσι φύσει καὶ οὐ νόμῳ, εἴ γε
οἱ μὲν ἐπαίνου καὶ τιμῆς ἐρῶσιν, οἱ δὲ οὐ τούτων
n \ lal lal
μόνον ἀφαιροῦνται, ἀλλὰ Kal ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς μηχανῶν-
" ,»
tat βλασφημίας ψευδεῖς. τούτου καὶ Ἡρακλέα
/ a
φασὶ καὶ ἄλλους δέ τινας axpatopas τοῦ πάθους
/ > \ \ BA \ 5 7 n /
γενέσθαι. ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε περὶ ἐκείνων τῷ λόγῳ
iO \ λέ θέ ἠὃ 2 δα,
πείθομαι, καὶ βασιλέα τεθέαμαι σφόδρα ἐγκρατῶς
\ ὃ / ’ / 1 » /
τὴν λοιδορίαν ἀποτρεψάμενον,, οὔτε φαυλότερον
Ν / “ 7 -
ἔργον, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω, τοῦ Τροίαν ἑλεῖν καὶ
/ “ 7 > \ > a
φάλαγγα γενναίαν τρέψασθαι. εἰ δὲ ἀπιστεῖ τις
yf
καὶ ov μέγα οἴεται οὐδὲ ἄξιον ἐπαίνων τοσούτων,
2 ς \ > a « », 4 n
ἐς αὑτὸν ἀφορῶν, ὅταν ἔν τινι τοιαύτῃ ξυμφορᾷ
/ na na
γένηται, κρινέτω, Kal αὐτῷ οὐ σφόδρα ληρεῖν
δόξομεν, ὡς ἐγὼ πείθομαι.
: a /
Τοιοῦτος δὲ ὧν Kai γενόμενος βασιλεὺς μετὰ
/ na
TOV πόλεμον εἰκότως OV μόνον ἐστὶ ποθεινὸς τοῖς
/ a n \
φίλοις καὶ ἀγαπητός, πολλοῖς" μὲν τιμῆς καὶ
/
δυνάμεως καὶ παρρησίας μεταδιδούς, χρήματα δὲ
a ν , a
αὐτοῖς ἄφθονα χαριζόμενος καὶ χρῆσθαι ὅπως τις
βούλεται τῷ πλούτῳ ξυγχωρῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς
πολεμίοις τοιοῦτος ἐδόκει. τεκμήριον δὲ ὑμῖν
ἐμφανὲς καὶ τοῦδε γιγνέσθω: ἄνδρες, τῆς γερου-
σίας ὅτιπερ ὄφελος, ἀξιώσει καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ
ξυνέσει διαφέροντες τῶν ἄλλων, ὥσπερ ἐς λιμένα
καταφεύγοντες τὴν τούτου δεξιάν, ἑστίας τε
1 ἀποτρεψάμενον Hertlein suggests, δεξάμενον Petavius,
τρεψάμενον MSS.
* πολλοῖς fl., Hertlein prefers, πολλῆς MSS.
256
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
hate more than men who attack them with the
sword or plot their destruction; and they regard
them as differing from themselves, not merely in
their acquired habits, but in their essential nature,
seeing that they love praise and honour, and the
slanderer not only robs them of these, but also
smanufactures false accusations against them. They
say that even Heracles and certain other heroes
were swayed by these emotions. But for my part
I do not believe this account of them, and as for the
Emperor I have seen him repelling calumny with
great self-restraint, which in my judgment is no
slighter achievement than “ to take ‘Troy’! or rout
a powerful phalanx. And if anyone does not believe
me, and thinks it no great achievement nor worth
all these praises, let him observe himself when
a misfortune of this sort happens to him, and then
let him decide ; and I am convinced that he will not
think that I am talking with exceeding folly.
Now since this was and is the Emperor’s behaviour
after the war, he is naturally loved and “longed for
by his friends,” ? since he has admitted many of them
to honour and power and freedom of speech, and has
bestowed on them as well vast sums of money, and
permits them to use their wealth as they please ; but
even to his enemies he is the same. The following
may serve as a clear proof of this. Those members
of the Senate who were of any account and surpassed
the rest in reputation and wealth and. wisdom, fled
to the shelter of: his right hand as: though toa
harbour, and, leaving behind their hearths and
1 A proverb, cf. Kuripides, Andromache 368.
5. Aristophanes, Frogs 84.
257
VOL. I, 8
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, Ii
λιπόντες Kal οἴκους Kal παῖδας Παιονίαν μὲν ἀντὶ
τῆς Ῥώμης, τὴν μετὰ τούτου δὲ ἀντὶ τῶν φῷιτάτων
συνουσίαν ἠσπάσαντο, ἴλη τε τῶν ἐπιλέκτων
ἱππέων ξὺν τοῖς σημείοις καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν
ἄγουσα τούτῳ τοῦ κινδύνου ξυμμετέχειν μᾶλλον
ἢ ἐκείνῳ τῆς εὐτυχίας ἠξίου. καὶ ταῦτα ἅπαντα
ἐδρᾶτο πρὸ τῆς μάχης ἣν ἐπὶ τοῦ Δράου ταῖς
ἠόσιν ὁ πρόσθεν λόγος παρέστησεν: ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ
ἤδη βεβαίως ἐθάρρουν, τέως δ᾽ ἐδόκει τὰ τῶν
τυράννων ἐπικρατεῖν, πλεονεκτήματός τινος περὶ
τοὺς κατασκόπους τοὺς! βασίλέως γενομένου, ὃ δὴ
ἐκεῖνόν τε ἐποίησεν ὑπὸ τῆς ἡδονῆς ἄφρονα καὶ
ἐξετάραττε τοὺς οὐ δυναμένους ἐφικνεῖσθαι οὐδὲ
διορᾶν τὴν στρατηγίαν. ὁ δὲ ἣν ἀκατάπληκτος Kai,
yevvadas καθώπερ ἀγαθὸς νεὼς κυβερνήτης,
ἐξαπίνης νεφῶν ῥαγείσης λαίλαπος, εἶτα ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ
τοῦ θεοῦ σείοντος τὸν βυθὸν καὶ τὰς ἠόνας.
ἐνταῦθα γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἀπείρους δεινὸν καὶ ἄτοπον
κατέλαβε δέος, ὁ δὲ ἤδη ,χαίρει καὶ γάνυται,
γαλήνην ἀκριβῆ καὶ νηνεμίαν ἐλπίζων. λέγεται
γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὁ Ποσειδῶν συνταράττων τὴν γῆν
παύειν τὰ κύματα. καὶ ἡ τύχη | δὲ τοὺς ἀνοήτους
ἐξαπατᾷ καὶ σφάλλει περὶ τοῖς μείζοσι, μικρὰ
πλεονεκτεῖν ἐπιτρέπουσα, τοῖς ἔμφροσι δὲ τὸ
βεβαίως θαρσεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν μειζόνων, ὃ ὅταν ἐν τοῖς
ἐλάττοσιν αὐτοὺς διαταράττῃ, παρέχει. τοῦτο
Λακεδαιμόνιοι παθόντες ἐν Πύλαις οὐκ ἀπηγό-
ρευον οὐδὲ ἔδεισαν τὸν Μῆδον ἐπιφερόμενον,
1 rovs Hertlein suggests, τοῦ MSS.
2538
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
homes and children, preferred Paeonia! to Rome,
and to be with him rather than with their dearest.
Again, a division of the choicest of the cavalry
together with their standards, and bringing their
general ? with them, chose to share danger with him
rather than success with the usurper. And all this
took place before the battle on the banks of the
Drave, which the earlier part of my speech described
to you. For after that they began to feel perfect
confidence, though before that it looked as though
the usurper’s cause was getting the upper hand,
when he gained some slight advantage in the affair
of the Emperor’s scouts,®? which indeed made the
usurper beside himself with joy and greatly agitated
those who were incapable of grasping or estimating
generalship. But the Emperor was unperturbed
and heroic, like a good pilot when a tempest has
suddenly burst from the clouds, and next moment,
the god shakes the depths and the shores. Then
a terrible and dreadful panic seizes on those who
are inexperienced, but the pilot begins to rejoice,
and is glad, because he can now hope for a perfect
and windless calm. For it is said that Poseidon,
when he makes the earth quake, calms the waves.
And just so fortune deceives the foolish and deludes
them about more important things by allowing them
some small advantage, but in the wise she inspires
unshaken confidence about more serious affairs even
when she disconcerts them in the case of those that
are less serious. This was what happened to the
Lacedaemonians at Pylae,* but they did not despair
nor fear the onset of the Mede because they had lost
1 Pannonia. ' 2 Silvanus, cf. Oration 1. 60.
3 ef. Oration 1. 350. 4 Thermopylae.
259
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
“ \ 2 Ν
τριακοσίους Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα περὶ
τὰς εἰσβολὰς τῆς Ελλάδος προέμενοι" τοῦτο
a /
“Ῥωμαῖοι πολλάκις παθόντες μείζονα κατώρθουν
ὕστερον" ὃ δὴ καὶ βασιλεὺς ἐννοῶν καὶ λογιζό-
n 7 n ,
μενος οὐδαμῶς ἐσφάλη τῆς γνώμης.
> ’ > / [τ e \ e / > “
Αλλ᾽ ἐπείπερ ἅπαξ ἑκὼν ὁ λόγος ἐς τοῦτο
n a / na
ἀφῖκται καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τῶν ἐν
n “ \
τέλει Kal τῶν φυλάκων, οἵπερ δὴ ξυμφυλάττουσιν
A 5 > / \ /
αὐτῷ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀπείργουσι τοὺς πολεμίους,
a 4 a
διηγεῖται βούλεσθε ὑμῖν ἐναργὲς εἴπω τεκμήριον
χθές που ἢ καὶ πρῴην γενόμενον; ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐπι-
a 7
ταχθέντων τοῖς ἐν Γαλατίᾳ στρατοπέδοις: ἔστε
yy \ » \ / “ /
ἴσως Kal τοὔνομα Kal τὸν τρόπον" ὅμηρον φιλίας
\ ,ὔ b ‘fi >Q\ / a x
καὶ πίστεως ἀπέλιπεν οὐδὲν δεομένῳ βασιλεῖ τὸν
al / ἴω
παῖδα: εἶτα ἣν ἀπιστότερος τῶν λεόντων, οἷς οὐκ
4 / \ + ὃ 1΄.Ὁ 7 ς ΄
ἔστι, φησί, πρὸς avopas’ ὅρκια πιστά, ἁρπάζων
“ / lal
τε ἐκ TOV πόλεων TA χρήματα καὶ διανέμων τοῖς
ἐπιόῦσι βαρβάροις καὶ ὥσπερ λύτρα καταβαλλό- —
Ν A -“ as "
μενος, ἐξὸν τῷ σιδήρῳ παρασκευάζειν καὶ οὐ τοῖς
χρήμασι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν" ὁ δὲ ἐκείνους
ὑπήγετο διὰ τῶν χρημάτων εἰς εὔνοιαν: καὶ τέλος
n /
ἐκ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος ἀνελόμενος ἁλουργὲς
ἱμάτιον γελοῖος ἀληθῶς τύραννος καὶ τραγικὸς
ὄντως ἀνεφάνη. ἐνταῦθα οἱ στρατιῶται χαλεπῶς
3 \ \ / a
μὲν εἶχον πρὸς τὴν ἀπιστίαν, θῆλυν δὲ οὐχ
ς con > , \ \ + 3
ὑπομένοντες ὁρᾶν ἐνδεδυκότα στολὴν τὸν δείλαιον
1 ["Ounpos] ὅρκια Hertleim.
260
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
three hundred Spartans and their king! at the
entrance into Greece. This often happened to the
Romans, but they achieved more important successes
later on. Wherefore, since the Emperor knew this and
counted on it, he in no way wavered in his purpose.
But seeing that my argument has, of its own
aecord, once reached this point and is describing the
affection that the Emperor inspires in the common
people, the magistrates, and the garrisons who aid’
him to protect the empire and repulse its enemies,
are you'willing that I should relate to you a signal
proof of this, which happened, one may say, yester-
day or the day before? A certain man? who. had
been given the command of the garrisons in Galatia
—you. probably know his name and character—left
his son behind him as a hostage for his friendship
and loyalty to the Emperor, though not at the
Emperor's request. Then he proved to be more
treacherous than “lions who have πὸ faithful
covenants with man,’* as. the poet says, and
plundered the cities of their wealth and distributed
it among the invading barbarians, paying it down as
a’ sort of ransom, though he was well able to take
measures to win security by the sword rather than
by money. But he tried to win them over to
friendliness by means of money. And _ finally he
took from the women’s apartments a purple dress,
and, showed: himself truly, a tyrant and tragical
indeed: ‘Then. the soldiers, resenting his treachery,
would not tolerate the sight of him thus dressed up
in women’s garb,‘ and they set. on the miserable
wretch and tore him limb from limb,° nor would they
1 Leonidas. 2 Silvanus. 3 Iliad 22. 262.
4 Euripides, Bacchae 822. 5 cf. Oration 1. 48 c.
261
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
ἐπιθέμενοι σπαράττουσιν, οὐδὲ τὸν τῆς σελήνης
κύκλον ἄρξαι σφῶν ἀνασχόμενοι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ
παρὰ τῆς τῶν φυλάκων εὐνοίας ὑπῆρξε βασιλεῖ.
τὸ γέρας, ἀρχῆς ἀμεμφοῦς καὶ δικαίας ἀμοιβὴ
θαυμαστή. ὅστις δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ γέγονε ποθεῖτε
ἀκούειν" ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ὑμᾶς λέληθεν, ὅ ὅτι μήτε
ἐς τὸν ἐκείνου παῖδα χαλεπὸς μήτε ἐς τοὺς φίλους
ὕποπτος καὶ δεινὸς εἵλετο γενέσθαι, ἀλλὰ ὡς
ἔνι μάλιστα πράως εἶχε καὶ εὐμενὴς πᾶσιν ἣν
καίτοι πολλῶν συκοφαντεῖν ἐθελόντων καὶ διηρ-
μένων ἐπὶ τοὺς οὐκ αἰτίους τὰ κέντρα. πολλῶν
δὲ τυχὸν ἀχηθῶς ἐνόχων ὄντων ταῖς περὶ αὐτῶν
ὑποψίαις, ὁμοίως ἅπασιν hv πρᾷος τοῖς οὐκ
ἐξελεγχθεῖσιν᾿ οὐδὲ ἀποφανθεῖσι κοινωνοῖς τῶν
ἀτόπων καὶ ἐξαγίστων βουλευμάτων. τὴν δὲ ἐς
τὸν τοῦ παρανομήσαντος παῖδα καὶ πατήσαν-
τος πίστιν καὶ ὅρκια φειδὼ ἄρα βασιλικὸν
ἀληθῶς καὶ θεῖον φήσομεν, ἢ μᾶλλον ἀπο-
δεξόμεθα τὸν ᾿Αγαμέμνονα “χαλεπαίνοντα καὶ
πικραινόμενον τῶν Τρώων οὐ τοῖς ξυνεξελθοῦσι
μόνον τῷ Πάριδι καὶ καθυβρίσασι τοῦ Μενέλεω
τὴν ἑστίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς “κυουμένοις ἔτι καὶ ὧν
τυχὸν οὐδὲ αἱ μητέρες τότ᾽ ἐγεγόνεσαν, ὁπότε
ἐκεῖνος τὰ περὶ τὴν ἁρπαγὴν. ἐνενόει; εἰ δὴ τὸ
μὲν ὠμόν τις οἴεται καὶ τραχὺ καὶ ἀπάνθρωπον
ἥκιστα βασιλεῖ πρέπειν, τὸ πρᾷον δὲ οἶμαι καὶ
χρηστὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἁρμόττειν ἥκιστα
μὲν χαίροντι τιμωρίαις, ἀχθομένῳ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς
τῶν ὑπηκόων ξυμφοραῖς, ὅπως ἂν γίγνωνται, εἴτε
1 ἐξελεγχθεῖσιν Hertlein suggests, ἐλεγχθεῖσιν MSS,
262
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
endure either that the crescent moon! should rule
over them. Now it was the affection of his garrison
that gave the Emperor this guerdon, a wonderful
recompense for his just and blameless rule. But you
are eager to hear how he behaved after this. This
too, however, you cannot fail to know, that he chose
neither to be harsh towards that man’s son? nor
suspicious and formidable to his friends, but in the
highest possible degree he was merciful and kindly
to them all, though many desired to bring false
accusations ὃ and had raised their stings to strike the
innocent. But though many were perhaps really
involved in the crimes of which they were suspected,
he was merciful to all alike, provided they had not
been convicted or proved to be partners in the
usurper’s monstrous and abominable schemes. And
shall we not declare that the forbearance shown by
him towards the son of one who had broken the laws
and trampled on loyalty and sworn covenants was
truly royal and godlike; or shall we rather approve
Agamemnon, who vented his rage and cruelty not:
only on those Trojans who had accompanied Paris
and had outraged the hearth of Menelaus, but even
on those who were yet unborn, and whose mothers
even were perhaps not yet born when Paris plotted
the rape? Anyone therefore who thinks that
cruelty and harshness and inhumanity ill become a
king, and that mercy and goodness and human
kindness befit one who takes no pleasure in acts of
vengeance, but grieves at the misfortunes of his sub-
jects, however they may arise, whether from their
1 His Oriental dress suggested Persian rule, symbolised by
the crescent.
2 cf. Oration 1. 49 A, ᾿ς 3 ef. Oration 1, 48 6, D.
263
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, If
κακίᾳ σφῶν καὶ ἀμαθίᾳ, εἴτε ἔξωθεν παρὰ τῆς
τύχης ἐπάγοιντο, δῆλός ἐστι τούτῳ διδοὺς τὰ
νικητήρια. ἐννοεῖτε γάρ, ὡς wept τὸν παῖδα
γέγονε τοῦ φύσαντος ἀμείνων καὶ δικαιότερος,
περὶ δὲ τοὺς ἐκείνου φίλους πιστότερος τοῦ τὴν
φιλίαν ὁμολογήσαντος. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἅπαντας.
προεῖτο, ὁ δὲ ἀπέσωσεν ἅπαντας. καὶ εἰ μὲν
ἐκεῖνος ταῦτα περὶ τοῦ βασιλξως ἐγνωκὼς τρόπου.
ἅτε ἐν πολλῷ χρόνῳ κατανοήσας σφόδρα ἐπί-
στευεν, ἀσφαλῶς μέν οἱ τὰ τοῦ παιδός, βεβαίως
δὲ ὁρμεῖν τὰ τῶν φίλων, συνίει μὲν ὀρθῶς,
πολλάκις δὲ ἣν πανοῦργος καὶ μοχθηρὸς καὶ
δυστυχής, πολέμιος ἐθέχων εἶναι τῷ τοιούτῳ καὶ
ὃν σφόδρα ἀγαθὸν καὶ διαφερόντως πρᾷον
ἠπίστατο μισῶν καὶ ἐπιβουλεύων καὶ apa pov-
μενος ὧν οὐδαμῶς ἐχρῆν. εἰ δέ, ἀνελπίστου μέν
οἱ τοῦ παιδὸς τῆς σωτηρίας τυγχανούσης,
χαλεπῆς δὲ καὶ ἀδυνάτου τῆς 2 τῶν φίλων καὶ
τῶν συγγενῶν, τὴν ἀπιστίαν ὅμως προείλετο; —
ὁ μὲν ἦν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα μοχθηρὸς καὶ ἀνόητος
καὶ ἀγριώτερος τῶν θηρίων, ὁ δὲ ἥμερος καὶ
πρᾷος καὶ μεγαλόφρων, τοῦ μὲν νηπίου κατ-
ελεήσας τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ τὸν τρόπον, τοῖς δὲ
οὐκ ἐξελεγχθεῖσι πράως ἔχων, τοῦ δὲ ὑπεριδὼν καὶ
καταφρονήσας τῶν πονηρευμάτων. ὁ γὰρ ἃ μηδὲ
τῶν ἐχθρῶν τις διὰ μέγεθος ὧν αὑτῷ σύνοιδεν
ἀδικημάτων ἐλπίζει ξυγχωρῶν εἰκότως ἀρετῆς ἐστι
,
1 ἐγνωκὼς τρόπου---κατανοήσας Hertlein suggests, éyvonas—
τὸν τρόπον κατανοήσας MSS. 2 τῆς Hertlein adds,
264
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
own wickedness and ignorance or aimed at them
from without by fate, will, it is evident, award
to the Emperor the palm of victory. For bear in
mind that he was kinder and more just to the
boy than’ his’ own father; and to the’ usurper’s
friends he was’ more loyal than’ he’ who’ acknow-
ledged the tie of friendship. For the usurper for-
sook them all, but the Emperor saved them all. And
if the usurper, knowing all this about the Emperor's
character, since he had for a long time been able to
observe it, was entirely confident that his son was
safely at anchor and his friends securely also, then
he did indeed understand him aright, but’ he was
many times over criminal and base and accursed for
desiting to be at enmity with such a man, and for
hating one whom he knew to be so excellent and
so surpassingly mild, and for plotting against: him
and trying to rob him of what it was a shame to
take from him. But if, on the other hand, his son’s
safety was something that he had never hoped for,
and the safety of his friends and kinsfolk he had
thought difficult or impossible, and he nevertheless
chose to be disloyal, this is yet another proof that he
was wicked and infatuated and fiercer than a wild
beast, and that the Emperor was gentle and mild and
magnanimous, since he took pity on the youth of the
helpless child, and was merciful to those who were not’
proved guilty, and ignored and despised the crimes
of the usurper. For he who gratits what not one of!
his enetities expects, because the guilt that is on their
conscience is so great, beyond a doubt: carries off the
prize for virtue; for while he tempers justice with
265.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
νικηφόρος, τὴν δίκην μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖττον Kal πρᾳό-
τερον μετατιθείς, σωφροσύνῃ δὲ ὑπερβαλλόμενος
τοὺς τὸ μέτριον ἐπιτιθέντας ταῖς τιμωρίαις, ἀνδρείᾳ
δὲ διαφέρων τῷ μηδένα πολέμιον ἀξιόχρεων ὑπο-
λαμβάνειν, φρόνησιν δὲ ἐπιδεικνύμενος τῷ συγ-
καταλύειν τὰς ἔχθρας καὶ οὐ παραπέμπειν εἰς
τοὺς παῖδας οὐδὲ εἰς ἐγγόνους προφάσει τῆς
ἀκριβοῦς δίκης. καὶ τοῦ βούλεσθαι" ἐπιεικῶς μάλα
πίτυος δι ἴκην τῶν πονηρῶν ἀφανίζειν τὰ σπέρματα.
ἐκείνων yap δὴ καὶ TO ἔργον τόδε, καὶ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ
τὴν εἰκόνα παλαιὸς ἀπέφηνε λόγος. ὁ δὲ ἀγαθὸς
βασιλεὺς μιμούμενος ἀτεχνῶς τὸν θεὸν οἷδε μὲν
\ a an lal
Kal ἐκ τῶν πετρῶν ἑσμοὺς μελιττῶν ἐξιπταμένους, :
καὶ ἐκ τοῦ δριμυτάτου ξύλου τὸν γλυκὺν καρπὸν
φυόμενον, σῦκά φημι τὰ χαρίεντα, καὶ ἐξ ἀκανθῶν
τὴν σίδην. καὶ ἄλλα ἐξ. ἄλλων φυόμενα ἀνόμοια
τοῖς γεννῶσι καὶ ἀποτίκτουσιν. οὔκουν οἴεται
ταῦτα χρῆναι πρὸ τῆς ἀκμῆς διαφθείρειν, ἀλλὰ
περιμένειν τὸν χρόνον καὶ ἐπιτρέπειν. αὐτοῖς ἀπω-
σαμένοις τῶν πατέρων τὴν ἄνοιαν καὶ τὴν μωρίαν
ἀγαθοῖς γενέσθαι καὶ σώφροσι, ζηλωτὰς δὲ γενο-
μένους τῶν πατρῴων ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὑφέξειν ἐν
καιρῷ τὴν δίκην, οὐκ ἀλλοτρίοις ἔργοις καὶ Evp-
φοραῖς παραναλωθέντας.
᾽Αρ᾽ οὖν ὑμῖν ἱκανῶς δοκοῦμεν ἐκτετελεκέναι
τὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐ ἔπαινον; ἢ ποθεῖτε a ἀκούειν ὑμεῖς, καὶ
τὴν καρτερίαν καὶ τὴν σεμνότητα, καὶ ὡς οὐ μόνον
ἐστὶ τῶν πολεμίων “ἀήττητος, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε αἰσχρᾶς
ἐπιθυμίας ἑάλω πώποτε, οὔτε οἰκίας καλῆς οὔτ᾽
1 βούλεσθαι Hertlein suggests, βούλεσθαί περ MSS,
266
D
10
C
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
what is nobler and more merciful, in self-restraint he
surpasses those who are merely moderate in their
vengeance ; and in courage he excels because he thinks
no enemy worthy of notice ; and his wisdom he displays .
by suppressing enmities and by not handing them
down to his sons and descendants on the pretext of
strict justice, or of wishing, and very reasonably too,
to blot out the seed of the wicked like the seed of
a pine-tree.! For this is the way of those trees, and
in consequence an ancient tale? gave rise to this
simile. But the good Emperor, closely imitating
God, knows that even from rocks swarms of bees fly
forth, and that sweet fruits grow even from the
bitterest wood, pleasant figs, for instance, and from
thorns the pomegranate, and there are other instances
where things are produced entirely unlike the
parents that begat them and brought them forth.
Therefore he thinks that we ought not to destroy
these before they have reached maturity, but to wait
for time to pass, and to trust them to cast off the folly
and madness of their fathers and become good and
temperate, but that, if they should turn out to emu-
late their fathers’ anaes they will in good time
suffer punishment, but they will not have been use-
lessly sacrificed because of the deeds and misfortunes
of others.
Now do you think I have made my sincere pane-
gyric sufficiently thorough and complete? Or are
you anxious to hear also about the Emperor’s powers
of endurance and his august bearing, and that not
only is he unconquerable by the enemy, but has
never yet succumbed to any disgraceful appetite, and
' A proverb; the pine when cut down does not send up
shoots again. 2 Herodotus 6. 37.
267
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, II
bl YA n » “ /
ἐπαύλεως πολυτελοῦς οὔτε ὅρμων σμαραγδίνων
> / b / / x a \
ἐπιθυμήσας ἀφείλετο βίᾳ ἢ καὶ πειθοῖ τοὺς κεκτη-
μένους, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ γυναικὸς ἐλευθέρας οὐδὲ Depa
παίνης, οὐδὲ ὅλως τὴν ἄδικον ἀφροδίτην ἡ ἠγάπησε,
καὶ ὡς οὐδὲ ὧν ὧραι φύουσιν ἀγαθῶν τὴν ἄμετρον
ἀπαιτεῖ πλησμονήν, οὐδὲ αὐτῷ θέρους ὥρᾳ τοῦ
κρυστάλλου μέλει, οὐδὲ μεταβάλλει πρὸς Tas
ὥρας τὴν οἴκησιν, τοῖς πτονουμένοις δὲ ἀεὶ πάρεστι.
τῆς ἀρχῆς μέρεσιν ἀντέχων καὶ πρὸς τὸ κρύος καὶ
πρὸς τὰ θάλπη τὰ γενναῖα; τούτων δὲ εἴ με
κελεύοιτε φέρειν ὑμῖν ἐμφανῆ τὰ τεκμήρια, γνώριμα.
μὲν ἐρῶ καὶ οὐκ. ἀπορήσω, μακρὸς δὲ ὁ λόγος. Kal:
διωλύγιος, ἐμοί τε οὐ σχολὴ τὰς μούσας ἐπὶ
a 4 > 35 a δ EF \ ”
τοσοῦτον θεραπεύειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὥρα λοιπὸν πρὸς ἔργον
τρέπεσθαι.
268
THE HEROIC DEEDS OF CONSTANTIUS
never coveted a fine house or a costly palace or a
necklace of emeralds, and then robbed their owners
of them either by violence or persuasion ; and that he
has never coveted any free-born woman or handmaid
or pursued any dishonourable passion; and that he
does not even desire an immoderate surfeit of the
good things that the seasons produce, or care for ice
in summer, or change his residence with the time of
year; but is ever at hand to aid those portions of the
empire that are in trouble, enduring both frost and
extreme heat? But if you should bid me bring
before you plain proofs of this, I shall merely say
what is familiar to all, and I shall not lack evidence,
but the account would be long, a monstrous speech,
nor indeed have I leisure to cultivate the Muses
to such an extent, for it is now time for me to turn
to my work.!
1 His campaign in Gaul.
ἜΣ ee
1 Sree
ca, eh MEARS εἴ
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ane 4 rr.
te =f boy ; ἯΙ
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γί ΕΣ
it dong:
i. ae
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et ga) 8 ala
Fe ay that S VEPs
ey ᾿
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id
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION III
Tue Third Oration is an expression of gratitude
(χαριστήριος λόγος) to the Empress Eusebia, the
first wife of Constantius. After Julian’s intractable
step-brother Gallus Caesar had been murdered by the
Emperor, he was summoned to the court at Milan,
and there, awkward and ill at ease, cut off from his
favourite studies and from the society of philoso-
phers, surrounded by intriguing and _ unfriendly
courtiers, and regarded with suspicion by the
Emperor, Julian was protected, encouraged and
-advised by Eusebia. His praise and gratitude are,
for once, sincere. The oration must have been
composed either in Gaul or shortly before Julian set
out thither after the dangerous dignity of the
Caesarship had been thrust upon him. His sincerity
has affected his style, which is simpler and more
direct than that of the other two Panegyrics.
1 ef. Quintilian 3. 7. 10. on the Gratiarum actio,
273
VOL. 1. ᾿ Τ
IOTAIANOT KAIZAPOS ETSEBIA>
ΤῊΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΔΟΣ EPKQMION
“Τί ποτε ἄρα χρὴ διανοεῖσθαι περὶ τῶν ὀφειλόν-
των μεγάλα καὶ πέρα! μεγάλων, οὔτι φημὶ
χρυσίον οὐδὲ ἀργύριον, GANA ἁπλῶς ὅ,τι ἂν τύχῃ
τις παρὰ τοῦ πέλας εὖ παθών: εἶτα τοιαῦτα μὲν
ἀποτίνειν οὔτε ἐπιχειρούντων οὔτε διανοουμένων,
ῥᾳθύμως δὲ καὶ ὀλυγώρως ἐχόντων πρὸς τὸ τὰ
δυνατὰ ποιεῖν καὶ διαλύεσθαι τὸ ὄφλημα; ἢ
δῆλον ὅτι φαύλους καὶ μοχθηροὺς νομιστέον;
οὐδενὸς γὰρ οἶμαι τῶν ἄλλων ἀδικημάτων ἔλαττον
μισοῦμεν ἀχαριστίαν καὶ ὀνειδίζομεν τοῖς ἀνθρώ-
mols, ὅταν εὖ παθόντες περὶ τοὺς εὐεργέτας ὦσιν
ἀχάριστοι' ἔστι δὲ οὐχ οὗτος ἀχάριστος μόνον,
ὅστις εὖ παθὼν δρᾷ κακῶς ἢ λέγει, ἀλλὰ καὶ
ὅστις σιωπᾷ καὶ ἀποκρύπτει, λήθῃ παραδιδοὺς
καὶ ἀφανίζων τὰς χάριτας. καὶ τῆς μὲν θηριώδους
ἐκείνης καὶ ἀπανθρώπου μοχθηρίας σφόδρα ὀλίγα,
καὶ εὐαρίθμητα κομιδῇ τὰ παραδείγματα" πολλοὶ
δὲ ἀποκρύπτουσι τὸ δοκεῖν εὖ παθεῖν, οὐκ οἶδα.
ὅ,τι βουλόμενοι" φασὶ δὲ ὅμως θωπείας τινὸς καὶ
ἀγεννοῦς κολακείας τὴν δόξαν ἐκκλίνειν. ἐγὼ δὲ
1 πέρα Cobet, ὑπὲρ MSS., Hertlein. ,
274
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF THE
EMPRESS EUSEBIA
Wuat, pray, ought we to think of those who owe
things of price and beyond price—I do not mean
gold or silver, but simply any benefit one may
happen to receive from one’s neighbour—suppose
that they neither try nor intend to repay that
kindness, but are indolent and do not trouble
themselves to do what they can and try to discharge
the debt? Is it not evident that we must think
them mean and base? Far more 1 think than
any other crime do we hate ingratitude, and we
blame those persons who have received benefits
and are ungrateful to their benefactors. And the
ungrateful man is not only he who repays a kindness
with evil deeds or words, but also he who is silent.
and conceals a kindness and tries to consign it to
oblivion and abolish gratitude. Now of such brutal
and inhuman baseness as the repayment with evil
the instances are few and easily reckoned ; but there
are many who try to conceal the appearance of
having received benefits, though with what purpose
I know not. They assert, however, that it is
because they are trying to avoid a reputation for a
sort of servility and for base flattery. But though I
275
7 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
4 1 \ “ δὲ ig \ 7 ε “ 1
tovtous! μὲν ὅτι μηδὲν ὑγιὲς λέγουσι σαφῶς II
γΣ.0..Ν “ 3 7] Ν / 4 > /
εἰδὼς ὅμως ἀφίημι, καὶ κείσθω διαφεύγειν αὐτούς,
θ ΄ » / > ’ OA ὃ /
καθάπερ οἴονται, κολακείας οὐκ ἀληθῆ δόξαν,
an Ψ 7 Ἑ- / \
πολλοῖς ἅμα πάθεσιν ἐνόχους φανέντας καὶ
νοσήμασιν αἰσχίστοις πάνυ καὶ ἀνελευθέροις. ἢ
\ > / 2 , / > ΔΝ Φ ὑὃ
γὰρ οὐ συνιέντες ἀναίσθητοι λίαν εἰσίν, ὧν οὐὸ-
αμῶς ἀναίσθητον εἶναι χρῆν, ἢ συνιέντες ἐπι-
an r Ν
λήσμονες ὧν "ἐχρῆν εἰς ἅπαντα μεμνῆσθαι τὸν
χρόνον" μεμνημένοι δὲ καὶ ἀποκνοῦντες δι’ ἁσδη-
rn Wi \ \ / it
ποτοῦν αἰτίας δειλοὶ καὶ βάσκανοι φύσει καὶ
e fal iA 3 , “Ὁ “ >
ἁπλῶς ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις δυσμενεῖς, of ye οὐδὲ
nn lal Ὁ /
τοῖς εὐεργέταις πρᾷοι Kal προσηνεῖς ἐθέλοντες
εἶναι, εἶτα, ἂν μὲν δέῃ λοιδορῆσαί που καὶ δακεῖν,
ὥσπερ τὰ θηρία ὀργίλον καὶ ὀξὺ βλέπουσιν'
“ \ 2 / \ A \
ὥσπερ δὲ ἀνάλωμα πολυτελὲς φεύγοντες TOV
ἀληθινὸν ἔπαινον, οὐκ oid ὅπως, αἰτιῶνται τὰς
ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν ἔργων εὐφημίας, ἐξὸν ἐκεῖνο
ἐξετάζειν μόνον, εἰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν τιμῶσι καὶ
n “ Ὁ lal /
περὶ πλείονος ποιοῦνται τοῦ δοκεῖν ἐν τοῖς ἐπαί-
vow χαρίζεσθαι. οὐδὲ γὰρ τοῦτο ἔνεστιν εἰπεῖν,
« > \ n ς 3 7 by - [ὦ *
ὡς ἀνωφελὲς χρῆμα ἡ εὐφημία οὔτε τοῖς ὑπὲρ ὧν
cr /
γέγονεν οὔτε αὖ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὁπόσοι THY ἴσην
/ n a
ἐκείνοις κατὰ τὸν βίον τάξιν eiAnyoTes τῆς ἐν ταῖς
πράξεσιν ἀρετῆς ἀπελείφθησαν. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ
ἄκουσμά τέ ἐστιν ἡδὺ καὶ προθυμοτέρους παρέχει
περὶ τὰ καλὰ καὶ διαφέροντα τῶν ἔργων" τοὺς
δὲ -.. A ἈΝ a 2 Ὁ a / ᾿
é ἐπὶ τὸ ζηλοῦν ἐκεῖνα πειθοῖ καὶ βίᾳ παρ-
oat x ,
ὦρμησεν ὁρῶντας ὅτι μηδὲ τῶν προλαβόντων
1 τούτους Cobet, οὗτοι MSS., Hertlein. :
276
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
know well enough that what they say is all insin-
cere, nevertheless I let that pass, and suppose we
assume that they, as they think, do escape an
undeserved reputation for flattery, still they at the
same time appear to be guilty of many weaknesses
and defects of character that are in the highest
degree base and illiberal. For either they are too
dense to perceive what no one should fail to perceive,
or they are not dense but forgetful of what they
ought to remember for all time. Or again, they do
remember, and yet shirk their duty for some reason or
other, being cowards and grudging by nature, and their
hand is against every man without exception, seeing
that not even to their benefactors do they consent
to be gentle and amiable; and then if there be
any opening to slander and bite, they look angry
and fierce like wild beasts. Genuine praise they
somehow or other avoid giving, as though it were a
costly extravagance, and they. censure the applause -
given to noble actions, when the only thing that
they need enquire into is whether the eulogists
respect truth and rate her higher than the reputa-
tion of showing their gratitude by eulogy. For
this at any rate they cannot assert, that praise is
a useless thing, either to those who receive it or to
others besides, who, though they have been assigned
the same rank in life as the objects of their praise,
have fallen short of their merit in what they have
accomplished. To the former it is not only agree-
able to hear, but makes them zealous to aim at a still
higher level of conduct, while the latter it stimulates
both by persuasion and compulsion to imitate that
noble conduct, because they see that none of those
277
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
\ 3 / a / ΄- , \ n
τινὲς ἀπεστερήθησαν ὃ μόνον δοῦναί τε καὶ λαβεῖν
Ε , “ ΄ὔ \ ? \
ἐστι δημοσίᾳ καλόν. χρήματα μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὸ
> \ / “
ἐμφανὲς διδόναι καὶ περιβλέπειν, ὅπως ὅτι
a δ \ " Ν > \ ᾽
πλεῖστοι τὸ δοθὲν εἴσονται, mpos ἀνδρὸς ἀπειρο-
κάλου' ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ὑποσχὼν ' τὼ χεῖρε ὑποδέξαιτ᾽
ἄν τις ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς πάντων, μὴ παντάπασιν
A / la! /
ἀποσεισάμενος αἰδῶ καὶ ἐπιείκειαν τοῦ τρόπου.
᾽ , \ \ \ \ U > a
Apkeciraos δὲ καὶ διδοὺς τὸν λαβόντα ἐπειρᾶτο
a / a a
λαθεῖν: συνίει δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐκ THs πράξεως τὸν
δράσαντα. ἐπαίνων δὲ ξηλωτὸν μὲν ἀκροατὰς
ὡς πλείστους εὑρεῖν, ἀγαπητὸν δὲ οἶμαι καὶ
ὀλίγους. καὶ ἐπήνει δὲ Σωκράτης πολλοὺς καὶ
Πλάτων καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης: Ἐξενοφῶν δὲ καὶ
? , Ν \ fa) Ν /
Αγησίλαον τὸν βασιλέα καὶ Κῦρον τὸν Πέρσην,
r ny /
οὔτι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἐκεῖνον μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal TOV ᾧ
συνεστράτευτο ἐπὶ βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἐπαίνους
ξυγγράφων οὐκ ἀπεκρύπτετο. ἐμοὶ δὲ θαυμαστὸν
εἶναι δοκεῖ, εἰ τοὺς ἄνδρας μὲν τοὺς καλούς τε
κἀγαθοὺς 4 προθύμως ἐπαινεσόμεθα, γυναῖκα δὲ
ἀγαθὴν τῆς εὐφημίας οὐκ ἀξιώσομεν, ἀρετῆς οὐδὲν
μεῖον αὐταῖς ἤπερ τοῖς ἀνδράσι προσήκειν ὕπο-
λαμβάνοντες. ἢ γὰρ εἷναι σώφρονα καὶ συνετὴν
καὶ οἵαν νέμειν" ἑκάστῳ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀξίαν καὶ
θαρραλέαν ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς καὶ μεγαλόφρονα καὶ
ἐλευθέριον καὶ πάντα ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ὑπάρχειν
/ / n a a
ἐκείνῃ © οἰόμενοι χρῆναι τὰ τοιαῦτα, eita’ τῶν
ὑποσχὼν Cobet, ὑποσχεῖν MSS., Hertlein.
τὸν @ Cobet, Naber ᾧ MSS., Hertlein,
ἐπὶ βασιλέα Cobet, [ἐφ᾽ Ἑλλάδα] Hertlein,
καλούς τε κἀγαθοὺς Cobet, καλοὺς MSS., Hertlein.
οἵαν νέμειν Hertlein suggests, νέμειν MSS.
ἐκείνῃ Petavius, ἐκείνην MSS., Hertlein.
εἶτα Cobet adds.
Toa ναὶ ὦ O "
278
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
who have anticipated them have been deprived of
that which alone it is honourable to give and receive
publicly. For to give money openly, and to look
anxiously round that as many as possible may know
of the gift, is characteristic of a vulgar person. Nay
no one would even stretch out his hands to receive
it in the sight of all men, unless he had first cast off all
propriety of manner and sense of shame. Arcesilaus
indeed, when offering a gift, used to try to hide his
identity even from the recipient.1. But in his case
the manner of the deed always made known the
doer. Fora eulogy, however, one is ambitious to
obtain as many hearers as possible, and even a small
audience is, I think, not to be despised. Socrates, for
instance, spoke in praise of many, as did Plato also and
Aristotle. Xenophon, too, eulogised King Agesilaus
and Cyrus the Persian, not only the elder Cyrus, but
him whom he accompanied on his campaign against
the Great King, nor did he hide away his eulogies,
but put them into his history. Now I should think
it strange indeed if we shall be eager to applaud men |
of high character, and not think fit to give our
tribute of praise to a noble woman, believing as we
do that excellence is the attribute of women no less
than of men. Or shall we who think that such a one
ought to be modest and wise and competent to assign
to every man his due, and brave in danger, high-
minded and generous, and that in a word all such
qualities as these should be hers,—shall we, I say,
1 Plutarch, Moralia 63 Ὁ.
279
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ἐγκωμίων ἀφαιρησόμεθα τὸν ἐκ
τοῦ κολακεύειν δοκεῖν ψόγον δεδοικότες; Ὅμηρος
δὲ οὐκ ἠσχύνετο τὴν [Πηνελόπην ἐπαινέσας οὐδὲ
τὴν ᾿Αλκίνου γαμετήν, οὐδὲ εἴ τις ἄλλη διαφερόν-
Twos ἀγαθὴ γέγονεν ἢ καὶ ἐπὶ σμικρὸν ἀρετῆς
μετεποιήθη. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἐκείνη τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ
τούτῳ διήμαρτεν εὐφημίας. πρὸς δὲ αὖ τούτοις
παθεῖν μὲν εὖ καὶ τυχεῖν τινος ἀγαθοῦ, σμικροῦ
τὲ ὁμοίως καὶ μείζονος, οὐδὲν ἔχαττον παρὰ
γυναικὸς ἢ παρὰ ἀνδρὸς δεξόμεθα, τὴν δὲ ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ χάριν ἀποτίνειν ὀκνήσομεν; ἀλλὰ μή ποτε
καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ δεῖσθαι καταγέλαστον εἶναι φῶσι καὶ
οὐκ ἄξιον ἀνδρὸς ἐπιεικοῦς καὶ γενναίου, εἶναι δὲ
καὶ τὸν ᾿Οδυσσέα τὸν σοφὸν ἀγεννῆ καὶ δειλόν,
ὅτι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἱκέτευε θυγατέρα παίξζου-
σαν ἐπὶ τοῦ λειμῶνος ξὺν ταῖς ὁμήλιξι παρ-
θένοις παρὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ταῖς ἠόσι. μή ποτε οὖν
οὐδὲ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς τοῦ Διὸς ἀπόσχωνται
παιδός, ἣν “Ομηρός φησιν ἀπεικασθεῖσαν παρ-
θένῳ καλῇ καὶ γενναίᾳ ᾿Οδυσσεῖ μὲν ἡγήσασθαι
τῆς ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια φερούσης ὁδοῦ, σύμβουλον
δὲ αὐτῷ ' καὶ διδάσκαλον γενομένην, ὧν ἐχρῆν
εἴσω παρελθόντα δρᾶν καὶ λέγειν, καθάπερ τινὰ
ῥήτορα ξὺν τέχνῃ " τέλειον doar βασιλίδος ἐγκώ-
μιον, ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους ἀρξαμένην. ἔχει δὲ
αὐτῷ τὰ ὑπὲρ τούτων ἔπη τὸν τρόπον "τόνδε'
Δέσποιναν μὲν πρῶτα κιχήσεαι ἐν μεγάροισιν,
᾿Αρήτη δ᾽ ὄνομ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐπώνυμον, ἐκ δὲ τοκήων
Τῶν αὐτῶν, οἵπερ τέκον ᾿Αλκίνοον βασιλῆα.
1 αὐτῷ Cobet, αὐτοῦ MSS., Hertlein.
2 [τῇ] τέχνῃ Hertlein.
280
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
then rob her of the encomium due to her good deeds,
from any fear of the charge of appearing to flatter Ὁ
-But Homer was not ashamed to praise Penelope and
the consort of Alcinous ! and other women of excep-
tional goodness, or even those whose claim to virtue
was slight. Nay nor did Penelope fail to obtain her
share of praise for this very thing. But besides these
reasons for praise, shall we consent to accept kind
treatment from a woman no less than from a man,
and to obtain some boon whether small or great, and
then hesitate to pay the thanks due therefor? But
perhaps people will say that the very act of making
a request to a woman is despicable and unworthy
of an honourable and high-spirited man, and that
even the wise Odysseus was spiritless and cowardly
because he was a suppliant to the king’s daughter?
as she played with her maiden companions by the
banks of the river. Perhaps they will not spare even
Athene the daughter of Zeus, of whom Homer says ὃ
that she put on the likeness of a fair and noble
maiden and guided him along the road that led
to the palace, and was his adviser and instructed
him what he must do and say when he had entered
within; and that, like some orator perfect in the
art of rhetoric, she sang an encomium of the
queen, and for a prelude told the tale of her
lineage from of old. Homer’s verses about this are
as follows :
“The queen thou shalt find first in the halls.
Arete is the name she is called by, and of the same
parents is she as those who begat king Alcinous.”’ 4
1 Arete. 2 Nausicaa.
3 Odyssey 7. 20. 4 Odyssey 7. 54,
281
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
ἀναλαβὼν δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος οἶμαι
τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ γένους καὶ ὅσα ἔδρασάν τε καὶ
ἔπαθον εἰπών, καὶ ὅπως αὐτὴν ὁ θεῖος, τοῦ πατρὸς
ἀπολομένου νέου καὶ νυμφίου, ἔγημέ τε καὶ
ἐτίμησεν,
ὡς οὔτις ἐπὶ χθονὶ τίεται ἄλλη,
καὶ ὅσων τυγχάνει
Ἔκ τε φίλων παίδων ἔκ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αλκινόοιο,
ἔτι δὲ οἶμαι τῆς γερουσίας καὶ τοῦ δήμου, οἱ
καθάπερ θεὸν ὁρῶσι πορευομένην διὰ τοῦ ἄστεος,
τέλος ἐπέθηκε ταῖς εὐφημίαις ζηλωτὸν ἀνδρὶ καὶ
γυναικί,
Οὐ μὲν γάρ τι νόου γε καὶ αὐτὴ δεύεται ἐσθλοῦ
λέγων, καὶ ὡς κρίνον εὖ ἠπίστατο, οἷσίν τ᾽ εὖ
φρονέῃσι, καὶ διαλύειν τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγκλή-
ματα τοῖς πολίταις ἀναφυόμενα ξὺν δίκῃ. ταύτην
δὴ οὖν ἱκετεύσας εἰ τύχοις εὔνου, πρὸς αὐτὸν
ἔφη,
᾿Ελπωρή τοι ἔπειτα φίλους T ἰδέειν καὶ ἱκέσθαι
Οἶκον ἐς ὑψόροφον'
ὁ δ᾽ ἐπείσθη τῇ ξυμβουλῇ. ap οὖν ἔτι δεησόμεθα
μειξόνων εἰκόνων καὶ ἀποδείξεων ἐναργεστέρων,
ὥστε ἀποφυγεῖν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ κολακεύειν δοκεῖν
ὑποψίαν; οὐχὶ δὲ ἤδη μιμούμενοι τὸν σοφὸν
ἐκεῖνον καὶ θεῖον ποιητὴν ἐπαινέσομεν Βὐσεβίαν
τὴν ἀρίστην, ἐπιθυμοῦντες μὲν ἔπαινον αὐτῆς
ἄξιον “διεξελθεῖν, ἀγαπῶντες δέ, εἰ καὶ μετρίως
τυγχάνοιμεν οὕτω καλῶν καὶ πολλῶν ἐπιτηδευμά-
282
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
Then he goes back and begins with Poseidon and
tells of the origin of that family and all that they
did and suffered, and how when her father perished,
still young and newly-wed, her uncle married her,
and honoured her
“ As no other woman in the world is honoured,”
and he tells of all the honour she receives
“From her dear .children and from Alcinous
himself,”
and from the council of elders also, I think, and from
the people who look upon her as a goddess as she
goes through the city ; and on all his praises he sets
this crown, one that man and woman alike may well
envy, when he says
“For indeed she too has no lack of excellent
understanding,’
and that she knows well how to judge between
men, and, for those citizens to whom she is kindly
disposed, how to reconcile with justice the
grievances that arise among them. Now if, when
you entreat her, the goddess says to him, you find
her well disposed,
“Then is there hope that you will see your friends
and come to your high-roofed house.”’
And he was persuaded by her counsel. Shall I then
need yet greater instances and clearer proofs, so
that I may escape the suspicion of seeming to flatter?
Shall I not forthwith imitate that wise and inspired
poet and go on to praise the noble Eusebia, eager as
I am to compose an encomium worthy of her, though
I shall be thankful if, even in a moderate degree, I
succeed in describing accomplishments so many and
283
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
των; Kal tov! ἀγαθῶν τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἐκείνῃ,
σωφροσύνης καὶ δικαιοσύνης ἢ πρᾳότητος καὶ
ἐπιεικείας ἢ τῆς περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα φιλίας ἢ τῆς πὲρὶ
τὰ χρήματα μεγαλοψυχίας ἢ τῆς περὶ τοὺς
οἰκείους καὶ ξυγγενεῖς τιμῆς. προσήκει δὲ οἶμαι
καθάπερ ἴχνεσιν ἑπόμενον τοῖς ἤδη ῥηθεῖσιν οὕτω
ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ξὺν εὐφημίᾳ τάξιν, ἀποδιδόντα τὴν
αὐτὴν ἐκείνῃ, πατρίδος τε, ὡς εἰκός, καὶ πατέρων
μνημονεύοντα, καὶ ὅπως ἐγήματο καὶ ᾧτινι, καὶ
τἄλλα πάντα τὸν αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις τρόπον.
Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς πατρίδος πολλὰ σεμνὰ λέγειν
ἔχων, τὰ μὲν διὰ παλαιότητα παρήσειν μοι δοκῶ"
φαίνεται γὰρ εἶναι τῶν μύθων οὐ πόρρω' ὁποῖον Ο'
7] \ \ \ lal a , ς 3
δή τι καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν Μουσῶν λεγόμενον, ὡς εἶεν
“ / na
δήπουθεν ἐκ τῆς Πιερίας, οὐχὶ δὲ ἐξ “EAtK@vos εἰς
\ ” ᾽ 7 \ \ 7 tal
τὸν "Oruptrov ἀφίκοιντο Tapa τὸν πατέρα κληθεῖ-
σαι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ καὶ εἰ δή τι τοιοῦτον ἕτερον, μύθῳ
μᾶλλον ἢ λόγῳ προσῆκον, ἀπολειπτέον: ὀλίγα δὲ
“A n - 7 \
εἰπεῖν TOV οὐπᾶσι γνωρίμων τυχὸν οὐκ ἄτοπον οὐδὲ
ἀπὸ τοῦ παρόντος λόγου. Μακεδόνων γὰρ οἰκίσαι
ῇ
‘pact τὴν χώραν τοὺς Ἡρακλέους ἐγγόνους, Τημένου
n € Qie4> n
παῖδας, οἱ THY Ἀργείαν λῆξιν νεμόμενοι Kal στασιά-
Ἃ a
Covtes τέλος ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἀποικίαν τῆς πρὸς
ἀλλήλους ἔριδος καὶ φιλοτιμίας" εἶτα ἑλόντες τὴν
Μακεδονίαν καὶ γένος ὄλβιον ἀπολιπόντες 5 βασι-
1 καὶ τῶν Petavius, οὐ τῶν MSS., Hertlein suggests οὕτως
ἀγαθῶν ὑπαρχόντων, Reiske suggests ἐπιτηδευμάτων. ἀπορῶ μὲν
οὖν ὅτου ἅψωμαι πρώτου τῶν ἀγαθῶν. “1 amr at ἃ loss which
of her noble qualities to discuss first.”
2 ἀπολιπόντες MSS., ἀπολείποντες V, Hertlein.
284
I Pt Ὁ
eI tA ee ςς τὸν
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
so admirable? And I shall be thankful if I succeed
in describing also those noble qualities of hers,
her temperance, justice, mildness and goodness,
or her affection for her husband, or her generosity
about money, or the honour that she pays to her own
people and her kinsfolk. It is proper for me, I
think, to follow in the track as it were of what I
have already said, and, as I pursue my panegyric, so
arrange it as to give the same order as Athene,
making mention, as is natural, of her native land, her
ancestors, how she married and whom, and _ all
the rest in the same fashion as Homer.
Now though I have much that is highly honour-
able to say about her native land,! I think it well to
omit part, because of its antiquity. For it seems to
be not far removed from myth. For instance, the
sort of story that is told about the Muses, that
they actually came from Pieria? and that it was not
from Helicon that they came to Olympus, when
summoned to their father’s side. This then, and
all else of the same sort, since it is better suited
to a fable than to my narrative, must be omitted.
But perhaps it is not out of the way nor alien
from my present theme to tell some of the facts
that are not familiar to all. They say? that
Macedonia was colonised by the descendants of
Heracles, the sons of Temenus, who had _ been
awarded Argos as their portion, then quarrelled, and
to make an end of their strife and jealousy led out a
colony. Then they seized Macedonia, and leaving a
* EKusebia belonged to a noble family of Thessalonica, in
Macedonia ; she was married to Constantius in 352 A.D.
2 Near Mount Olympus. 3 Herodotus 8. 137.
285
J]
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
λεῖς ἐκ βασιλέων διετέλουν καθάπερ κλῆρον τὴν
τιμὴν διαδεχόμενοι. πάντας μὲν οὖν αὐτοὺς
ἐπαινεῖν οὔτε ἀληθὲς οὔτε οἶμαι ῥάδιον. πολλῶν
δὲ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν γενομένων καὶ καταλιπόντων
Ἑλληνικοῦ τρόπου μνημεῖα πάγκαλα, Φίλιππος
καὶ ὁ τούτου παῖς ἀρετῇ διηνεγκάτην πάντων, ὅσοι
πάλαι Μακεδονίας καὶ Θράκης ἦρξαν, οἶμαι δὲ
ἔγωγε καὶ ὅσοι Λυδῶν ἢ Μήδων καὶ Περσῶν καὶ
᾿Ασσυρίων, πλὴν μόνου τοῦ Καμβύσου παιδός, ὃς
ἐκ τῶν Μήδων ἐς Πέρσας τὴν βασιλείαν μετέ-
στησεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτος ἐπειράθη τὴν Μακεδό-
νων αὐξῆσαι δύναμιν, καὶ τῆς Εὐρώπης τὰ
πλεῖστα καταστρεψάμενος ὅρον ἐποιήσατο πρὸς
ἕω μὲν καὶ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν τὴν θάλατταν, ἀπ᾽
ἄρκτων δὲ οἶμαι τὸν Ἴστρον καὶ πρὸς ἑσπέραν τὸ
᾿Ὡρικὸν ἔθνος. ὁ τούτου δὲ αὖ παῖς ὑπὸ τῷ
Σταγειρίτῃ σοφῷ τρεφόμενος τοσοῦτον μεγαλοψυ-
χίᾳ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων διήνεγκε καὶ προσέτι τὸν
αὑτοῦ πατέρα τῇ στρατηγίᾳ καὶ τῇ θαρραλεότητι
καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρεταῖς ὑπερβαλλόμενος, ὥστ᾽ Ἰ
οὐκ ἄξιον αὑτῷ ζῆν ὑπελάμβανεν, εἰ μὴ ξυμπάν-
των μὲν ἀνθρώπων, πάντων δὲ ἐθνῶν κρατήσειεν.
οὐκοῦν τὴν μὲν ᾿Ασίαν ἐπῆλθε σύμπασαν κατα-
στρεφόμενος, καὶ ἀνίσχοντα πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων
τὸν ἥλιον προσεκύνει, ὡρμημένον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν
Εὐρώπην, ὅ ὅπως τὰ λειπόμενα περιβαλόμενος γῆς
τε ἁπάσης καὶ θαλάττης κύριος γένοιτο, τὸ χρεὼν
ἐν Βαβυλῶνι κατέλαβε. Μακεδόνες δὲ ἁ ἁπάντων
ἦρχον, ὧν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ κτησάμενοι πόλεων καὶ
ἐθνῶν ἔτυχον. ἄρ᾽ οὖν ἔτι χρὴ διὰ μειζόνων
1 ὥστ᾽ Hertlein suggests,
286
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
prosperous family behind them, they succeeded
to the throne, king after king, as though the
privilege were an inheritance. Now to_ praise
all these would be neither truthful, nor in my
opinion easy. But though many of them were brave
men and left behind them very glorious monuments .
of the Hellenic character, Philip and his son
surpassed in valour all who of old ruled over
Macedonia and Thrace, yes and I should say all
who governed the Lydians as well, or the Medes and
Persians and Assyrians, except only the son of
Cambyses,! who transferred the sovereignty from the
Medes. to the Persians. For Philip was the first to
try to increase the power of the Macedonians, and
when he had subdued the greater part of Europe, he
made the sea his frontier limit on the east and south,
and on the north I think the Danube, and on the
west the people of Oricus.2,_ And after him, his son,
who was bred up at the feet of the wise Stagyrite,? —
so far excelled all the rest in greatness of soul, and
besides, surpassed his own father in generalship and
courage and the other virtues, that he thought that
life for him was-not worth living unless he could
subdue all men and all nations. And so he tra-
versed the whole of Asia, conquering as he went,
and he was the first of men‘ to adore the rising
sun; but as he was setting out for Europe in order
to gain control of the remainder and so become
master of the whole earth and sea, he paid the debt
of nature in Babylon. Then Macedonians became
the rulers of all the cities and nations that they had
acquired under his leadership. And now is it still
1 Cyrus. 2 A town on the coast of Illyria.
* Aristotle ; ‘‘ who bred | Great Alexander to subdue the
world.” ‘Milton, Paradise Regained 4. 4 1.6. of Greeks.
287
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
τεκμηρίων δηλοῦν, ὡς ἔνδοξος μὲν ἡ Μακεδονία Ὁ
καὶ μεγάλη τὸ πρόσθεν γένοιτο; ταύτης δὲ αὐτῆς
τὸ κράτιστον ἡ πόλις ἐκείνη, ἣν ἀνέστησαν,
πεσόντων, οἶμαι, Θετταλῶν, τῆς κατ᾽ ἐκείνων
᾿ἐπώνυμον νίκης. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων οὐδὲν ἔτι
δέομαι μακρότερα λέγειν.
Εὐγενείας γε μὴν τί ἂν ἔχοιμεν ἔτι πράγματα
ἐπιζητοῦντες φανερώτερον καὶ ἐναργὲς μᾶλλον
τεκμήριον; θυγάτηρ γάρ ἐστιν ἀνδρὸς ἀξίου ape
θέντος τὴν ἐπώνυμον. τοῦ ἔτους ἀρχὴν ἄρχειν,"
πάλαι μὲν ἰσχυρὰν καὶ βασιλείαν a ἀτεχνῶς ὀνομα-
ζομένην, μεταβαλοῦσαν δὲ διὰ τοὺς οὐκ ὀρθῶς
χρωμένους τῇ δυνάμει τὸ ὄνομα: νῦν δὲ ἤδη τῆς
δυνάμεως ἐπιλειπούσης, ἐπειδὴ πρὸς μοναρχίαν
τὰ τῆς πολιτείας μεθέστηκε, τιμὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν τῶν
ἄχλων ἁπάντων στερομένη πρὸς πᾶσαν ἰσχὺν
᾿ἀντίρροπος εἶναι δοκεῖ, τοῖς μὲν ἰδιώταις οἷον
ἄθλον ἀποκειμένη καὶ γέρας ,ἀρετῆς ἢ πίστεως
ἤ τίνος εὐνοίας καὶ ὑπηρεσίας περὶ TOUS - τῶν
ὅλων ἄρχοντας ἢ πράξεως λαμπρᾶς, τοῖς βασι-
λεῦσι δὲ πρὸς οἷς ἔχουσιν ἀγαθοῖς οἷον ἄγαλμα
καὶ κόσμος ἐπιτιθεμένη: τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἄλλων
ὀνομάτων τε καὶ ἔργων, ὁπόσα τῆς παλαιᾶς
ἐκείνης πολιτείας διασώζει τινὰ φαύλην καὶ
ἀμυδρὰν εἰκόνα, ἢ παντάπασιν ὑπεριδόντες διὰ
τὴν ἰσχὺν ᾿κατέγνωσαν, ἢ προσιέμενοί γε διὰ
βίου καρποῦνται τὰς ἐπωνυμίας" μόνης δέ, οἶμαι,
ταύτης οὔτε τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπερεῖδον, χαίρουσί
τε" καὶ πρὸς ἐνιαυτὸν τυγχάνοντες" καὶ οὔτε O
1 ἄρχειν Hertlein adds.
35 ofre—re Hertlein suggests, οὐδὲ---δὲ MSS.
288
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
necessary to show by stronger proofs that Macedonia
was famous and great of old? And the most im-
portant place in Macedonia is that city which they
restored, after, I think, the fall of the Thessalians,
and which is called after their victory over them.!
But concerning all this I need not speak at greater
length.
And of her noble birth why should I take any
further trouble to seek for clearer or more manifest
proof than this? I mean that she is the daughter of
a man who was considered worthy to hold the office
that gives its name to the year, an office that in the
past was powerful and actually called royal, but lost
that title because of those who abused their power.
But now that in these days its power has waned,
since the government has changed to a monarchy,
the bare honour, though robbed of all the rest, is
held to counterbalance all power, and for private
citizens is set up as a sort of prize and a reward of
virtue, or loyalty, or of some favour done to the
ruler of the empire, or for some brilliant exploit,
while for the emperors, it is added to the advantages
they already possess as the crowning glory and adorn-
ment. For all the other titles and functions that still -
retain some feeble and shadowy resemblance to the
ancient constitution they either altogether despised
and rejected, because of their absolute power, or
they attached them to themselves and enjoy the
titles for life. But this office alone, 1 think, they
from the first did not despise, and it still gratifies
them when they obtain it for the year. Indeed
there is no private citizen or emperor, nor has ever
1 Thessalonica. 2 The consulship.
289
VOL. I. U
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
ἰδιώτης οὐδεὶς οὔτε βασιλεύς ἐστιν ἢ γέγονεν, ὃς
οὐ ζηλωτὸν ἐνόμισεν ὕπατος ἐπονομασθῆναι. εἰ
δέ, ὅτι πρῶτος ἔτυχεν ἐκεῖνος καὶ γέγονεν ἀρχηγὸς
τῷ γένει τῆς εὐδοξίας, ἔλαττόν τις ἔχειν αὐτὸν
τῶν ἄλλων ὑπολαμβάνει, λίαν ἐξαπατώμενος
οὐ μανθάνει: τῷ παντὶ γὰρ οἶμαι κρεῖττόν ἐστι
καὶ σεμνότερον ἀρχὴν παρασχεῖν τοῖς ἐγγόνοις
περιφανείας τοσαύτης ἢ λαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν προ-
γόνων. ἐπεὶ καὶ πόλεως μεγίστης οἰκιστὴν
γενέσθαι κρεῖττον ἡ πολίτην, καὶ λαβεῖν ὁτιοῦν
ἀγαθὸν τοῦ δοῦναι τῷ παντὶ καταδεέστερον.
λαμβάνειν δὲ ἐοίκασι παρὰ τῶν πατέρων οἱ
παῖδες καὶ οἱ πολῖται παρὰ τῶν πόλεων οἷον
ἀφορμάς τινας πρὸς εὐδοξίαν. ὅστις δὲ ἀπο-
δίδωσι πάλιν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ προγόνοις τε καὶ πατρίδι
μείζονα τιμῆς ὑπόθεσιν, λαμπροτέραν μὲν ἐκείνην
καὶ σεμνοτέραν, τοὺς πατέρας δὲ ἐνδοξοτέρους
ἀποφαίνων, οὗτος οὐδενὶ δοκεῖ καταλιπεῖν" πρὸς
εὐγενείας λόγον ἅμῶλλαν: οὐδὲ ἔστιν ὅστις
ἐκείνου φήσει κρείττων γεγονέναι" ἐξ ἀγαθῶν
μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθὸν φῦναι χρή. ὁ δὲ ἐξ ἐνδόξων
ἐνδοξότερος γενόμενος, ἐς ταὐτὸν ἀρετῇ τῆς τύχης
πνεούσης, οὗτος οὐδενὶ δίδωσιν ἀπορεῖν, εἰ τῆς
εὐγενείας εἰκότως μεταποιεῖται.
Εὐσεβία δέ, περὶ ἧς ὁ λόγος, παῖς μὲν ὑπάτου
γέγονε, γαμετὴ δέ ἐστι βασιλέως ἀνδρείου,
σώφρονος, συνετοῦ, δικαίου, χρηστοῦ καὶ πράου
καὶ μεγαλοψύχου, ὃς ἐπειδὴ πατρῴαν οὖσαν αὐτῷ
2. δοκεῖ καταλιπεῖν Hertlein suggests, καταλιπεῖν V, Μ, κατα-
λείπει MSS.
290
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
been, who did not think it an enviable distinction to
be entitled consul. And if there be anyone who
thinks that, because he I spoke of was the first of his
line to win that title and to lay the foundations of
distinction for his family, he is therefore inferior to
the others, he fails to understand that he is deceived
exceedingly. For it is, in my opinion, altogether
nobler and more honourable to lay the foundations
of such great distinction for one’s descendants than
to receive it from one’s ancestors. For indeed it is
a nobler thing to be the founder of a mighty city than
a mere citizen and to receive any good thing is alto-
gether less dignified than to give. Indeed it is evident
that sons receive from their fathers, and citizens from
their cities, a start, as it were, on the path of glory.
But he who by his own effort pays back to his
ancestors and his native land that honour on a
higher scale, and makes his country show more
brilliant and more distinguished, and_ his .ancestors
more illustrious, clearly yields the prize to no man
on the score of native nobility. Nor is there any man
who can claim to be superior to him I speak of.
For the good must needs be born of good parents.
But when the son of illustrious parents himself
becomes more illustrious, and fortune blows the
same way as his merit, he causes no one to feel
doubt, if he lays claim, as is reasonable, to be of
native nobility.
Now Eusebia, the subject of my speech, was the
daughter of a consul, and is the consort of an Em-
peror who is brave, temperate, wise, just, virtuous,
mild and high-souled, who, when he acquired the
. 201
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνεκτήσατο, ἀφελόμενος τοῦ Bia
λαβόντος, γάμου τε ἐδεῖτο πρὸς παίδων γένεσιν,
οἱ κληρονομήσουσι τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς ἐξουσίας,
ταύτην ἀξίαν ἔκρινε τῆς κοινωνίας γεγονὼς ἤδη
σχεδόν τι τῆς οἰκουμένης ἁπάσης κύριος. καίτοι
πῶς ἄν τις μείζονα μαρτυρίαν ἐπιζητήσειε τῆσδε;
οὐ μόνον περὶ τῆς εὐγενείας αὐτῆς, ὑπὲρ δὲ CF
ἁπάντων ἁπλῶς, ὅσα χρῆν οἶμαι τὴν βασιλεῖ
τοσούτῳ συνιοῦσαν, καθώπερ φερνὴν οἴκοθεν
ἐπιφερομένην, κομίζειν ἀγαθά, παιδείαν ὀρθήν,
σύνεσιν ἐμμελῆ, ἀκμὴν καὶ ὥραν σώματος καὶ
κάλλος τοσοῦτον, ὥστε ἀποκρύπτεσθαι τὰς
ἄλλας παρθένους, καθάπερ οἶμαι περὶ τῇ σελήνῃ
πληθούσῃ οἱ διαφανεῖς ἀστέρες καταυγαζόμενοι
κρύπτουσι τὴν μορφήν. ἕν μὲν γὰρ τούτων
οὐδὲν ἐξαρκεῖν δοκεῖ πρὸς κοινωνίαν βασιλέως,
πάντα δὲ ἅμα, ὥσπερ θεοῦ τινος ἀγαθῷ βασιλεῖ ΤῊ
καλὴν καὶ σώφρονα πλάττοντος τὴν νύμφην, ~~
εἰς ταὐτὸ συνεληλυθότα πόρρωθεν καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ
τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐφελκυσάμενα μάλα ὄλβιον ἦγε τὸν
νυμφίον. κάλλος μὲν γὰρ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ γένους —
βοηθείας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν οἶμαι στερό- —
μενον οὐδὲ ἰδιώτην ἀκόλαστον ἰσχύει πείθειν τὴν
γαμήλιον ἀνάψαι λαμπάδα, ἄμφω δὲ ἅμα συνελ- —
θόντα γάμον μὲν ἥρμοσε πολλάκις, ἀπολειπόμενα —
δὲ τῆς ἐκ τῶν τρόπων ἁρμονίας καὶ χάριτος οὐ ἢ
λίαν ἐφάνη ζηλωτά.
Ταῦτα ἐπιστάμενον σαφῶς τὸν βασιλέα ov
σώφρονα φαίην ἂν εἰκότως πολλάκις βουλευσά-
μενον ἑλέσθαι τὸν γάμον, τὰ μὲν οἶμαι πυνθα-
1 οὐδὲν MSS., οὐδὲ ἕν V, Hertlein.
292 :
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
throne that had belonged to his ancestors, and had
won it back from him who had usurped it by violence,
and desired to wed that he might beget sons to in-
herit his honour and power, deemed this lady worthy
of his alliance, when he had already become master
of almost the whole world. And indeed why should
one search for stronger evidence than this? Evidence,
I mean, not only of her native nobility, but of all
those combined gifts which she who is united to so
great an Emperor ought to bring with her from her
home as a dowry, wit and wisdom, a body in the
flower of youth, and beauty so conspicuous as to
throw into the shade all other maidens beside, even
as, I believe, the radiant stars about the moon at
the full are outshone and hide their shape.! For no
single one of these endowments is thought to suffice
for an alliance with an Emperor, but all together, as
though some god were fashioning for a virtuous Em-
peror a fair and modest bride, were united in her
single person and, attracting not his eyes alone,
brought from afar that bridegroom blest of heaven.
For beauty alone, if it lacks the support of birth and
the other advantages I have mentioned, is not enough
to induce even a licentious man, a mere citizen, tc
kindle the marriage torch, though both combineo
have brought about many a match, but when they
occur without sweetness and charm of character they
are seen to be far from desirable.
I have good reason to say that the Emperor in
his prudence understood this clearly, and that it
was only after long deliberation that he chose this
wv
1 Άστερες μὲν ἀμφὶ κάλαν σελάνναν tw ἀποκρύπτοισι φάεννον
εἶδος, Sappho /r. 3,
5 293
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
vopevov, ὅσα χρῆν δι᾽ ἀκοῆς περὶ αὐτῆς μαθεῖν,
Ν “ 7
τεκμαιρόμενον δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς τὴν εὐταξίαν"
a ,
ὑπὲρ ἧς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τί δεῖ λέγοντας διατρίβειν,
καθάπερ οὐκ ἔχοντας ἴδιον ἐγκώμιον τῆς, ὑπὲρ
ἧς ὁ λόγος, διελθεῖν; τοσοῦτον δὲ ἴσως οὔτε
εἰπεῖν οὔτε ἐπακοῦσαι πολὺ καὶ ἐργῶδες, ὅτι
δὴ γένος μὲν αὐτῇ σφόδρα ᾿Ἑλληνικόν, “Ελλήνων
τῶν πάνυ, καὶ πόλις ἡ μητρόπολις τῆς Μακε-
/ 4 \ ς / 8 Ὁ ἡ \
Sovias, σωφροσύνη δὲ ὑπέρ te Ἐῤάδνην τὴν
Καπανέως καὶ τὴν Θετταλὴν ἐκείνην Λαοδάμειαν.
αἱ μὲν γὰρ καλοὺς καὶ νέους καὶ ἔτι νυμφίους
\ + >’ al / / 4
τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀφαιρεθεῖσαι δαιμόνων βίᾳ βασκάνων
ἢ μοιρῶν νήμασι τοῦ ζῆν ὑπερεῖδον διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα,
€ gs 2 ΚΑ ΤᾺ \ \ 7 2. 5 Je ΚΕΝ ᾿
ἡ δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὸ χρεὼν τὸν κουρίδιον αὐτῆς ἄνδρα
κατέλαβε, τοῖς παισὶ προσκαθημένη τοσοῦτον ἐπὶ
σωφροσύνῃ κλέος αὑτῇ εἰργάσατο, ὥστε τῇ μὲν
a /
Πηνελόπῃ περιόντος ἔτι καὶ πλανωμένου TOD γή-
μαντος, προσήει τὰ μειράκια μνηστευσόμενα ἔκ τε
Ἰθάκης καὶ Σάμου καὶ Δουλιχίου, τῇ δὲ ἀνὴρ μὲν
> \ \ \ / x ? \ \ 4
οὐδεὶς καλὸς Kal μέγας ἢ ἰσχυρὸς Kal πλούσιος
ς \ 2 4 3 / 28 al ς / / ᾿ \
ὑπὲρ 2 τούτων εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν ὑπέμεινέ ποτε" τὴν
7 \ \ e nA a 5 “7
θυγατέρα δὲ βασιλεὺς ἑαυτῷ συνοικεῖν ἀξίαν
an BS
ἔκρινε, καὶ ἔδρασε τὸν γάμον λαμπρῶς μετὰ TA
τρόπαια, ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις καὶ δήμους ἑστιῶν.
Ki δέ τις ἄρα ἐκείνων ἐπακούειν ποθεῖ, ὅπως μὲν
> ,ὔ > a \ a \ e /
ἐκ Μακεδονίας ἐκαλεῖτο μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἡ νύμφη,
! τῆς Cobet adds.
2 Before ὑπὲρ Horkel and Hertlein omit és.
3 δήμους Naber, μούσας MSS., Hertlein,
294 a
we]
Eh tals aetna. ae nat ee enh
ἄμα,"
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
marriage, partly making enquiries about all that was
needful to learn about her by hearsay, but judg-
ing also from her mother of the daughter’s noble
disposition. Of that mother why should I take time
to say more, as though I had not to recite a special
encomium on her who is the theme of my speech?
But so much perhaps I may say briefly and you may
hear without weariness, that her family is entirely
Greek, yes Greek of the purest stock, and her native
city was the metropolis of Macedonia, and she was
more self-controlled than Evadne ! the wife of Capa-
neus, and the famous Laodameia? of Thessaly. For
these two, when they had lost their husbands, who
were young, handsome and still newly-wed, whether by
the constraint of some envious powers, or because the
threads of the fates were so woven, threw away their
lives for love. But the mother of the Empress, when
his fate had come upon her wedded lord, devoted
herself to her children, and won a great reputation for
prudence, so great indeed, that whereas Penelope,
while her husband was still on his travels and wan-
derings, was beset by those young suitors who came
to woo her from Ithaca and Samos and Dulichium,
that lady no man however fair and tall or powerful
and wealthy ever ventured to approach with any
such proposals. And her daughter the Emperor
deemed worthy to live by his side, and after setting
up the trophies of his victories, he celebrated the
marriage with great splendour, feasting nations and
cities and peoples.
But should any baply desire to hear of such things
as how the bride was bidden to come from Macedonia
1 Kuripides, Suppliants 494.
9. The wife of Protesilaus.
299
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
τίς δὲ ἣν ὁ τῆς πομπῆς τρόπος, ἁρμάτων καὶ
ἵππων καὶ ὀχημάτων παντοδαπῶν χρυσῷ καὶ
ἀργύρῳ καὶ ὀρειχάλκῳ μετὰ τῆς ἀρίστης τέχνης
εἰργασμένων, ἴστω παιδικῶν σφόδρα ἀκουσμάτων
ἐπιθυμῶν: καθάπερ γὰρ οἶμαι κιθαρῳδοῦ τινος
δεξιοῦ τὴν τέχνην" ἔστω δέ, εἰ βούλει, Τέρπανδρος
οὗτος ἢ ὁ Μηθυμναῖος ἐκεῖνος, ὃν δὴ λόγος ἔχει
δαιμονίᾳ πομπῇ χρησάμενον φιλομουσοτέρου τοῦ
δελφῖνος τυχεῖν ἢ τῶν ξυμπλεόντων, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν
Λακωνικὴν ἄκραν κομισθῆναι: ἔθελγε γὰρ οἶμαι
τοὺς δυστυχεῖς ναύτας ὅσα ἐκεῖνος ἀπὸ τῆς τέχνης
εἰργάσατο, αὐτῆς δὲ ἐκείνης ὑπερεώρων καὶ
οὐδεμίαν ὦραν ἐποιοῦντο τῆς μουσικῆς" εἰ δὴ οὖν
τις τοῖν ἀνδροῖν ἐκείνοιν τὸν κράτιστον ἐπιλεξά-
“μενος καὶ ἀποδοὺς τὸν περὶ τὸ σῶμα κόσμον τῇ
τέχνη πρέποντα εἶτα ἐς θέατρον παραγάγοι
παντοδαπῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ “γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων
φύσει τε καὶ ἡλικίᾳ καὶ Τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπιτηδεύμασι
διαφερόντων, οὐκ ἂν οἴεσθε τοὺς μὲν παῖδας καὶ
τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν! ὁπόσοι τοιοῦτοι εἰς
τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν κιθάραν ἀποβλέποντας ἐκ-
πεπλῆχθαι δεινῶς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν, τῶν ἀνδρῶν δὲ
τοὺς ἀμαθεστέρους καὶ γυναικῶν πλὴν σφόδρα
ὀλίγων ἅπαν τὸ πλῆθος ἡδονῇ καὶ λύπῃ κρίνειν
τὰ κρούματα, μουσικὸν δὲ ἄνδρα, τοὺς νόμους *
ἐξεπιστάμενον τῆς τέχνης, οὔτε μιγνύμενα τὰ μέλη
τῆς ἡδονῆς χάριν φαύλως ἀνέχεσθαι, δυσχεραίνειν
τε καὶ εἰ“ τοὺς τρόπους τῆς μουσικῆς διαφθείροι
1 τῶν before γυναικῶν Hertlein omits.
* νόμους Hertlein suggests, λόγους MSS.
® τε Hertlein suggests, δὲ MSS. Ὁ εἰ [rts] Hertlein,
294
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
with her mother, and what was the manner of the
cavalcade, of the chariots and horses and carriages
of all sorts, decorated with gold and silver and
copper of the finest workmanship, let me tell him
that it is extremely childish of him to wish to hear
such things. It is like the case of some player on
the cithara who is an accomplished artist—let us
say if you please Terpander or he of Methymna!
of whom the story goes that he enjoyed a divine
escort and found that the dolphin cared more
for music than did his fellow-voyagers, and was
thus conveyed safely to the Laconian promontory.’
For though he did indeed charm those miserable
sailors by his skilful performance, yet they despised
his art and paid no heed to his music. Now, as I
was going to say, if some one were to choose the
best of those two musicians, and were to clothe
him in the raiment suited to his art, and were then to
bring him into a theatre full of men, women and
children of all sorts, varying in temperament and age
and habits besides, do you not suppose that the
children and those of the men and women who had
childish tastes would gaze at his dress and his lyre, and
be marvellously smitten with his appearance, while
the more ignorant of the men, and the whole crowd of
women, except a very few, would judge his playing
simply by the criterion of pleasure or the reverse ;
~whereas a musical man who understood the rules of
the art would not endure that the melodies should
be wrongly mixed for the sake of giving pieasure,
but would resent it if the player did not preserve
+ Arion. > Taenarum.
297
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
a / \ I \
καὶ εἰ ταῖς ἁρμονίαις μὴ δεόντως χρῷτο μηδὲ
a an a /
ἑπομένως τοῖς νόμοις τῆς ἀληθινῆς. καὶ θείας
μουσικῆς; ὁρῶν δὲ ἐμμένοντα τοῖς νομισθεῖσι καὶ
\ \ ,
ov κίβδηλον ἡδονήν, καθαρὰν δὲ Kal ἀκήρατον
τοῖς θεαταῖς ἐνεργασάμενον ἄπεισι τοῦτον ἐπαινῶν
eS \ / \ > fal
Kal ἐκπληττόμενος, ὅτι δὴ σὺν τέχνῃ μηδὲν ἀδικῶν
\ Zz n θ / / \ δὲ \
τὰς Μούσας τῷ θεάτρῳ Euyyéyove. τὸν δὲ τὴν
ἁλουργίδα καὶ τὴν κιθάραν ἐπαινοῦντα ληρεῖν
yy 2 4 \ 2 ὃ \ / 1 \
οἴεται καὶ ἀνοηταίνειν' καὶ εἰ διὰ πλείονων' Ta
a a , 7 [οἷ \
τοιαῦτα διηγεῖται, λέξει Te ἡδίστῃ κοσμῶν Kal
ἐπιλεαίνων τὸ φαῦλον καὶ ἀγεννὲς τῶν διηγη-
/ / A /
μάτων, γελοιότερον νομίζει τῶν ἀποτορνεύειν TAS
? 3 Ν
κέγχρους ἐπιχειρούντων, καθάπερ οἶμαι φασὶ τὸν
7 / a / /
Μυρμηκίδην ἀντιταττόμενον τῇ Φειδίου τέχνῃ.
3) a ec \ τ ᾿
οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἡμεῖς ἑκόντες αὑτοὺς ταύταις ὑπο-
a 7
θήσομεν ταῖς αἰτίαις, ἱματίων πολυτελῶν καὶ
δώρων παντοίων ὅρμων τε καὶ στεφάνων κατά-
a / / a
Noyov τῶν ἐκ βασιλέως μακρόν Twa τοῦτον
” > A182 > / e - 4 \
ἄδοντες, οὐδὲ ὡς ἀπήντων οἱ δῆμοι δεξιούμενοι Kal
\ eo\ / X
χαίροντες, οὐδὲ ὅσα κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐκείνην λαμπρὰ
καὶ ζηλωτὰ γέγονε καὶ ἐνομίσθη. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ
a 77 a a 7,
τῶν βασιλείων εἴσω παρῆλθε καὶ τῆς ἐπωνυμίας
7 , / la) 54 / /
ταύτης ἠξιώθη, TL πρῶτον ἔργον ἐκείνης γέγονε,
\ i / Ἄς ᾽ n ΓΑ Ν \
καὶ αὖθις δεύτερον, καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τρίτον, Kal πολλὰ
\ an /
δὴ para τὸ ἐντεῦθεν; οὐ γάρ, εἰ σφόδρα λέγειν
52 ἡ \ \ ς \ / /
ἐθέλοιμι Kal μακρὰς ὑπὲρ τούτων βίβλους ξυντι-
ah n a
θέναι, ἀρκέσειν ὑπολαμβάνω τῷ πλήθει τῶν
4 / / /
ἔργων, ὅσα ἐκείνῃ φρόνησιν καὶ πρᾳότητα καὶ
' διὰ πλειόνων Hertlein suggests, μετὰ πλείονος MSS.
298
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
the modes of the music and did not use the
+harmonies properly, and conformably to the laws of
genuine and inspired music? But if he saw that he
was faithful to the principles of his art and produced
in the audience a pleasure that was not spurious but
pure and uncontaminated, he would go home
praising the musician, and filled with admiration
because his performance in the theatre was artistic
and did the Muses no wrong. But such a man
thinks that anyone who praises the purple raiment
and the lyre is foolish and out of his mind, while,
if he goes on to give full details about such
outward things, adorning them with an agreeable
style and smoothing away all that is worthless
and vulgar in the tale, then the critic thinks him
more ridiculous than those who try to carve cherry-
stones,! as I believe is related of Myrmecides * who
thus sought to rival the art of Pheidias. And so
neither will I, if I can help it, lay myself open to
this charge by reciting the long list of costly robes
and gifts of all kinds and necklaces and garlands
that were sent by the Emperor, nor how the folk in
each place came to meet her with welcome and
rejoicing, nor all the glorious and auspicious incidents
that occurred on that journey, and were reported.
But when she entered the palace and was honoured
with her imperial title, what was the first thing she
did and then the second and the third and the many
actions that followed? For however much I might
wish to tell of them and to compose lengthy volumes
about them, I think that, for the majority, those of
her deeds will be sufficient that more conspicuously
! Literally seeds or small beads,
* Famed for his minute carving of ivory.
. 299
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
σωφροσύνην καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἐπιείκειάν τε καὶ
ἐλευθεριότητα καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀρετὰς ἐξεμαρτύρησε.
λαμπρότερον, ἢ νῦν ὁ παρὼν περὶ αὐτῆς λόγος
δηλοῦν ἐ ἐπιχειρεῖ καὶ ἐκδιδάσκειν τοὺς πάλαι διὰ
τῶν ἔργων ἐγνωκότας... οὐ μὴν ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖνο
δυσχερές, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀδύνατον ἐφάνη, πάντελῶς
ἄξιον ὑπὲρ ἁπάντων ἀποσιωπῆσαι, πειρᾶσθαι δὲ
εἰς δύναμιν φράξειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ τῆς μὲν
φρονήσεως ποιεῖσθαι σημεῖον καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρετῆς
πάσης, ὅτι τὸν γήμαντα διέθηκεν οὕτω περὶ αὑτήν,
ὥσπερ οὖν ἄξιον γυναῖκα καλὴν καὶ γενναίαν.
Ὥστε ἔγωγε τῆς Πηνελόπης πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα
νομίσας ἐπαίνων ἄξια τοῦτο ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα
θαυμάξω, ὅτι δὴ τὸν ἄνδρα λίαν ἔπειθε “στέργειν
καὶ ἀγαπᾶν αὑτὴν ὑπερορῶντα μέν, ὡς φασί,
δαιμονίων γάμων, ἀτιμάζοντα δὲ οὐ μεῖον τὴν τῶν
Φαιάκων ξυγγένειαν. Καίτοι. γε εἶχον αὐτοῦ
πᾶσαι ἐρωτικῶς, Καλυψὼ καὶ Κίρκη καὶ Ναυ-
σικάα" καὶ ἣν αὐταῖς τὰ βασίλεια πάγκαλα,
κήπων τινῶν καὶ παραδείσων ἐν αὐτοῖς πεφυτευ-
μένων μάλα ἀμφιλαφέσι καὶ κατασκίοις τοῖς
δένδρεσι, λειμῶνές τε ἄνθεσι ποικίλοις καὶ μαλακῇ
τῇ Toa βϑρύοντες:
Κρῆναι δ᾽ ἑξείης πίσυρες ῥέον ὕδατι λευκῷ"
καὶ ἐτεθήλει περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἡμερὶς ἡβώωσα'
σταφυλῆς οἶμαι τῆς γενναίας, βριθομένη τοῖς
βότρυσι: καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Φαίαξιν ἕτερα τοιαῦτα,
πλὴν ὅσῳ πολυτελέστερα, ἅτε οἶμαι ποιητὰ ξὺν
τέχνῃ, τῆς τῶν αὐτοφυῶν ἔλαττον μετεῖχε χάριτος
καὶ ἧττον εἶναι ἐδόκει ἐκείνων ἐράσμια. τῆς
1 ἡβώωσα Cobet, ἡβῶσα MSS,, Hertlein,
3°09 ©
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
witnessed to her wisdom and clemency and modesty
and benevolence and goodness and generosity and
her other virtues, than does now the present account
of her, which tries to enlighten and instruct those
who have long known it all from personal experience.
For it would not be at all proper, merely because
the task has proved to be difficult or rather
impossible, to keep silence about the whole, but one
should rather try, as far as one can, to tell about
those deeds, and to bring forward as a proof of her
wisdom and of all her other virtues the fact that she
made her husband regard her as it is fitting that he
should regard a beautiful and noble wife.
Therefore, though I think that many of the other
qualities of Penelope are worthy of praise, this I
admire beyond all, that she so entirely persuaded
her husband to love and cherish her, that he
despised, we are told, unions with goddesses, and
equally rejected an alliance with the Phaeacians.
And yet they were all in love with him, Calypso,
Circe, Nausicaa. And they had very beautiful
palaces and gardens and parks withal, planted with
wide-spreading and shady trees, and meadows gay
with flowers, in which soft grass grew deep: “ And
four fountains in a row flowed with shining water.” !
And a lusty wild vine bloomed about her dwelling,?
with bunches of excellent grapes, laden with clusters.
And at the Phaeacian court there were the same
things, except that they were more costly, seeing
that, as I suppose, they were made by art, and
hence had less charm and seemed less lovely than
those that were of natural growth. Now to ail
1 Odyssey 5. 70. 2 The cave of Calypso.
301
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
fal \ oO \ n 4 \ / a
τρυφῆς δὲ αὖ καὶ τοῦ πλούτου Kal προσέτι τῆς
/
περὶ TAS νήσους ἐκείνας εἰρήνης Kal ἡσυχίας τίνα
a a 4 :
οὐκ ἂν ἡττηθῆναι δοκεῖτε τοσούτους ἀνατλάντα
/
πόνους καὶ κινδύνους καὶ ἔτι ὑφορώμενον δεινότερα ”
. / \ \ Σ 7 x AMS a ιν
πείσεσθαι, τὰ μὲν ἐν θαλάττῃ τὰ δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας
3 “Ὁ \ ¢€ Ν 7 ς n 5 7
αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἑκατὸν νεανίσκους ἡβῶντας εὖ μάλα CO
ῇ bin Fee } “ δὲ > ἐλ 7.
μόνον ἀγωνίζεσθαι μέλλοντα, ὅπερ οὐδὲ ἐν Τροίᾳ
yA \
ἐκείνῳ ποτὲ συνηνέχθη; εἴ τις οὖν ἔροιτο τὸν
᾽ 7 / « / / > ’
Οδυσσέα παίζων ὧδέ πως: τί ποτε, ὦ σοφώτατε
ῥῆτορ ἢ στρατηγὲ ἢ ὅ τι χρή σε ὀνομάζειν, τοσού-
τους ἑκὼν ὑπέμεινας πόνους, ἐξὸν εἶναι ὄλβιον καὶ
εὐδαίμονα, τυχὸν δὲ καὶ ἀθάνατον εἴ τι χρὴ
lal 4 na
ταῖς ἐπαγγελίαις Καλυψοῦς πιστεύειν, σὺ δὲ
/ an /
ἑλόμενος TA χείρω πρὸ τῶν βελτιόνων τοσούτους
n / \ n /
σαυτῷ προστέθεικας πόνους, οὐδὲ ἐν TH Σχερίᾳ
a \ a
καταμεῖναι ἐθελήσας, ἐξὸν ἐκεῖ που παυσάμενον D
τῆς πλάνης καὶ τῶν κινδύνων ἀπηλλάχθαι" σὺ
an an / τὸ
δὲ ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἔγνως στρατεύεσθαι καὶ
ἡ / \ 5 7 cP £ > a
ἄθλους δή τινας Kai ἀποδημίαν ἑτέραν ἐκτελεῖν
οὔτι τῆς πρόσθεν, ὥς γε τὸ εἰκὸς ἀπονωτέραν
\ n
οὐδὲ κουφοτέραν. τί δὴ οὖν οἴεσθε πρὸς ταῦτα
ἐκεῖνον εἰπεῖν ἔχειν; ap οὐχ ὅτι τῇ Πηνελόπῃ
συνεῖναι, ἐθέλων τοὺς ἄθλους αὐτῇ καὶ τὰς
/ / /
στρατείας χαρίεντα διηγήματα φέρειν ὑπέλαβε;
fal / / fal
ταῦτά Tol Kal THY μητέρα πεποίηκεν αὐτῷ
παραινοῦσαν μεμνῆσθαι πάντων, ὧν τε εἶδε 1]
θεαμάτων καὶ ὧν ἤκουσεν ἀκουσμάτων,
“ \ / a +f /
wa καὶ μετόπισθε Ten εἴπῃσθα γυναικί,
1 δοκεῖτε Hertlein suggests, εἰκὸς Reiske δοκεῖ MSS.
5. δεινότερα Hertlein suggests, δεινότατα MSS.
302
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
that luxury and wealth, and moreover to the peace
and quiet that surrounded those islands, who do
you think would not have succumbed, especially one
who had endured so great toils and dangers and
expected that he would have to suffer still more
terrible hardships, partly by sea and partly in his
own house, since he had to fight all alone against a
hundred youths in: their prime, a thing which had
never happened to him even in the land of Troy?
Now if someone in jest were to question Odysseus
somewhat in this fashion: “Why, O most wise
orator or general, or whatever one must call you, did
you endure so many toils, when you might have been
prosperous and happy and perhaps even immortal, if
_ one may at all believe the promises of Calypso? But
you chose the worse instead of the better, and
imposed on yourself all those hardships ! and refused
to remain even in Scheria, though you might surely
have rested there from your wandering and been
delivered from your perils; but behold you resolved
to carry on the war in your own house and to
perform feats of valour and to accomplish a second
journey, not less toilsome, as seemed likely, nor
easier than the first!” What answer then do you
think he would give to this? Would he not answer
that he longed always to be with Penelope, and
that those contests and campaigns he purposed to
take back to her as a pleasant tale to tell? For this
reason, then, he makes his mother exhort him to
remember everything, all the sights he saw and all
the things he heard, and then she says: “So that in
the days to come thou mayst tell it to thy wife.” ?
1 ef. Misopogon 3424. In both passages Julian evidently
echoes some line, not now extant, from Menander, Duskolos.
2 Odyssey 11, 223.
395
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
7 ΄ : , la)
φησίν. ὁ δὲ οὐδενὸς ἐπιλαθόμενος, ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον
ἀφίκετο καὶ τῶν μειρακίων τῶν ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια
/ > 7 \ , 7 > / > An
κωμαζόντων ἐκράτει ξὺν δίκη, πάντα ἀθρόως αὐτῇ
a /
διηγεῖτο, ὅσα τε ἔδρασε Kal ὅσα ἀνέτλη, Kal εἰ δή
τι ἄλλο ὑπὸ τῶν χρησμῶν ἀναπειθόμενος ἐκτε-
a n , \ val \ ;
λεῖν διενοεῖτο: ἀπόρρητον δὲ ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς αὐτὴν
οὐδὲ ἕν, GAN ἠξίου κοινωνὸν γίγνεσθαι τῶν B
βουλευμάτων καὶ ὅ,τι πρακτέον εἴη συννοεῖν
καὶ συνεξευρίσκειν. ἄρα τοῦτο ὑμῖν τῆς ἸΠηνε-
λόπης ὀλίγον ἐγκώμιον δοκεῖ, ἢ ἤδη τις ἄλλη
τὴν ἐκείνης ἀρετὴν ὑπερβαλλομένη γαμετή τε
οὖσα βασιλέως ἀνδρείου καὶ μεγαλοψύχου καὶ
σώφρονος τοσαύτην εὔνοιαν ἐνεποίησεν αὑτῆς
τῷ γήμαντι, συγκερασαμένη τῇ παρὰ τῶν ἐρώ-
Tov ἐπιπνεομένῃ φιλίᾳ τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἀρετῆς καθ-
ἄπερ ῥεῦμα θεῖον ἐπιφερομένην ταῖς ἀγαθαῖς καὶ
γενναίαις ψυχαῖς; δύο γὰρ δὴ τώδε τινὲ. πίθω
φιλίας ἔστον, ὧν ἥδε κατ᾽ ἴσον ἀρυσαμένη βουλευ-
μάτων τε αὐτῷ γέγονε κοινωνὸς καὶ πρᾷον ὄντα
φύσει τὸν βασιλέα καὶ χρηστὸν καὶ εὐγνώμονα
πρὸς ἃ πέφυκε παρακαλεῖ μᾶλλον πρεπόντως καὶ
πρὸς συγγνώμην τὴν δίκην τρέπει. ὥστε οὐκ "ἄν
> a 3 “ ς >
τις εἰπεῖν ἔχοι, ὅτῳ γέγονεν ἧ βασιλὶς ἥδε ἐν δίκῃ
τυχὸν ἢ καὶ παρὰ δίκην αἰτία τιμωρίας καὶ κολά-
σεως μικρᾶς ἢ μείζονος. ᾿Αθήνησι μὲν οὖν φασιν,
ὅτε τοῖς πατρίοις ἔθεσιν ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἔζων τοῖς
οἰκείοις πειθόμενοι νόμοις μεγάλην καὶ πολυάν-
θρωπον οἰκοῦντες πόλιν, εἴ ποτε τῶν δικαζόντων
1 ἤδη Horkel, εἰ δή MSS.
2 πίθω Bruno Friederich, πειθώ τε καὶ ἰδέα MSS., Hertlein,
τε καὶ ἰδέα Cobet omits.
304
{
a Φ ρϑανακον ἡ τὰ δροσσ, κα
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
And indeed he forgot nothing,and no sooner had he
come home and vanquished, as was just, the youths
who caroused in the palace, than he related all to
her without pause, all that he had achieved and en-
dured, and all else that, obeying the oracles, he pur-
posed still to accomplish.! And from her he kept
nothing secret, but chose that she should be the
partner of his counsels and should help him to plan
and contrive what he must do. And do you think
this a trifling tribute to Penelope, or is there not now
found to be yet another woman whose virtue sur-
passes hers, and who, as the consort of a brave, mag-
nanimous and prudent Emperor, has won as great
affection from her husband, since she has mingled
with the tenderness that is inspired by love that
other which good and noble souls derive from their
own virtue, whence it flows like a sacred fount ? For
there are two jars,? so to speak, of these two kinds
of human affection, and Eusebia drew in equal mea-
sure from both, and so has come to be the partner
of her husband's counsels, and though the Emperor
is by nature merciful, good and wise, she encourages
him to follow yet more becomingly his natural bent,
and ever turns justice to mercy. So that noone could
ever cite a case in which this Empress, whether with
justice,.as might happen, or unjustly, has ever been
the cause of punishment or chastisement either great
ΠΟΥ small. Now we are told that at Athens, in the
days when they employed their ancestral customs
and lived in obedience to their own laws, as the in-
habitants of a great and hwmerre city, whenever the
1 Odyssey 23. 284. 2 ef. Iliad 24. 527; Oration 7. 236 c.
305
VOL. I. x
fo fute
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, Ill
ai ψῆφοι κατ᾽ ἴσον γένοιντο τοῖς “φεύγουσι πρὸς
τοὺς διώκοντας, τὴν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς ἐπιτιθεμένην τῷ
τὴν δίκην ὀφλήσειν μέλλοντι ἀπολύειν ἄμφω τῆς
αἰτίας, τὸν μὲν ἐπάγοντα τὴν κατηγορίαν τοῦ ὦ
δοκεῖν εἶναι συκοφάντην, τὸν δέ, ὡς εἰκός, τοῦ
δοκεῖν ἔνοχον εἶναι τῷ πονηρεύματι. τοῦτον δὴ
φιλάνθρωπον ὄντα καὶ χαρίεντα τὸν νόμον ἐπὶ τῶν
δικῶν, ἃς βασιλεὺς κρίνει, σωζόμενον πρᾳότερον
αὕτη καθίστησιν. οὗ γὰρ ἂν ὁ φεύγων παρ᾽
ὀλίγον ἔλθῃ τὴν ἴσην ἐν ταῖς ψήφοις λαχεῖν,
πείθει, τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δέησιν προσθεῖσα καὶ
᾿ἱκετηρίαν, ἀφεῖναι πάντως τῆς αἰτίας. ὁ δὲ ἑκὼν
ἑκόντι τῷ θυμῷ χαρίξεται τὰ τοιαῦτα, καὶ οὐ, καθά-
περ Ὅμηρός φησι τὸν Δία ἐκβιαζόμενον παρὰ τῆς
γαμετῆς ὁμολογεῖν" ὅ,τι ξυγχωροίη,; δίδωσιν
ἑκὼν ἀέκοντί γε θυμῷ. καὶ τυχὸν οὐκ ἄτοπον
χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις τὰ τοιαῦτα ξυγχωρεῖν κατὰ
ἀνδρῶν ὑβριστῶν καὶ ἀλαζόνων. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ γὰρ
εἰ σφόδρα ἐπιτήδειοί τινές εἰσι πάσχειν κακῶς
καὶ κολάξεσθαι, τούτους ἐκ παντὸς ἀπολέσθαι,
χρεών" ὃ δὴ καὶ ἡ βασιλὶς ἥδε ξυννοοῦσα κακὸν μὲν q
οὐδὲν ἐκέλευσεν οὔτε ἄλλο ποτε οὔτε“ κόλασιν οὔτε |
τιμωρίαν ἐπαγαγεῖν οὐχ ὅπως βασιλείᾳ τινὸς ἢ
πόλει, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ οἰκίᾳ μιᾷ τῶν πολιτῶν. προσε :
θείην δ᾽ ἂν ἔγωγε θαρρῶν εὖ μάλα, ὅτι μηδὲν.
1 φησι τὸν Δία ἐκβιαζόμενον — ὁμολογεῖν Cobet, φησιν,
ἐκβιαζόμενοΞ---ὁμολογεῖ MSS., Hertlein, ἐκβιαζόμενον Υ͂, ὁμολο-
γεῖν V, Μ.
3 ξυγχωρεῖ Reiske. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ Hertlein suggests.
4 ἐκέλευσεν οὔτε ἄλλο ποτε οὔτε Hertlein suggests, | ores
ἤτησεν ἄλλῳ ποτέ τινι οὔτε MSS.
306
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
votes of the jurymen were cast evenly for defendant
and plaintiff, the vote of Athene! was awarded to him
who would have incurred the penalty, and thus both
were acquitted of guilt, he who had brought the ac-
cusation, of the reputation of sycophant, and the
defendant, naturally, of the guilt of the crime. Now
this humane and gracious custom is kept up in the suits
which the Emperor judges, but Eusebia’s mercy goes
further. For whenever the defendant comes near to
obtaining an equal number of votes, she persuades
the Emperor, adding her request and entreaty on his
behalf, to acquit the man entirely of the charge.
And of free will with willing heart he grants the
boon, and does not give it as Homer says Zeus, con-
strained by his wife, agreed as to what he should con-
cede to her “of free will but with soul unwilling.” ?
And perhaps it is not strange that he should concede
this pardon reluctantly and under protest in the case
of the violent and depraved. But not even when
men richly deserve to suffer and be punished ought
they to be utterly ruined. Now since the Empress
recognises this, she has never bidden him inflict any
injury of any kind, or any punishment or chastise-
ment even on a single household of the citizens,
much less on a whole kingdom or city. And I might
add, with the utmost confidence that I am-speaking
the absolute truth, that in the case of no man or
woiman is it possible to charge her with any misfor-
tune that has happened, but all the benefits that she
4 The traditional founding of the ancient court of the
Areopagus, which tried cases of homicide, is described in
Aeschylus, Humenides. Orestes, οὐδ trial at Athens for
matricide, is acquitted, the votes being even, by the decision
of Athene, who thereupon founds the tribunal, 485 foll.
2 lliad 4. 43.
307
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
ψεῦδός φημι, ὡς οὐδὲ ἐφ᾽ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἢ γυναικὸς
μιᾶς ἔστιν αὐτὴν αἰτιᾶσθαι ξυμφορᾶς τῷ τῆς
τυχούσης, ἀγαθὰ δὲ ὅσα καὶ οὕστινας δρᾷ καὶ
ἔδρασεν, ἡδέως ἂν ὑμῖν τὰ πλεῖστα ἐξαριθμη-
σαίμην καθ᾽ ἕκαστα ἀπαγγέλλων, ὡς ὅδε μὲν τὸν
πατρῷον δι’ ἐκείνην νέμεται κλῆρον, ἐκεῖνος δὲ
ἀπηλλάγη τιμωρίας, ὀφλήσας τοῖς νόμοις, ἄλλος |
συκοφαντίαν διέφυγε, παρ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐλθὼν κινδύνου,
τιμῆς δὲ ἔτυχον καὶ ἀρχῆς μυρίοι. καὶ ταῦτα οὐκ
ἔστιν ὅστις ἐμὲ ψεύδεσθαι τῶν ἁπάντων φήσει, εἰ
καὶ ὀνομαστὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας μὴ καταλέγοιμι. ἀλλ᾽
ὀκνῶ, μή τισιν ἐξονειδίζειν δόξω τὰς συμφορὰς
καὶ οὐκ ἔπαινον τῶν ταύτης ἀγαθῶν, κατάλογον
δὲ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων συγγράφειν ἀτύχημάτων.
τοσούτων δὲ ἔργων μηδὲν παρασχέσθαι μηδὲ εἰς
τὸ ἐμφανὲς ἄγειν τεκμήριον κενόν πως εἶναι δοκεῖ
καὶ ἐς ἀπιστίαν ἄγει; τὸν ἔπαινον. οὐκοῦν ἐκεῖνα
παραιτησάμενος, ὁπόσα γ᾽ ἐμοί τε εἰπεῖν ἀνεπί-.
φθονον ταύτῃ τε ἀκούειν καλὰ λέγοιμ᾽ ἂν ἤδη.
Ἔπειδὴ γὰρ τὴν τοῦ γήμαντος εὔνοιαν τηλαῦυ-
γέστατον πρόσωπον, κατὰ τὸν σοφὸν Πίνδαρον,
ἀρχομένη τῶν ἔργων ἔθετο, γένος τε ἅπαν καὶ
ξυγγενεῖς εὐθὺς ἐνέπλησε τιμῆς, τοὺς μὲν ἤδη
γνωρίμους καὶ πρεσβυτέρους ἐπὶ μειζόνων τάτ-
τουσα πράξεων καὶ ἀποφήνασα μακαρίους καὶ
ζηλωτοὺς βασιλεῖ τ᾽ ἐποίησε φίλους καὶ τῆς
εὐτυχίας τῆς παρούσης ἔδωκε τὴν ἀρχήν. καὶ ~
1 ἄγει Cobet, ἄγειν MSS., Hertlein.
308
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
confers and has conferred, and on whom, I would
gladly recount in as many cases as possible, and
report them one by one, how for instance this man,
thanks to her, enjoys his ancestral estate, and that
man has been saved from punishment, though he was
guilty in the eyes of the law, how a third escaped a
malicious prosecution, though he came within an ace
of the danger, how countless persons have received
honour and office at her hands. And on this subject
there is no one of them all who will assert that I
speak falsely, even though I should not give a list of
those persons by name. But this I hesitate to do,
lest I should seem to some to be reproaching them
with their sufferings, and to be composing not so much
an encomium of her good deeds as a catalogue of the
misfortunes of others. And yet, not to cite any of
these acts of hers, and to bring no proof of them
before the public seems perhaps to imply that they
are lacking, and brings discredit on my encomium.
Accordingly, to deprecate that charge, I shall re-
late so much as it is not invidious for me to speak
or for her to hear.
When she had, in the beginning, secured her
husband’s good-will for her actions like a “ frontage
shining from afar,” to use the words of the great poet
Pindar,! she forthwith showered honours on all her
family and kinsfolk, appointing to more important
functions those who had already been tested and
were of mature age, and making them seem fortunate
and enviable, and she won for them the Emperor's
friendship and laid the foundation of their present
1 Olympian Ode 6. 4, Pindar says that, as though he were
building the splendid forecourt of a house, he will begin his
Ode with splendid words.
Red
THE ORATIONS OP JULIAN, ΠῚ
a / 2 \
yap εἴ τῳ δοκοῦσιν, ὥσπερ οὖν ἀληθές, du αὑτοὺς
Ν n
τίμιοι, ταύτῃ γε οἶμαι προσθήσει τὸν ἔπαινον" δῆ-
a fa) / / /
λον yap ὅτι μὴ TH τοῦ γένους κοινωνίᾳ μόνον,
\ \ / > ial / , 2 a
πολὺ δὲ πλέον ἀρετῇ φαίνεται νέμουσα: οὗ μεῖζον
οὐκ οἶδα ὅπως τις ἐγκώμιον ἐρεῖ. περὶ μὲν τούσδε
γέγονε τοιάδε. ὅσοι δὲ ἀγνῶτες ἔτι διὰ νεότητα
τοῦ γνωρισθῆναι καὶ ὁπωσοῦν ἐδέοντο, τούτοις
4 / 4 > I \ 2O\ >
ἐλάττονας διένειμε τιμάς. ἀπέλιπε δὲ οὐδὲν εὐερ-
a /
γετοῦσα ξύμπαντας. καὶ οὐ τοὺς ξυγγενεῖς μόνον
τοσαῦτα ἔδρασεν ἀγαθά, ξενίαν δὲ ὅ ὅτῳ πρὸς τοὺς
ἐκείνης πατέρας ὑπάρξασαν ἔγνω, οὐκ ἀνόνητον
n a , a 3
ἀφῆκε τοῖς κτησαμένοις, τιμᾷ δὲ οἶμαι καὶ τούτους
al “ Ν
καθάπερ ξυγγενεῖς, καὶ ὅσους τοῦ πατρὸς ἐνόμ'σε
, . “
φίλους, ἅπασιν ἔνειμε τῆς φιλίας ἔπαθλα θαυ-
μαστά.
ia 7) \ δέ > ὃ / / θ / ει
γὼ δέ, ἐπειδή μοι τεκμηρίων καθάπερ ἐν
/ ‘ lal / a
δικαστηρίῳ τὸν λόγον ὁρῶ δεόμενον, αὐτὸς ὑμῖν
ἐμαυτὸν τούτων ἐκείνῳ μάρτυρα καὶ ἐπαινέτην
παρέξομαι: GAN ὅπως μου μή ποτε ὑπιδόμενοι
τὴν μαρτυρίαν πρὶν ἐπακοῦσαι τῶν λόγων δια-
,ὔ 4 ς on ς OX a >Q\
ταράττησθε, ὄμνυμι ὑμῖν, ὡς οὐδὲν ψεῦδος οὐδὲ
a a /
πλάσμα ἐρῶ: ὑμεῖς δὲ κἂν ἀνωμότῳ ἐπιστεύσατε
πάντα οὐ κολακείας ἕνεκα λέγειν. ἔχω γὰρ ἤδη
τοῦ θεοῦ διδόντος καὶ τοῦ partes ἅπαντα τὰ
ἀγαθά, αὐτῆς γε οἶμαι καὶ ταύτης ὃ ξυμπροθυμου-
VA ς Ν καὶ 3 4 [τ > 4
μένης, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἄν τις κολακεύων ἅπαντα ἀφείη
1 ἐκείνῳ Hertlein suggests, ἐκείνων MSS.
2 κἂν---ἐπιστεύσατε πάντα---λέγειν Cobet, καὶ --πιστεύσετε
πάντα-- λέγοντι MSS., πάντως V, Hertlein, πιστεύσατε.
3 αὐτῆς γε---ταύτης Hertlein suggests, αὐτοῦ τε--- αὐτῆς MSS,
310
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
prosperity. And if anyone thinks, what is in fact
true, that on their own account they are worthy of
honour, he will applaud her all the more. For it is
evident that it was their merit, far more than
the ties of kinship, that she rewarded; and one
could hardly pay her a higher compliment than that.
Such then was her treatment of these. And to all
who, since they were still obscure on account of
their youth, needed recognition of any sort, she
awarded lesser honours. In fact she left nothing
undone to help one and all. And not only on her
kinsfolk has she conferred such benefits, but when-
ever she learned that ties of friendship used to exist
with her ancestors, she has not allowed it to be
unprofitable to those who owned such ties, but she
honours them, I understand, no less than her own
kinsfolk, and to all whom she regards as her father’s
friends she dispensed wonderful rewards for their
friendship.
But since I see that my account is in need
of proofs, just as in a law-court, I will offer myself to
bear witness on its behalf to these actions and
to applaud them. But lest you should mistrust my
evidence and cause a disturbance before you have
heard what I have to say, I swear that I will tell
you no falsehood or fiction; although you would
have believed, even without an oath, that I am
saying all this without intent to flatter. For I
_already possess, by the grace of God and _ the
Emperor, and because the Empress too was zealous
in my behalf, all those blessings to gain which
311
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, If]
ει «“ > \ \ UA BA 4
ῥήματα, ὥστε, εἰ μὲν πρὸ τούτων ἔλεγον, ἴσως
2 a > a \ + ς / a \ 2
ἐχρῆν ὀρρωδεῖν τὴν ἄδικον ὑποψίαν: νῦν δὲ ἐν
/ \ / fal
ταύτῃ γεγονὼς TH τύχῃ καὶ ἀπομνημονεύων τῶν
/ tal
ἐκείνης eis ἐμαυτὸν ἔργων παρέξομαι ὑμῖν evyva-
n tal / \
μοσύνης. μὲν ἐμαυτοῦ σημεῖον, μαρτύριον δὲ
ἀληθὲς τῶν ἐκείνης ἔργων. πυνθάνομαι γὰρ
67; \ A a v4 » ὃ / a
ἢ καὶ Δαρεῖον, ἕως ἔτει δορυφόρος ἦν τοῦ
A a , \ \
Περσῶν μονάρχου, τῷ Σαμίῳ ξένῳ περὶ τὴν
Αἴγυπτον συμβαλεῖν φεύγοντι τὴν αὑτοῦ, καὶ
λαβόντα φοινικίδα τινὰ δῶρον, οὗ σφόδρα
A 7 “
ἐπεθύμει, τὴν Σαμίων ὕστερον ἀντιδοῦναι τυραν-
“ ς , 9 na ,
vida, ὁπηνίκα, oipat, τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἁπάσης κύριος
/ 2 \ G \ ee \ \ ᾽
κατέστη. εἰ δὴ οὖν καὶ αὐτὸς πολλὰ μὲν παρ
LA “ / ζῆ EN > ς , \ 7 δὲ
αὐτῆς, ὅτε ἔτι ζῆν ἐξῆν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ, τὰ μέγιστα δὲ
> > PX \ a , \ , ͵
δὲ αὐτὴν παρᾶ του γενναίου Kat μεγαλοόφρονος G
βασιλέως λαβὼν ὁμολογοίην τοῦ μὲν ἀντιδοῦναι
τὴν ἴσην λείπεσθαι" ἔχει γάρ, οἶμαι, ξύμπαντα
an a \ nan an
Tap αὐτοῦ Tov καὶ ἡμῖν χαρισαμένου λαβοῦσα:
τῷ βούλεσθαι δὲ τὴν μνήμην ἀθάνατον αὐτῇ τῶν
ἔργων γενέσθαι καὶ ἐς ὑμᾶς ταῦτα ἀπαγγέλλειν
τυχὸν οὐκ ἀγνωμονέστερος φανοῦμαι τοῦ Πέρσου,
εἴπερ εἰς τὴν γνώμην ὁρῶντα χρὴ κρίνειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ
ὅτῳ παρέσχεν ἡ τύχη πολλαπλάσιον ἀποτῖσαι
τὸ εὐεργέτημα.
Τί ποτε οὖν ἐγὼ ον δου τ tae ἜΣ- φημι καὶ
ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ὑπόχρεων ἐμαυτὸν
312
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
a flatterer would leave nothing unsaid, so that, if I
were speaking before obtaining these, perhaps 1
should have to dread that unjust suspicion. But as
it is, since this is the state of my fortunes, I
will recall her conduct to me, and at the same time
give you a proof of my own right-mindedness
and truthful evidence of her good deeds. I have
heard that Darius, while he was still in the bodyguard
of the Persian monarch,! met, in Egypt, a Samian
stranger 2 who was an exile from his own country,
and accepted from him the gift of a scarlet cloak to
which Darius had taken a great fancy, and that later
on, in the days when, I understand, he had become
the master of all Asia, he gave him in return’ the
tyranny of Samos. And now suppose that I acknow-
ledge that, though I received many kindnesses
at Eusebia’s hands, at a time when I was still
permitted to live in peaceful obscurity, and many
also, by her intercession, from our noble and
magnanimous Emperor, I must needs fall short
of making an equal return; for as I know, she
possesses everything already, as the gift of him who
was so generous to myself; yet since I desire that
the memory of her good deeds should be immortal,
and since I am relating them to you, perhaps I shall
not be thought less mindful of my debt than the
Persian, seeing that in forming a judgment it is to the
intention that one must look, and not to an instance
in which fortune granted a man the power to repay
his obligation many times over.
Why, then, I say that I have been so kindly treated,
and in return for what I acknowledge that I am her
1 Cambyses.
2 Syloson, Herodotus 8. 139; οἵ, Julian, Epistle 29;
Themistius 67 A, 109 pb.
313
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
εἶναι χάριτος ὁμολογῶ τῇδε, σφόδρα ὥρμησθε
ἀκούειν. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἀποκρύψομαι: ἐμοὶ γὰρ
βασιλεὺς οὑτοσὶ axedov ἐκ παιδὸς νηπίου
γεγονὼς ἤπιος πᾶσαν ὑπερεβάλλετο φιλοτιμίαν,
κινδύνων τε ἐξαρπάσας τηλικούτων, οὺς οὐδ᾽
ἂν ἡβῶν ἀνὴρ εὖ μάλα διαφύγοι, μὴ θείας
τινὸς καὶ ἀμηχάνόυ σωτηρίας τυχών, εἶτα τὴν
οἰκίαν καταληφθεῖσαν καθάπερ ἐπ᾽ ἐρημίας παρά
του τῶν δυναστῶν ἀφείλετο ξὺν δίκῃ, καὶ ἀπέ-
φηνεν αὖθις πλούσιον. καὶ ἄλλα ἂν ἔχοιμι
περὶ αὐτοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰπεῖν εἰς ἐμαυτὸν ἔργα
πολλῆς ἄξια χάριτος, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον
εὔνουν ἐμαυτὸν ἐκείνῳ, καὶ πιστὸν παρέχων
οὐκ οἶδα ἐκ τίνος αἰτίας τραχυτέρως ἔχοντος
ἠσθόμην ἔναγχος. ἡ δὲ ἐπειδὴ τὸ πρῶτον
ἤκουσεν ἀδικήματος μὲν οὐδενὸς ὄνομα, ματαίας
δὲ ἄλλως ὑποψίας, ἠξίου διελέγχειν καὶ μὴ
πρότερον προσέσθαι μηδὲ ἐνδέξασθαι ψευδῆ καὶ
ἄδικον διαβολήν, καὶ οὐκ ἀνῆκε ταῦτα δεομένη
πρὶν ἐμὲ ἤγαγεν ἐς ὄψιν τὴν βασιλέως καὶ τυχεῖν
ἐποίησε λόγου: καὶ ἀπολυομένῳ πᾶσαν αἰτίαν
ἄδικον συνήσθη, καὶ οἴὔκαδε ἐπιθυμοῦντι πάλιν
ἀπιέναι πομπὴν ἀσφαλῆ παρέσχεν, ἐπιτρέψαι
πρῶτον τὸν βασιλέα ξυμπείσασα. δαίμονος δέ,
ὅσπερ οὖν ἐῴκει μοι τὰ πρόσθεν μη ανήσασθαι,
ἤ τινος ξυντυχίας ἀλλοκότου τὴν ὁδὸν ταύτην
ὑποτεμομένης, ἐποψόμενον πέμπει τὴν Ἑλλάδα,
ταύτην αἰτήσασα παρὰ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ καὶ
ἀποδημοῦντος ἤδη τὴν χάριν, ἐπειδή με λόγοις
ἐπέπυστο χαίρειν καὶ παιδείᾳ τὸ “χωρίον ἐπι-
τήδειον εἶναι ξυννοοῦσα. ἐγὼ δὲ τότε μὲν αὐτῇ
314
Β΄
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
debtor for all time, that is what you are eager to hear.
Nor shall I conceal the facts. The Emperor was kind
to me almost from my infancy, and he surpassed all
generosity, for he snatched me from dangers so great
that not even “a man in the strength.of his youth” !
could easily have escaped them, unless he obtained
some means of safety sent by heaven and not attain-
able by human means, and after my house had been
seized by one of those in power, as though there were
none to defend it, he recovered it for me, as was just,
and made it wealthy once more. And I could tell you
of still other kindnesses on his part towards myself,
that deserve all gratitude, in return for which I
ever showed myself loyal and faithful to him; but
nevertheless of late I perceived that, I know not
why, he was somewhat harsh towards me. Now the
Empress no sooner heard a bare mention, not of any
actual wrong-doing but of mere idle suspicion, than
she deigned to investigate it, and before doing so
would not admit or listen to any falsehood or unjust
slander, but persisted in her request until she
brought me into the Emperor's presence and _pro-
cured me speech with him. And she rejoiced when
I was acquitted of every unjust charge, and when I
wished to return home, she first persuaded the
Emperor to give his permission, and then furnished
me with a safe escort. Then when some deity, the
one I think who devised my former troubles, or
perhaps some unfriendly chance, cut short this
journey, she sent me to visit Greece, having asked
this favour on my behalf from the Emperor, when I
had already left the country. This was because she
had learned that I delighted in literature, and she
knew that that place is the home of culture. Then
1 Iliad 12. 382 ἀνὴρ οὐδὲ μάλ᾽ ἡβῶν.
315
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
Kal πρώτῳ γε, ὡς εἰκός, βασιλεῖ πολλὰ καὶ ΗΝ
ἀγαθὰ διδόναι τὸν θεὸν “ηὐχόμην, ὅτι μοι τὴν
ἀληθινὴν ποθοῦντι. καὶ ἀγαπῶντι πατρίδα παρ-.
έσχον ἰδεῖν: ἐσμὲν γὰρ τῆς ᾿Βλλάδος οἱ περὶ τὴν
Θράκην καὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν οἰκοῦντες ἔγγονοι, καὶ
ὅστις ἡμῶν μὴ λίαν ἀγνώμων, ποθεῖ προσειπεῖν
τοὺς πατέρας καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτὴν ἀσπάσασθαι.
ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ πάλαι μὲν ἣν, ὡς εἰκός, ποθεινόν, t
καὶ ὑπάρξαι μοι τοῦτο ἐβουλόμην μᾶλλον ἢ 119
πολὺ χρυσίον καὶ ἀργύριον. ἀνδρῶν γὰρ
ἀγαθῶν φημι ξυντυχίαν πρὸς χρυσίου πλῆθος
ὁσονδηοῦν ἐξεταξομένην καθέλκειν τὸν ξυγὸν
καὶ οὐκ ἐπιτρέπειν. τῷ σώφρονι κριτῇ οὐδὲ ἐπ᾽
ὀλίγον ῥοπῆς ἐπιστῆσαι.
Παιδείας δὲ ἕνεκα καὶ φιλοσοφίας πέπονθεν
οἶμαι νῦν τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παραπλήσιόν τι
τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις μυθολογήμασι, καὶ λόγοις.
λέγουσι γὰρ δὴ καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι τὸν Νεῖλον Tap
αὐτοῖς εἶναι τά T ἄλλα σωτῆρα καὶ εὐεργέτην
τῆς χώρας καὶ , ἀπείργειν αὐτοῖς τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ
πυρὸς φθοράν, ὁπόταν ἥλιος διὰ μακρῶν τινων
περιόδων ἄστροις γενναίοις συνελθὼν ἢ συνγγε-
νόμενος ἐμπλήσῃ τὸν ἀέρα πυρὸς καὶ ἐπιφλέγῃ
τὰ σύμπαντα. οὐ γὰρ ἰσχύει, φασίν, ,ἀφανί-
σαι οὐδὲ ἐξαναλῶσαι τοῦ Νείλου τὰς πηγάς. οὔκ-
ουν οὐδὲ ἐξ Ἑλλήνων παντελῶς οἴχεται φιλοσοφία,
οὐδὲ ἐπέλιπε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας οὐδὲ τὴν Σπάρτην οὐδὲ
τὴν Κόρινθον' ἥκιστα δέ ἐστι τούτων ᾿ τῶν πηγῶν
ἕκητι τὸ Ἄργος πολυδίψιον' πολλαὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐν
αὐτῷ τῷ ἄστει, πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος
περὶ τὸν παλαιὸν ἐκεῖνον Mdonta: τὴν Πειρήνην
1 τούτων Reiske adds. :
Β᾽
4τό
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
indeed I prayed first, as is meet, for the Emperor,
and next for Eusebia, that God would grant them
many blessings, because when I longed and desired
to behold my true fatherland, they made it possible.
For we who dwell in Thrace and Ionia are the sons
of Hellas, and all of us who are not devoid of feeling
long to greet our ancestors and to embrace the very
soil of Hellas. So this had long been, as was natural,
my dearest wish, and I desired it more than to possess
treasures of gold and silver. For I consider that inter-
course with distinguished men, when weighed in the
balance with any amount whatever of gold, drags
down the beam, and does not permit a prudent judge
even to hesitate over a slight turn of the scale.
Now, as regards learning and philosophy, the
condition of Greece in our day reminds one some-
what of the tales and traditions of the Egyptians.
For the Egyptians say that the Nile in their country
is not only the saviour and benefactor of the land,
but also wards off destruction by fire, when the sun,
throughout long periods, in conjunction or combina-
tion with fiery constellations, fills the atmosphere
with heat and scorches everything. For it has not
power enough, so they say, to evaporate or exhaust’
the fountains of the Nile. And so too neither from
the Greeks has philosophy altogether departed, nor
has she forsaken Athens or Sparta or Corinth. And,
as regards these fountains, Argos can by no means be
called “ thirsty,’! for there are many in the city
itself and many also south of the city, round about
Mases,? famous of old. Yet Sicyon, not Corinth,
1 [liad 4. 171. 5. The port of Argolis.
317
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
\ > \ ς \ BM \ > ς , a
δὲ αὐτὴν ὁ Σικυὼν ἔχει καὶ οὐχ ἡ KopwOos. τῶν
a \
᾿Αθηνῶν δὲ πολλὰ μὲν Kal καθαρὰ καὶ ἐπιχώρια
\ / \ δὲ 3} θ > cal) \ ᾽
τὰ νάματα, πολλὰ δὲ ἔξωθεν ἐπιρρεῖ καὶ ἐπι-
φέρεται τίμια τῶν ἔνδον οὐ μεῖον "οἱ δὲ ἀγαπῶσι
val », ,
καὶ στέργουσι, πλουτεῖν ἐθέλοντες οὗ μόνου
\ ε a ¥
σχεδὸν ὁ πλοῦτος ζηλωτόν.
ἡ al \ / BA l4 \ 7
Ἡμεῖς δὲ τί ποτε ἄρα πεπόνθαμεν; καὶ τίνα
a / ὃ 7 Θ 1 , , \ a ,
νῦν περαίνειν διανοούμεθα ' λόγον, εἰ μὴ τῆς φίλης
> 7 f \
“Ελλάδος ἔπαινον, ἧς " οὐκ ἔστι μνησθέντα μὴ
YA / 3 3 > ΄ Ν ς
πάντα θαυμάζειν; adr οὐ φήσει τις τυχὸν ὑὗπο-
\ ἴον / θ “ 20€ eon >
μνησθεὶς τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ταῦτα ἐθέλειν ἡμᾶς ἐξ
n a \ \
ἀρχῆς διελθεῖν, καθάπερ δὲ τοὺς Κορυβαντιῶντας
a an ‘ 7 2
ὑπὸ τῶν αὐλῶν ἐπεγειρομένους χορεύειν καὶ
a \ / \ n a /
πηδᾶν οὐδενὶ ξὺν λόγῳ, καὶ ἡμᾶς ὑπὸ τῆς μνήμης
lal la) 7, Ψ' nn
TOV παιδικῶν ἀνακινηθέντας σαι τῆς χώρας Kal
nan n \ \ “Ὁ
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐγκώμιον. πρὸς δὴ τοῦτον ἀπολο-
tal 7 / 9 J
γεῖσθαι χρεὼν ὧδέ πως λέγοντα" ὦ δαιμόνιε, Kal
lal , ,
τέχνης ἀληθῶς γενναίας ἡγεμών, σοφὸν μὲν
a a \
χρῆμα ἐπινοεῖς, οὐκ ἐφιεὶς οὐδὲ ἐπιτρέπων τῶν
\
ἐπαινουμένων οὐδὲ ἐπὶ σμικρὸν μεθίεσθαι, ἅτε
/ la) an a
αὐτὸς οἶμαι ξὺν τέχνῃ τοῦτο δρῶν. ἡμῖν δὲ τὸν
a \ 3 an an
ἔρωτα τοῦτον, ὃν σὺ φὴς αἴτιον εἶναι THs ἐν τοῖς
/ / \ , 3
’ λόγοις ἀταξίας, ἐπειδὴ προσγέγονεν, οἶμαι, Tapa-
κελεύεσθαι μὴ σφόδρα ὀκνεῖν μηδὲ εὐλαβεῖσθαι
/ / «
Tas αἰτίας. ov yap ἀλλοτρίων ἁπτόμεθα ὅ λόγων
a a Ἂ 7
δεῖξαι ἐθέλοντες, ὅσων ἡμῖν ἀγαθῶν αἰτία γέγονε
an \ / by a \ > =
τιμῶσα TO φιλοσοφίας ὄνομα. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ οἶδα
/ /
ὅντινά μοι τρόπον ἐπικείμενον ἀγαπήσαντι μὲν
1 περαίνειν διανοούμεθα Hertlein suggests, διαπεραίνειν οἰόμεθα
MSS. 2 ἧς Horkel adds.
3 ἁπτόμεθα Cobet, ἡττώμεθα V, ἡψάμεθα MSS., Hertlein.
318
PANEGYRIC Ν HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
possesses Peirene itself. And Athens has many
such streams, pure and springing from the soil, and
many flow into the city from abroad, but no less
precious than those that are native. And her people
love and cherish them and desire to be rich in that
which alone makes wealth enviable.
But as for me, what has come over me? And
what speech do I intend to achieve if not a panegyric
of my beloved Hellas, of which one cannot make
mention without admiring everything? But perhaps
someone, remembering what I said earlier, will say
that this is not what I intended to discuss when 1
- began, and that, just as Corybants when excited
by the flute dance and leap without. method, so I,
spurred on by the mention of my beloved city,
am chanting the praises of that country and her
people. To him I must make excuse somewhat as
follows: Good sir, you who are the guide to an art
that is genuinely noble, that is a wise notion of
yours, for you do not permit or grant one to let
go even for a moment the theme of ἃ panegyric,
seeing that you yourself maintain your theme
with skill. Yet in my case, since there has come
over me this impulse of affection which you say is
to blame for the lack of order in my arguments, you
really urge me, I think, not to be too much afraid of it
or to take precautions against criticism. For | am
not embarking on irreyelant themes if I wish to show
how great were the blessings that Eusebia procured
for me because she honoured the name of philosophy.
And yet the name of philosopher which has been, I
319
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
εὖ μάλα τὸ ἔργον καὶ ἐρασθέντι δεινῶς τοῦ
/ 3 / \ > io “
πράγματος, ἀπολειφθέντι δὲ οὐκ οἶδα ὃντινα
U » :
τρόπον ὄνομα ἐτύγχανε μόνον Kal λόγος ἔργου
στερόμενος. ἡ δὲ ἐτίμα καὶ τοὔνομα: αἰτίαν
γὰρ δὴ ἄλλην οὔτε αὐτὸς εὑρίσκω οὔτε ἄλλου
7 4 2 “ /
του πυθέσθαι δύναμαι, δι ἣν οὕτω pot προ-
/ Ν \ 2 / tA
θυμος γέγονε βοηθὸς καὶ ἀλεξίκακος καὶ σώ-
τειρα, τὴν τοῦ γενναίου βασιλέως εὔνοιαν ἀκέ-
a n / n
ραιον ἡμῖν καὶ ἀσινῆ μένειν ξὺν πολλῷ πόνῳ
πραγματευσαμένη, ἧς μεῖζον ἀγαθὸν οὔποτε ἐγώ τι
τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων νομίσας ἑάλων, οὐ τὸν ἐπὶ γῆς
καὶ ὑπὸ γῆς χρυσὸν ἀντάξιον οὐδ᾽ ἀργύρου πλῆθος,
ὁπόσος νῦν ἐστιν ὑπ᾽ αὐγὰς ἡλίου, καὶ εἴ ποτε
ἄλλος προσγένοιτο, τῶν μεγίστων ὀρῶν αὐταῖς,
‘4 / \ δέ ὃ / 2
οἶμαι, πέτραις καὶ δένδρεσι μεταβαλλόντων εἰς
τήνδε τὴν φύσιν, οὐδὲ ἀρχὴν τὴν μεγίστην οὐδὲ
", a / > / > \ \ \ 3 /
ἄλλο τῶν πάντων οὐδέν: ἐκ μὲν yap δὴ ἐκείνης
fal ᾿ / Ν Ν “ » \ ‘
ταῦτά pot γέγονε πολλὰ Kal ὅσα οὐδεὶς ἂν
/ a
ἤλπισεν, ov σφόδρα πολλῶν δεομένῳ ye οὐδὲ
/ /
ἐμαυτὸν ἐλπίσι τοιαύταις τρέφοντι.
Εὔνοιαν δὲ ἀληθινὴν οὐκ ἔστι πρὸς χρυσίον ἀμεί-
ψάασθαι, οὐδὲ ἄν τις αὐτὴν ἐντεῦθεν πρίαιτο, θείᾳ δὲ }
τινι καὶ κρείττονι μοίρᾳ ἀνθρώπων ἀγαθῶν συμπρο- —
θυμουμένων παραγίγνεται. ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ i: 4
βασιλέως παιδὶ μὲν ὑπῆρχε κατὰ θεόν, ὀλίγου δὲ
οἴχεσθαι δεῆσαν ἀπεσώθη πάλιν τῆς βασιλίδος,
ἀμυνούσης καὶ ἀπειργούσης τὰς ψευδεῖς καὶ ἀλλο-
κότους ὑποψίας. ἃς ἐπειδὴ παντελῶς ἐκείνη,
a / n n ει
διέλυσεν, ἐναργεῖ τεκμηρίῳ τῷ βίῳ τὠμῷ χρωμένη,
1 παραγίγνεται Reiske, lacuna MSS., Hertlein.
320
[
|
{
Ϊ
Ι
ἰ
Ὶ
Ϊ
᾿
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
know not why, applied to myself, is really in my
case nothing but a name and lacks reality, for
though I love the reality and am terribly enamoured
of the thing itself, yet for some reason I have fallen
short of it. But Eusebia honoured even the name.
For no other reason can I discover, nor learn from any-
one else, why she became so zealous an ally of mine,
and an averter of evil and my preserver, and took
such trouble and pains in order that I might retain
unaltered and unaffected our noble Emperor’s good-
will; and I have never been convicted of thinking
that there is any greater blessing in this world than
that good-will, since all the gold above the earth or
beneath the earth is not worth so much, nor all the
mass of silver that is now beneath the sun’s rays or
may be added thereto,! not though the loftiest
mountains, let us suppose, stones and trees and all
were to change to that substance, nor the greatest
sovereignty there is, nor anything else in the whole
world. And I do indeed owe it to her that these
blessings are-mine, so many and greater than anyone
could have hoped for, for in truth I did not ask for
much, nor did I nourish myself with any such hopes.
But genuine kindness one cannot obtain in exchange
for money, nor could anyone purchase it by such
means, but it exists only when men of noble
character work in harmony with a sort of divine and
higher providence. And this the Emperor bestowed
on me even as a child, and when it had almost
vanished it was restored again to me because the
Empress defended me and warded off those false
and monstrous suspicions. And when, using the
evidence of my life as plain proof, she had completely
1 Ihad 9. 380.
321
VOL, 1. Y
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
καλοῦντός TE αὖθις τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπὸ τῆς “EXAa-
dos ὑπήκουον, dpa ἐνταῦθα κατέλιπεν, ὡς οὐκέτι
πολλῆς βοηθείας, ἅτε οὐδενὸς ὄντος ἐν μέσῳ
a \ a x
δυσχεροῦς οὐδὲ ὑπόπτου, δεόμενον; Kal πῶς ἂν
“ / « > ipl \ \ μη A
ὅσια δρῴην οὕτως ἐναργῆ καὶ σεμνὰ σιωπῶν καὶ
ἀποκρύπτων; κυρουμένης τε γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἐμοὶ τοῦ
na / >
Θασιλέως ταυτησὶ τῆς γνώμης διαφερόντως ηὐΐ-
φραίνετο καὶ συνεπήχει μουσικόν, θαρρεῖν κελεύ-
ἴω /
ουσα Kal μήτε TO μέγεθος δείσαντα τῶν διδομένων
> al \ a 7 > / \ We) ὃ 1
ἀρνεῖσθαι τὸ λαβεῖν, μήτε ἀγροίκῳ καὶ αὐθάδει
χρησάμενον παρρησίᾳ φαύλως ἀτιμάσαι τοῦ
τοσαῦτα ἐργασαμένου ἀγαθὰ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν
αἴτησιν. ἐγὼ δὲ ὑπήκουον οὔτι τοῦτό γε ἡδέως
σφόδρα ὑπομένων, ἄλλως δὲ ἀπειθεῖν χαλεπὸν
ὃν σφόδρα ἠπιστάμην. οἷς γὰρ ἂν ἐξῇ πράττειν
er A 52 ἡ \ 7, 3 , a
ὅ,τι ἂν ἐθέλωσι σὺν Bia, ἢ που δεόμενοι δυσωπεῖν
καὶ πείθειν ἀρκοῦσιν. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδή μοι πεισθέντι
γέγονε καὶ μεταβαλόντι ἐσθῆτα καὶ θεραπείαν καὶ
διατριβὰς τὰς συνήθεις καὶ τὴν οἴκησιν δὲ αὐτὴν
/
καὶ δίαυταν πάντα ὄγκου πλέα καὶ σεμνότητος ἐκ
μικρῶν, ὡς εἰκός, καὶ φαύλων τῶν πρόσθεν, ἐμοὶ
5 \ Χο, Ὧν / ς \ ΄ » \
μὲν ὑπὸ anbeias ἡ ψυχὴ διεταράττετο, οὔτι TO
μέγεθος ἐκπληττομένῳ τῶν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν"
σχεδὸν γὰρ ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας οὐδὲ μεγάλα ταῦτα
32.7, > \ Α͂ \ /
ἐνόμιζον, ἀλλὰ δυνάμεις τινὰς χρωμένοις μὲν
> a / > / ς / \
ὀρθῶς σφόδρα ὠφελίμους, ἁμαρτάνουσι δὲ περὶ
\ “ \ \ yy \ ,ὔ
τὴν χρῆσιν PBraBepas καὶ οἴκοις καὶ πόλεσι
cal ald oi lal
πολλαῖς μυρίων αἰτίας ξυμφορῶν. παραπλήσια
1 [Ardy] αὐθάδει Hertlein,
322
σ
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
cleared me of them, and I obeyed once more the
Emperor's summons from Greece, did she ever for-
sake me, as though, now that all enmity and
suspicion had been removed, I no longer needed
much assistance? Would my conduct be pious if
I kept silence and concealed actions so manifest
and so honourable? For when a good opinion of me
was established in the Emperor’s mind, she rejoiced
exceedingly, and echoed him harmoniously, bidding
me take courage and neither refuse out of awe to
accept the greatness ! of what was offered to me, nor,
by employing a boorish and arrogant frankness,
unworthily slight the urgent request of him who had
shown me such favour. And so I obeyed, though it
was by no means agreeable to me to support this
burden, and besides I knew well that to refuse was
altogether impracticable. For when those who have
the power to exact by force what they wish
condescend to entreat, naturally they put one out
of countenance and there is nothing left: but to obey.
Now when I consented, I had to change my mode of
dress, and my attendants, and my habitual pursuits,
and my very house and way of life for what seemed
full of pomp and ceremony to one whose past had
naturally been so modest and humble, and my mind
was confused by the strangeness, though it was
certainly not dazzled by the magnitude of the favours
that were now mine. For in my ignorance I hardly
regarded them as great blessings, but rather as
powers of the greatest benefit, certainly, to those
who use them aright, but, when mistakes are made
in their use, as being harmful to many houses and
cities and the cause of countless disasters. So I felt
1 The title of Caesar.
323
¥-2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
δὲ ἐπεπόνθειν ἀνδρὶ σφόδρα ἀπείρως ἡνιοχικῆς
ἔχοντι καὶ οὐδὲ “ἐθελήσαντι ταύτης μεταλαβεῖν
τῆς τέχνης, κὦτα ἀναγκαξομένῳ καλοῦ καὶ
γενναίου κομίζειν ἅρμα ἡνιόχου, πολλᾶς μὲν
ξυνωρίδας, “πολλὰ δέ, οἶμαι, τέτρωρα τρέφοντος
καὶ ἅπασι μὲν ἐπιβεβηκότος, διὰ δὲ γενναιό-
τητα φύσεως καὶ ῥώμην ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἔχον-
TOS οἶμαι τὰς ἡνίας πάντων ἐγκρατῶς, εἰ καὶ
ἐπὶ τῆς μιᾶς ἄντυγος βαίνοι, οὐ μὴν ἀεί γε ἐπ᾽
αὐτῆς μένοντος, μεταφερομένου δὲ πολλάκις
ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε καὶ ἀμείβοντος δίφρον ἐκ δίφρου, εἴ
ποτε τοὺς ἵππους πονουμένους ἢ καὶ ὑβρίσαντας
αἴσθοιτο, ἐν δὲ δὴ τοῖς ἅρμασι τοῖσδε κεκτημένου
τέτρωρον ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας καὶ θράσους ὑββρίζον,
πιεζόμενον τῇ συνεχεῖ ταλανπωρίᾳ καὶ τοῦ
θράσους οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐπιλαθόμενον, ἀγριαῖνον"
δὲ ἀεὶ καὶ παροξυνόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν συμφορῶν ἐπὶ Ο΄
τὸ μᾶλλον ὑβρίζειν καὶ ἀπειθεῖν καὶ ἀντιτείνειν,
οὐ δεχόμενον ἀμῶς γέ πὴ πορεύεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὴ
καὶ αὐτὸν ὁρῴη τὸν ἡνίοχον " διὰ τέλους χαλεπαῖνον
ἤ, τό ye ἔλαττον, στολὴν γοῦν ἡνιοχικὴν ἄνθρωπον
φοροῦντα" οὕτως ἐστὶν ἀλόγιστον φύσει. ὁ δέ, '
οἶμαι, παραμυθούμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἄνοιαν ἄνδρα.
ἐπέστησε, δοὺς φορεῖν. τοιαύτην ἐσθῆτα καὶ
σχῆμα. περιβαλὼν ἡνιόχου σεμνοῦ καὶ ἐπιστή- D
μονος, ὃς εἰ μὲν ἄφρων εἴη παντελῶς Kal ἀνόητος,
χαίρει καὶ γέγηθε καὶ μετέωρος ὑπὸ τῶν ἱματίων
καθάπερ πτερῶν ἐπαίρεται, συνέσεως δὲ εἰ καὶ
1 δὲ Hertlein adds. |
2 ἀμῶς γέ πη--τὸν ἡνίοχον Reiske, ἄλλως ἐπὶ τὸν ἡνίοχον
MSS., Hertlein.
3 φοροῦντα Hertlein suggests, φέροντα MSS.
4 φορεῖν Hertlein suggests, φέρειν MSS.
324
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
like a man who is altogether unskilled in driving a
chariot,! and is ποῖ at all inclined to acquire the art,
and then is compelled to manage a car that belongs
to a noble and talented charioteer, one who keeps
many pairs and many four-in-hands too, let us
suppose, and has mounted behind them all, and
because of his natural talent and uncommon strength
has a strong grip on the reins of all of them, even
though he is mounted on one chariot ; yet he does
not always remain on it, but often moves to this side
or that and changes from car to car, whenever he
perceives that his horses are distressed or are
getting out of hand; and among these chariots
he has a team of four that become restive from
ignorance and high spirit, and are oppressed by.
continuous hard work, but none the less are mindful
of that high spirit, and ever grow more unruly and
are irritated by their distress, so that they grow
more restive and disobedient and pull against the
driver and refuse to go in a certain direction, and
unless they see the charioteer himself or at least
some man wearing the dress of a charioteer, end by
becoming violent, so unreasoning are they by nature.
But when the charioteer encourages some unskilful
man, and sets him over them, and allows him to
wear the same dress as his own, and invests him with
the outward seeming of a splendid and _ skilful
charioteer, then if he be altogether foolish and witless,
he rejoices and is glad and is buoyed up and exalted
by those robes, as though by wings, but, if he has
1 To illustrate the skill and, at the same time, the difficult
position of Constantius as sole Emperor, Julian describes an
impossible feat. The restive teams are the provinces of the
Empire, which had hitherto been controlled by two or more
Emperors,
325
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1}
ee \ , . \ , κ᾿ ͵ f
ἐπὶ σμικρὸν μετέχοι Kal σώφρονος νοῦ, σφόδρα
εὐλαβεῖται,
μήπως αὑτόν τε τρώσῃ σύν O ἀρμβρα ἄξῃ,
“καὶ τῷ μὲν ἡνιόχῳ ζημίας, αὑτῷ δὲ αἰσχρᾶς καὶ
ἀδόξου συμφορᾶς αἴτιος γένηται. ταῦτα ἐγὼ
ἐλογιζόμην ἐν νυκτὶ βουλεύων καὶ δι’ ἡμέρας κατ᾽
ἐμαυτὸν ἐπισκοπούμενος, σύννους ὧν ἀεὶ καὶ
σκυθρωπός. ὁ γενναῖος δὲ καὶ θεῖος ἀληθῶς αὐτο-
κράτωρ ἀφήρει τι πάντως τῶν ἀλγεινῶν, ἔργοις
καὶ λόγοις τιμῶν καὶ χαριζόμενος. τέλος δὲ τὴν
βασιλίδα προσειπεῖν κελεύει, θάρσος τε ἡμῖν
ἐνδιδοὺς καὶ TOU σφόδρα πιστεύειν γενναῖον εὖ
μάλα παρέχων γνώρισμα. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον
ἐς ὄψιν ἐκείνης ἦλθον, ἐδόκουν μὲν ὥ ὥσπερ ἐν ἱερῷ
καθιδρυμένον ἄγαλμα σωφροσύνης ὁ ὁρᾶν: αἰδὼς δὲ
ἐπεῖχε τὴν ψυχήν, κ καὶ ἐπέπηκτό μοι κατὰ γῆς τὰ
ὄμματα συχνὸν ἐπιεικῶς χρόνον, ἕως ἐκείνη
θαρρεῖν. ἐκέλευε. καὶ Τὰ μέν, ἔφη, ἤδη παρ᾽ ἡμῶν
ἔχεις, τὰ δὲ καὶ ἕξεις σὺν θεῷ, μόνον εἰ πιστὸς καὶ
δίκαιος εἰς ἡμᾶς γένοιο. τοσαῦτα ἤκουσα -σχεδόν'
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὴ πλεΐονα" ἐφθέγξατο, καὶ ταῦτα
ἐπισταμένη τῶν γενναίων ῥητόρων οὐδὲ ἕν φαυλο-
τέρους ἀπαγγέλλειν λόγους. ταύτης ἐγὼ τῆς
ἐντεύξεως ἀπαλλαγεὶς σφόδρα ἐθαύμασα καὶ
ἐξεπεπλήγμην, ἐναργῶς δοκῶν ἀκηκοέναι ͵σωφρο-
σύνης αὐτῆς φθεγγομένης" οὕτω πρᾷον ἣν αὐτῇ
φθέγμα καὶ μείλιχον, ταῖς ἐμαῖς ἀκοαῖς ἐγκαθιδρυ-
μένον.
Βούλεσθε οὖν τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα πάλιν ἔργα καὶ
ὅσα ἔδρασεν ἡμᾶς ἀγαθὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον λεπτουρ-
1 πλείονα Hertlein suggests, πλεῖον MSS,
326
Ὁ
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
even a small share of common sense and prudent
understanding, he is very much alarmed “ Lest he
both injure himself and shatter his chariot withal,’’ 1
and so cause loss to the charioteer and bring on himself
shameful and inglorious disaster. On ail this, then,
I reflected, taking counsel with myself in the night
season, and in the daytime pondering it with my-
self, and I was continually thoughtful and gloomy.
Then the noble and truly godlike Emperor lessened
my torment in every way, and showed me honour and
favour both in deed and word. And at last he bade
me address myself to the Empress, inspiring me ‘with
courage and giving me a very generous indication
that I might trust her completely. Now when first
I came into her presence it seemed to me as though
I beheld a statue of Modesty set up in some temple.
Then reverence filled my soul, and my eyes were
fixed upon the ground? for some considerable time,
till she bade me take courage. Then she said:
* Certain favours you have already received from us
and yet others you shall receive, if God will, if only you
prove to be loyal and honest towards us.”” This was
almost as much as I héard. For she herself did not
say more, and that though she knew how to utter
speeches not a whit inferior to those of the most
gifted orators. And I, when I had departed from
this interview, felt the deepest admiration and awe,
and was clearly convinced that it was Modesty herself
I had heard speaking. So gentle and comforting
was her utterance, and it is ever firmly settled in
my ears.
Do you wish then that I should report to you
what she did after this, and all the blessings she
1 Thad 23.341. 2 Tad 3.°217.
327
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
γοῦντες ἀπαγγέλλωμεν; ἢ τά γε ἐντεῦθεν ἀθρόως
ἑλόντες, καθάπερ, ἔδρασεν αὐτὴ," ᾿ πάντα ὁμοῦ
διηγησώμεθα; ὁπόσους “μὲν εὖ ἐποίησε TOV: ἐμοὶ
γνωρίμων, ὅπως δὲ ἐμοὶ μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν
γάμον ἥρμοσεν. ὑμεῖς δὲ ἴσως ποθεῖτε καὶ τὸν
ΝΗ πύον ἀκούειν τῶν δώρων,
ἕπτ᾽ ἀπύρους τρίποδας, δέκα δὲ χρυσοῖο τά-
λαντα
καὶ λέβητας ἐείκοσιν. ἀλλ᾽ οὔ ou σχολὴ περὶ
τῶν τοιούτων ἀδολεσχεῖν' ἑνὸς δὲ ἴσως τῶν
ἐκείνης δώρων τυχὸν οὐκ ἄχαρι καὶ εἰς ὑμᾶς
ἀπομνημονεῦσαι, ᾧ μοι δοκῶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡσθῆναι"
διαφερόντως" βίβλους yap φιλοσόφων καὶ ξυγ-
γραφέων ἀγαθῶν καὶ ῥητόρων πολλῶν καὶ ποιη-
τῶν, ἐπειδὴ παντελῶς ὀλίγας οἴκοθεν ἔφερον,
ἐλπίδι καὶ πόθῳ τοῦ πάλιν οἴκαδε ἐπανελθεῖν τὴν
ταχίστην ψυχαγωγούμενος, ἔδωκεν ἀθρόως τοσ-
αύτας, ὥστε ἐμοῦ μὲν ἀποπλῆσαι τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν
σφόδρα ἀκορέστως ἔχοντος τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνας ὃ
συνουσίας, μουσεῖον δὲ “Ἑλληνικὸν ἀποφῆναι
βιβλίων ἕκητι τὴν Ταλατίαν καὶ “τὴν Κελτίδα.
τούτοις ἐγὼ προσκαθήμενος συνεχῶς τοῖς δώροις,
εἴ ποτε σχολὴν ἄγοιμι, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅπως ἐπιλαν-
θάνωμαι τῆς χαρισαμένης" ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατευ-
ομένῳ μοι ἕν γέ τι πάντως ἕπεται οἷον ἐφόδιον
τῆς στρατείας πρὸς αὐτόπτου πάλαι ξυγκείμενον.
πολλὰ γὰρ δὴ τῆς τῶν παλαιῶν ἐμπειρίας
5 aa Evy τέχνῃ γραφέντα τοῖς ἁμαρτοῦσι
1 αὐτὴ Hertlein suggests, αὕτη MSS.
3 [σφόδρα] ἡσθῆναι Hertlein.
3 ἐκείνας Reiske, ἐκεῖνα MSS., Hertlein.
4 παλαιῶν [ἔργων] Hertlein.
+
328
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
conferred on me, and that I should give precise
details one by one? Or shall I take up my tale
concisely as she did herself, and sum up the whole ?
Shall I tell how many of my friends she benefited,
and how with the Emperor’s help she arranged my
marriage? But perhaps you wish to hear also. the
list of her presents to me: ‘Seven tripods untouched
by fire and ten talents of gold,” ! and twenty cal-
drons. But I have no time to gossip about such
subjects. Nevertheless one of those gifts of hers it
would perhaps not be ungraceful to mention to you,
for it was one with which I was myself especially
delighted. For she gave me the best books on
philosophy and history, and many of the orators and
poets, since I had brought hardly any with me from
home, deluding myself with the hope and longing to
return home again, and gave them in sueh numbers,
and all at once, that even my desire for them was
satisfied, though I am altogether insatiable of con-
verse with literature ; and, so far as books went, she
made Galatia? and the country of the Celts resemble
a Greek temple of the Muses. And to these gifts I
applied myself incessantly whenever I had leisure,
so that I can never be unmindful of the gracious
giver. Yes, even when | take the field one thing
above all else goes with me as a necessary provision
for the campaign, some one narrative of a
campaign composed long ago by an_ eye-witness.
For many of those records of the experience of
men of old, written as they are with the greatest
skill, furnish to those who, by reason of their
. 1 Jliad 9. 122, 2 Gaul.
329
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
‘bia τὴν ἡλικίαν τῆς θέας ἐναργῆ Kal λαμπρὰν
lal >
εἰκόνα φέρει τῶν πάλαι πραχθέντων, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἤδη
καὶ νέοι πολλοὶ γερόντων μυρίων πολιὸν μᾶλλον
ἐκτήσαντο τὸν νοῦν καὶ τὰς φρένας, καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν CO
ἀγαθὸν ἐκ τοῦ γήρως ὑπάρχειν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις
μόνον, τὴν ἐμπειρίαν, δι’ ἣν ὁ πρεσβύτης ἔχει τι
7 a , , ta] 3 ε 4 lal
λέξαι τῶν νέων σοφώτερον, τοῖς ov. ῥᾳθύμοις τῶν
/ + 4 \ τὸ / > > a
νέων ἔδωκεν. ἔστι δὲ οἶμαί τις ἐν αὐτοῖς Kal
παιδαγωγία πρὸς ἦθος γενναῖον, εἴ τις ἐπίσταιτο
τοὺς ἀρίστους ἄνδρας καὶ λόγους καὶ πράξεις,
οἷον ἀρχέτυπα προτιθέμενος δημιουργός, πλάτ- —
τειν ἤδη πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν αὑτοῦ διάνοιαν καὶ
> 4 “ \ 1 , Ὁ > \ \ 4
ἀφομοιοῦν τοὺς λόγους. ὧν εἰ μὴ παμπληθὲς. —
ἀπολειφθείη, τυγχάνοι δὲ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον τῆς Ὁ
- / ’ ee » 3. Υ \ {
“ὁμοιότητος, οὐ σμικρὰ ἂν ὄναιτο, εὖ ἴστε. ὃ δὴ
3 \ wer N / a 7 >
καὶ αὐτὸς πολλάκις ξυννοῶν παιδιάν τε οὐκ
ἄμουσον ἐν αὐτοῖς ποιοῦμαι καὶ στρατευόμενος
καθάπερ σιτία φέρειν ἀναγκαῖα καὶ ταῦτα ἐθέλω"
VA / 3 la) / “ 7 ; e
“μέτρον δέ ἐστι τοῦ πλήθους τῶν φερομένων ὁ
καιρός. 23
2 Ἂν, / > > / \ ἴω Ν
Αλλὰ μή ποτε οὐκ ἐκείνων χρὴ νῦν τὸν
ΝΜ / > \ va ς al » \ , bee |
ἔπαινον γράφειν οὐδὲ ὅσα ἡμῖν ἀγαθὰ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν
“2 as ξὺν, ΨΥ. a "
“ἐνθένδε, ὁπόσου δὲ τὸ δῶρον ἄξιον καταμαθόντας
7 3 ’ Ν > ᾽ , n a
χάριν ἀποτίνειν τυχὸν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίαν τοῦ δοθέν-
τος τῇ χαρισαμένῃ. λόγων γὰρ ἀστείων καὶ
παντοδαπῶν θησαυροὺς τὸν ἐν ταῖς βίβλοις δεξά-
! Before τοὺς Klimek omits πρὸς,
33°
le
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
youth, have missed seeing such ἃ spectacle, a
clear and brilliant picture of those ancient exploits,
and by this means many a tiro has acquired a
more mature understanding and judgment than
belongs to very many older men; and _ that
advantage which people think old age alone can
give to mankind, I mean experience (for experience
it is that enables an old man “ to talk more wisely
than the young” !), even this the study of history can
give to the young if only they are diligent. _ More-
over, in my opinion, there is in such books a means of
liberal education for the character, supposing that
one understands how, like a craftsman, setting before
himself as patterns the noblest men and words and
deeds, to mould his own character to match them,
and make his words resemble theirs. And if he
should not wholly fall short of them, but should
achieve even some slight resemblance, believe me
that would be for him the greatest good fortune.
And it is with this idea constantly before me that
not only do I give myself a literary education by
means of books, but even on my campaigns I never
fail to carry them like necessary provisions. The
number that I take with me is limited only by
particular circumstances.
But perhaps I ought not now to be writing a
panegyric on books, nor to describe all the benefits
that we might derive from them, but since I recognise
how much that gift was worth, I ought to pay back
to the gracious giver thanks not perhaps altogether
different in kind from what she gave. For it is only
just that one who has accepted clever discourses of all
sorts laid up as treasure in books, should sound a
1 Euripides, Phoenissae 532.
“331
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
μενον οὐκ ἄδικον διὰ σμικρῶν Kal φαύλων ῥημά-
τῶν ἰδιωτικῶς καὶ ἀγροίκως ἄγαν ξυγκειμένων —
ἄδειν εὐφημίαν. οὐδὲ γὰρ γεωργὸν φήσεις εὐγνώ-
ἔ ἃ TE ; 4 Y PY PY 7 \ a v4
μονα, ὃς καταφυτεύειν μὲν τὴν φυταλιὰν apxo- —
μενος κλήματα ἥτει παρὰ τῶν γειτόνων, εἶτα ἐκ-
τρέφων τὰς ἀμπέλους δίκελλαν καὶ αὖθις σμινύην,
καὶ τέλος ἤδη κάλαμον, ᾧ χρὴ προσδεδέσθαι καὶ FE
ἐπικεῖσθαι τὴν ἄμπελον, ἵνα αὐτή τε ἀνέχηται.,
καὶ ot βότρυες ἐξηρτημένοι μηδαμοῦ ψαύωσι τῆς
βώλου, τυχόντα δὲ ὧν ἐδεῖτο μόνον ἐμπίπλασθαι Ε
τοῦ Διονύσου τῆς χάριτος οὔτε τῶν βοτρύων οὔτε
τοῦ γλεύκους μεταδιδόντα Tots,’ ὧν πρὸς τὴν
γεωργίαν ἔτυχε προθύμων. οὔκουν οὐδὲ νομέα 3
ποιμνίων οὐδὲ βουκολίων οὐδὲ μὴν αἰπολίων
ἐπιεικῆ καὶ ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἐυγνώμονα φήσει τις». ὃς
τοῦ μὲν χειμῶνος, ὅτε αὐτῷ στέγης καὶ πόας
᾽ “ \ / , ΟΝ / %
ἐδεῖτο τὰ βοσκήματα, σφόδρα ἐτύγχανε προθύμων |
na Λ \ \ > U4 F's
τῶν φίλων, πολλὰ μὲν αὐτῷ ξυμποριζόντων καὶ
μεταδιδόντων τροφῆς ἀφθόνου καὶ καταγωγίων, —
ἦρος δὲ οἶμαι καὶ θέρους φανέντος μάλα γενναίως
> , - 5 7 YA a 7 ΕΖ.
ἐπιλαθόμενον ὧν εὖ πάθοι, οὔτε τοῦ γάλακτος οὔτε,
“ “ » γῇ ὃ δό »,9 £ ’ ᾧ τῇ
τῶν τυρῶν οὔτε ἄλλου του μεταδιδόντα τοῖς ὑφ᾽ ὧν
αὐτῷ διεσώθη ἀπολό ἂν ἃ 1 Opé :
( N aTrohopeva ἂν ἄλλως τὰ θρέμματα.
Ὅστις οὖν λόγους ὁποιουσοῦν τρέφων νέος
μὲν αὐτὸς καὶ ἡγεμόνων πολλῶν δεόμενος, τροφῆς
δὲ πολλῆς καὶ καθαρᾶς τῆς ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν
γραμμάτων, εἶτα ἀθρόως πάντων στερηθείη ὃ em
1 rots Naber, τούτοις MSS., Hertlein.
2 τοῖς Naber, τούτοις MSS., Hertlein.
3 στερηθείη Cobet, δεηθείη MSS., Hertlein.
332
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
strain of eulogy if only in slight and unskilful
.phrases, composed in an unlearned and_ rustic
fashion. For you would not say that ἃ farmer
showed proper feeling who, when starting to
plant his vineyard, begs for cuttings from his
neighbours, and presently, when he cultivates his
vines, asks for a mattock and then fora hoe, and
finally for a stake to which the vine must be
tied and which it must lean against,’so that it may
itself be supported, and the bunches of grapes
as they hang may nowhere touch the soil; and
then, after obtaining all he asked for, drinks
his fill of the pleasant gift of Dionysus, but
does not share either the grapes or the must
with those whom he found so willing to help him in
his husbandry. Just so one would not say that a
shepherd or neatherd or even a goatherd was honest
and good and right-minded, who in winter, when his
flocks need shelter and fodder, met with the utmost
consideration from his friends, who helped him
to procure many things, and gave him food in
abundance, and lodging, and presently when spring
and summer appeared, forgot in lordly fashion all
those kindnesses, and shared neither his milk nor
cheeses nor anything else with those who had saved
his beasts for him when they would otherwise have
perished.
And now take the case of one who culti-
vates literature of any sort, and is himself young
and therefore needs numerous guides and the
abundant food and pure nourishment that is to be
obtained from ancient writings, and then suppose
333
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
ὑμῖν μικρᾶς δεῖσθαι βοηθείας δοκεῖ ἢ μικρῶν αὐτῷ
γεγονέναι ἄξιος ὁ πρὸς ταῦτα συλλαμβανόμενος;
καὶ τυχὸν οὐ χρὴ πειρᾶσθαι χάριν ἀποτίνειν αὐτῷ
n 7 ἡ τσ » \ ΄ \
τῆς προθυμίας Kal TOV ἔργων; ἀλλὰ μή ποτε TOV
Θαλῆν ἐκεῖνον, τῶν σοφῶν τὸ κεφάλαιον μιμητέον,
οὗ τὰ ἐπαινούμενα ἀκηκόαμεν; ἐρομένου γάρ τινος:
ὑπὲρ ὧν ἔμαθεν ὁπόσον τινὰ χρὴ καταβαλεῖν.
θό δ ων »” 2 sie a θ al ‘ :
μισθον' ομολογῶν, edn, TL” Tap ἡμῶν μαθεῖν τὴν
» “" eS Ss / > a \¢ , :
ἀξίαν ἡμῖν ἐκτίσεις. οὐκοῦν καὶ ὅστις διδάσκαλος
μὲν αὐτὸς οὐ γέγονε, πρὸς τὸ μαθεῖν δὲ καὶ ὁτι-
ody συνηνέγκατο, ἀδικοῖτ᾽ ἄν, εἰ μὴ τυγχάνοι τῆς
χάριτος καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς δοθεῖσιν ὁμολογίας, ἣν
δὴ καὶ ὁ σοφὸς ἀπαιτῶν φαίνεται. εἶεν. ἀλλὰ
τοῦτο μὲν χαρίεν καὶ σεμνὸν τὸ δῶρον: χρυσίον δὲ
MHS / ” 25 / > \ a BA 6 er
Kal ἀργυρὸ οὔτε ἐδεόμην ἐγὼ λαβεῖν οὔτε ὑμᾶς
δὴ ὑπὲρ τούτων ἡδέως ἃ ἂν ἐνοχλήσαιμι.
Λόγον δὲ ὑ ὑμῖν εἰπεῖν ἐθέλω μάλα δή τι 3 ὑμῖν
ἀκοῆς ἄξιον, εἰ μὴ τυγχάνομεν ἀπειρηκότες πρὸς τὸ
A ᾿ς Ὁ ἰὸς Ἤν δὲ ΟΣ ΟΝ :
μῆκος τῆς ἀδολεσχίας" τυχὸν δὲ ᾿οὐδὲ τῶν ῥηθέντων
ἠκρόασθε ξὺν ἡδονῇ ἅτε ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτου καὶ σφόδρα
ἀμαθοῦς λόγων, πλάττειν μὲν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ τεχνάζειν,
εἰδότος, φράζοντος δὲ ὅπως ἂν ἐπίη τἀληθές" ὁ δὲ
δὴ λόγος σχεδόν τι περὶ τῶν παρόντων ἐστί.
φήσουσι γάρ, οἶμαι, πολλοὶ παρὰ τῶν μακαρίων.
1 μιμητέον Petavius adds. 2. τι Horkel, τὸ MSS. Hertlein.
3 +. Cobet, τινος MSS., Hertlein.
4 δὲ MSS., Cobet, yap V, M, Hertlein.
334
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
that he should be deprived of all these all at once, is
it, think you, slight acsistance that he is asking?
And is it slight payment that he deserves who
comes to his aid? But perhaps he ought not even
to attempt to make him any return for his zeal and
kind actions? Perhaps he ought to imitate the
famous Thales, that consummate philosopher, and
that answer which we have all heard and which is so
much admired ? For when someone asked what fee
he ought to pay him for knowledge he had acquired,
Thales replied “ If you let it be known that it was I
who taught you, you will amply repay me.” Just so
one who has not himself been the teacher, but has
helped another in any way to gain knowledge, would
indeed be wronged if he did not obtain gratitude
and that acknowledgement of the gift which even
the philosopher seems to have demanded. Well
and good. But this gift of hers was both welcome
and magnificent. And as for gold and silver I
neither asked for them nor, were they in question,
should I be willing thus to wear out your patience.
. But I wish to tell you a story very well worth your
hearing, unless indeed you are already wearied
by the length of this garrulous speech. Indeed
it may be that you have listened without enjoyment
to what has been said so far, seeing that the speaker
is a layman and entirely ignorant of rhetoric, and
knows: neither how to invent nor how to use
the writer’s craft, but speaks the truth as it occurs to
him. And my -story is about something almost
of the present time. Now many will say, I suppose,
335
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
σοφιστῶν ἀναπειθόμενοι, ὅτε dpa μικρὰ καὶ φαῦλα
πράγματα ἀναλεξάμενος ὡς δή τι σεμνὸν ὑμῖν
᾽ lA an \ Ε] a \.
ἀπαγγέλλω. τοῦτο δὲ οὐ φιλονεικοῦντες πρὸς
\ 2 \ / by, Sp ie a ΨΙΣῪ > a >
TOUS ἐμοὺς λόγους οὐδὲ ἐμὲ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς adat-
ρεῖσθαι δόξης ἐθέλοντες ἴσως ἂν εἴποιεν: ἴσασι
\ n “ 7 > / Ly ΄
γὰρ σαφῶς, ὅτι μήτε ἀντίτεχνος εἶναι βούλομαι
τοῖς ἐκείνων λόγοις τοὺς ἐμαυτοῦ παρατιθείς, μήτε
ἄλλως ἀπεχθάνεσθαι ἐκείνοις ἐθέλω: ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ
A \
οἶδα ὅντινα τρόπον τοῦ μεγάλα λέγειν ἐκ παντὸς
ὀρεγόμενοι χαλεπῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς τοὺς μὴ τἀκείνων
ζηλοῦντας καὶ δι᾿ αἰτίας ἄγουσιν ὡς καθαιροῦντας
τὴν τῶν λόγων ἰσχύν. μόνα γὰρ εἶναι τῶν ἔργων
ζηλωτά φασι καὶ σπουδῆς ἄξια καὶ πολλῶν
ἐπαίνων ὁπόσα διὰ μέγεθος ἤδη τισὶν ἄπιστα
ἐφάνη, ὁποῖα δή τινα τὰ περὶ τῆς ᾿Ασσυρίας
ἐκείνης γυναικός, ἣ μεταβαλοῦσα καθάπερ ῥεῖθρον
> x \ \ n a \ WY ὁ
εὐτελὲς τὸν διὰ τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ποταμὸν ῥέοντα
βασίλειά τε ὠκοδόμησεν ὑπὸ γῆς πάγκαλα καὶ
a ε n 4, 5 ε Ν
μεθῆκεν ὑπὲρ τῶν χωμάτων αὖθις. ὑπὲρ γὰρ δὴ
ταύτης πολὺς μὲν λόγος, ὡς ἐναυμάχει ναυσὶ
τρισχιλίαις, καὶ πεζῇ παρετάττετο μυριάδας
ὁπλιτῶν τριακοσίας ἄγουσα, τό τε ἐν Βαβυλῶνι
τεῖχος ὠκοδόμει πεντακοσίων σταδίων μικρὸν
ἀποδέον, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὀρύγματα καὶ
ἄλλα πολυτελῆ καὶ δαπανηρὰ κατασκευάσματα
ἐκείνης ἔργα γενέσθαι λέγουσι. Νίτωκρις δὲ
ταύτης νεωτέρα καὶ 'Ῥοδογούνη καὶ Τώμυρις Kal —
336
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
' persuaded by the accomplished sophists, that I have
collected what is trivial and worthless, and relate it
to you as though it were of serious import. And
probably they will say this, not because they are
jealous of my speeches, or because they wish to
rob me of the reputation that they may bring. For
they well know that I do not desire to be their rival
in the art by setting my own speeches against theirs,
nor in any other way do I wish to quarrel with them.
But since, for some reason or other, they are
ambitious of speaking on lofty themes at any cost,
they will not tolerate those who have not their
ambition, and they reproach them with weakening
the power of rhetoric. For they say that only those
deeds are to be admired and are worthy of serious
treatment and repeated praise which, because of
their magnitude, have been thought by some to be
incredible, those stories for instance about that
famous woman! of Assyria who turned aside as
though it were an insignificant brook the river? that
flows through Babylon, and built a gorgeous palace
underground, and then turned the stream back
again beyond the dykes that she had made.
For of her many a tale is told, how she fought a
naval battle with three thousand ships, and on land
she led into the field of battle three million hop-
lites, and in Babylon she built a wall very nearly
five hundred stades in length, and the moat that
surrounds the city and other very costly and expen-
sive edifices were, they tell us, her work. And
Nitocris ® who came later than she, and Rhodogyne 4
1 Semiramis, Herodotus 1. 184.
2 The Euphrates. ὃ Herodotus 1. 185; Oration 2. 8 Ο.
4 Rhodopis ? wrongly supposed to have built the third
pyramid.
337
¥OE.. Β Z
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
μυρίος δή τις ἐπερρεῖ γυναικῶν ὄνλος ἀνδριξομέ-
vov ov λίαν εὐπρεπῶς. τινὰς δὲ ἤδη διὰ τὸ
κάχλος περιβλέπτους καὶ ὀνομαστὰς γενομένας
οὐ σφόδρα εὐτυχῶς, ἐπειδὴ ταραχῆς αἴτιαι καὶ
πολέμων μακρῶν. ἔθνεσι μυρίοις καὶ ἀνδράσιν, ὅσους
ἣν εἰκὸς ἐκ τοσαύτης χώρας ἀθροίζεσθαι, γενέσθαι
δοκοῦσιν, ὡς μεγάλων αἰτίας ὑμνοῦσι πράξεων.
ὅστις δὲ τοιοῦτον οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν ἔχει, καταγέλαστος
εἶναι δοκεῖ ἅτε οὐκ ἐκπλήττειν οὐδὲ θαυματοποιεῖν
ἐν τοῖς λόγοις σφόδρα ἐπιχειρῶν; βαύλεσθε: οὖν
ἐπανερωτῶμεν αὐτούς, εἴ τις αὐτῶν γαμετὴν ἢ
θυγατέρα οἱ τοιαύτην εὔχεται γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ
τὴν Πηνελόπην; καίτοι ἐπὶ ταύτης οὐδὲν “ “‘Opnpos
εἰπεῖν ἔσχε πλέον τῆς σωφροσύνης καὶ τῆς
φιλανδρίας καὶ τῆς ἐς τὸν ἑκυρὸν ἐπιμελείας καὶ
τὸν παῖδα' ἔμελε δὲ ἄρα οὔτε τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐκείνῃ
οὔτε τῶν ποιμνίων: στρατηγίαν δὲ ἢ δημηγορίαν
οὐδὲ ὄναρ εἰκὸς ῖ ἐκείνῃ παραστῆναί ποτε: ἀλλὰ
καὶ ὁπότε λέγειν ἐχρῆν εἰς τὰ μειράκια, ;
ἄντα παρειάων σχομένη λιπαρὰ κρήδεμνα
πρῴως ἐφθέγγετο. καὶ οὐκ ἀπορῶν “Ὅμηρος
οἶμαι τηλικούτων ἔργων οὐδὲ ὀνομαστῶν ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῖς γυναικῶν ταύτην ὕμνησε διαφερόντως"
ἐξῆν γοῦν αὐτῷ τὴν τῆς ᾿Αμαζόνος φιλοτίμως
πάνυ στρατείαν διηγησαμένῳ τὴν ποίησιν ἅπασαν
ἐμπλῆσαι τοιούτων διηγημάτων. τέρπειν εὖ μάλα
καὶ ruxaryionyely δυναμένων. ov yap it τείχους ἡ
1 εἰκὸς Reiske adds.
338
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
and ‘Tomyris,! aye and a crowd of women beyond
number who played men’s parts in no very seemly
fashion occur to my mind. And some of them
were conspicuous for their beauty and so became
notorious, though it brought them no happiness, but
since they were the causes of dissension and long
wars among countless nations and as many men as
could reasonably be collected from a country of that
size, they are celebrated by the orators as having
given rise to mighty deeds. And a speaker who has
nothing of this sort to relate seems ridiculous be-
cause he makes no great effort to astonish his hearers
or to introduce the marvellous into his speeches.
Now shall we put this question to these orators,
whether any one of them would wish to have a wife
or daughter of that sort, rather than like Penelope ?
And yet in her case Homer had no more to tell than
of her discretion and her love for her husband and
the good care she took of her father-in-law and her
son. Evidently she did not concern herself with
the fields or the flocks, and as for leading an army
or speaking in public, of course she never even
dreamed of such a thing. But even when it was
necessary for her to speak to the young suitors,
“ Holding up before her face her shining veil” ?
it was in mild accents that she expressed herself.
And it was not because he was short of such great
deeds, or of women famous for them, that he sang
the praises of Penelope rather than the others. For
instance, he could have made it his ambition to tell
the story of the Amazon’s® campaign and have filled
all his poetry with tales of that sort, which certainly
have a wonderful power to delight and charm. For
1 Herodotus 1. 205. 2. Odyssey 1. 334. * Penthesilea.
339
zg 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, ΠῚ
\ vA \ ΄ \ /
μὲν αἵρεσιν, καὶ πολιορκίαν καὶ τρόπον τινὰ
- Ν \ na ’
ναυμαχίαν εἶναι δοκοῦσαν, τὸν πρὸς τοῖς νεωρίοις
πόλεμον, ἀνδρός τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ ποταμοῦ μάχην
ἐπεισάγειν οἴκοθεν διενοεῖτο τῇ ποιήσει καινόν τι
λέγειν ἐπιθυμῶν: τοῦτο δὲ εἴπερ ἦν, ὥσπερ οὖν
φασι, σεμνότατον, ὀλιγώρως οὕτω παρέλιπε. τί
n
ποτε οὖν ἄν τις αἴτιον λέγοι τοῦ ᾿κείνην μὲν ἐπαι-
n "] Ν
νεῖν προθύμως, τούτων δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ 1 ἐπὶ σμικρὸν μνημον-
/
eve; ὅτι διὰ μὲν τὴν ἐκείνης ἀρετὴν Kal σωφρο- B
Pete δ ἐδί 2 rm a2 , we \
σύνην πολλὰ ἰδίᾳ τε" τοῖς ἀνθρώποις καὶ εἰς TO
4
\ > \ δ }] \ \ an 4
κοινὸν ἀγαθὰ συμβαΐνει, ἐκ δὲ δὴ THs τούτων φι-
λοτιμίας ὄφελος μὲν οὐδὲ ὅν, συμφοραὶ δὲ ἀνή-
A ‘ \
κεστοι. ἅτε δὴ ὧν οἶμαι σοφὸς Kal θεῖος ποιητὴς
ταύτην ἔκρινεν ἀμείνω καὶ δικαιοτέραν τὴν εὐὖ-
7 § .9 5 v n 3 > fol
φημίαν. ap οὖν ἔτι προσῆκον" εὐλαβηθῆναι
τοσοῦτον ἡγεμόνα ποιουμένοις, μή τις ἄρα μικροὺς,
ς 7 \ 7
ὑπολάβῃ καὶ φαύλους;
> δ Ν χε ΑΔ \ \ a 3 a
γὼ δὲ ὑμῖν καὶ τὸν γενναῖον ἐκεῖνον O
ec / / \ ᾽ Ν > 4
ῥήτορα Ἰ]ερικλέα τὸν πάνυ, τὸν ᾿Ολύμπιον, —
7ῳ" } 7
μάρτυρα ἀγαθὸν ἤδη παρέξομαι. κολάκων yap
δή, φασί, ποτὲ τὸν ἄνδρα περιεστὼς δῆμος
/ ἶ
διελάγχανον τοὺς ἐπαίνους, ὁ μὲν ὅτι τὴν Σάμον
ἐξεῖλεν, ἄλλος δὲ ὅτι τὴν Εὔβοιαν, tives δὲ —
ἤδη τὸ περιπλεῦσαι τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ἦσαν δὲ
οἱ τῶν ψηφισμάτων μεμνημένοι, τινὲς δὲ τῆς πρὸ —
/ ἀν
τὸν Κίμωνα φιλοτιμίας, σφόδρα ἀγαθὸν πολίτην
a
a
]
7
7
4
᾿
Se αν προ, ae A epee 4
1 τούτων δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ Hertlein suggests, τούτων δὲ MSS.
2 πολλὰ ἰδίᾳ τε Hertlein suggests, πολλά τε ἰδίᾳ MSS.
3 προσῆκον Hertlein suggests, προσῆκεν MSS.
340
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
as to the taking of the wall and the siege, and
that battle near the ships which in some respects
seems to have resembled a sea-fight, and then the
fight of the hero and the river,! he did not bring
them into his poem with the desire to relate some-
thing new and strange of his own invention.
And even though this fight was, as they say, most
marvellous, he neglected and passed over the
marvellous as we see. What reason then can any-
one give for his praising Penelope so enthusiastically
and making not the slightest allusion to those
famous women? Because by reason of her virtue
and discretion many blessings have been gained for
mankind, both for individuals and for the common
weal, whereas from the ambition of those others
there has arisen no benefit whatever, but incurable
calamities. And so, as he was, I think, a wise and
inspired poet, he decided that to praise Penelope
was better and more just. And since I adopt so
great a guide, is it fitting that I should be afraid
lest some person think me trivial or inferior ?
But it is indeed a noble witness that I shall now
bring forward, that splendid orator Pericles, the
renowned, the Olympian. It is said? that once
a crowd of flatterers surrounded him and were
distributing his praises among them, one telling
how he had reduced Samos,? another how he
had recovered Euboea,‘ some how he had sailed
round the Peloponnesus, while others spoke of
his enactments, or of his rivalry with Cimon, who
was reputed to be a most excellent citizen and a
᾿ δ nae and the Scamander ; Iliad 21. 234 foll., Oration
2. 60¢.
2 Julian tells, incorrectly, the anecdote in Plutarch,
Pericles 38. 3 440 B.C. 4 445 5,0,
341
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
καὶ στρατηγὸν εἶναι δόξαντα γενναῖον. ὁ δὲ D
ΜᾺ Ν 7 > / ” 4 n
τούτοις μὲν οὔτε ἀχθόμενος οὔτε γανύμενος δῆλος
ἣν, ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἠξίου τῶν αὑτῷ πεπολιτευμένων
ἐπαινεῖν, ὅτι τοσοῦτον χρόνον ' ἐπιτροπεύσας TOV
> / n 3 \ / / wy
Αθηναίων δῆμον οὐδενὶ θανάτου γέγονεν αἴτιος,
οὐδὲ ἱμάτιον μέλαν τῶν πολιτῶν τις περιβαλό-
4 n n
μενος Περικλέα γενέσθαι ταύτης αἴτιον αὐτῷ τῆς
συμφορᾶς ἔφη. ἄλλου του, πρὸς φιλίου Διός,
δοκοῦμεν ὑμῖν μάρτυρος δεῖσθαι, ὅτι μέγιστον
ἀρετῆς σημεῖον καὶ πάντων μάλιστα ἐπαίνων
ν» \ / Cal n A \ 3
ἄξιον τὸ μηδένα κτεῖναι τῶν πολιτῶν μηδὲ ἀφ-
7] a a
ἐλέσθαι τὰ χρήματα μηδὲ ἀδίκῳ φυγῇ περιβαλεῖν;
ὅστις δὲ πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας συμφορὰς αὑτὸν
6 \
ἀντιτάξας καθάπερ ἰατρὸς γενναῖος οὐδαμῶς
ἀποχρῆν ὑπέλαβεν αὑτῷ τὸ μηδενὶ νοσήματος
αἰτίῳ γενέσθαι, ἀλλ’ εἰ μὴ πάντα εἰς δύναμιν
m:n \ - 50Ὸ.Ν A n 3 “ /
ἐἰῷτο καὶ θεραπεύοι, οὐδὲν ἄξιον τῆς αὐτοῦ τέχνης
, ς A a n
ἔργον ὑπέλαβεν, apa ὑμῖν δοκεῖ τῶν ἴσων
ἐπαίνων ἐν δίκῃ τυγχάνειν; καὶ οὐδὲν προτιμή-
σομὲν οὔτε τὸν τρόπον οὔτε τὴν δύναμιν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς
» \ » «ἡ ὅλου x 22 2 I N eh ξ
ἔξεστι μὲν αὐτῇ δρᾶν ὅ,τι ἂν ἐθέλῃ, θέλει δὲ ἅπασι
τἀγαθά; τοῦτο ἐγὼ κεφάλαιον τοῦ παντὸς ἐπαίνου
ποιοῦμαι, οὐκ ἀπορῶν ἄλλων θαυμασίων εἶναι
δοκούντων καὶ λαμπρῶν διηγημάτων.
Ei yap δή τις τὴν περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ae
η ὴ ν
« / ae
ὑποπτεύσειεν ὡς ματαίαν οὖσαν προσποίησιν καὶ
ἊΣ SPE es \ \ 52 7 ΩΣ \ \
ἀλαζονείαν κενὴν καὶ αὐθάδη, οὔτι που καὶ τὴν
ἔνωγχος ἐνόν: γενομένην αὐτῇ τὴν εἰς τὴν
1 χρόνον Cobet adds.
342
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
distinguished general. But Pericles gave no sign
either of annoyance or exultation, and there was but
one thing in all his political career for which he
claimed to deserve praise, that, though he had
governed the Athenian people for so long, he had
been responsible for no man’s death, and no citizen
when he put on black clothes had ever said that
Pericles was the cause of his misfortune. Now, by
Zeus the god of friendship, do you think I need any
further witness to testify that the greatest proof of
virtue and one better worth praise than all the rest
put together is not to have caused the death of any
citizen, or to have taken his money from him, or
involved him in unjust exile? But he who like a
good physician tries to ward off such calamities
as these, and by no means thinks that it is
enough for him not to cause anyone to contract
a disease, but unless he cures and cares for
everyone as far as he can, considers that his
work is unworthy of his skill, do you think that
in justice such a one ought to receive no higher
praise than Pericles? And shall we not hold in
higher honour her character and that authority
which enables her to do what she will, since what
she wills is the good of all? For this I make the
sum and substance of my whole encomium, though
I do not lack other narratives such as are commonly
held to be marvellous and splendid.
For if anyone should suspect that my silence
about the rest is vain affectation and empty and
insolent pretension, this at least he will not suspect,
that the visit which she lately made to Rome,!
when the Emperor was on his campaign and
1 357 A.D.
343
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, III
Ῥώμην, ὁ ὁπότε ἐστρατεύετο βασιλεὺς ζεύγμασι. καὶ ©
ναυσὶ τὸν “Ῥῆνον διαβὰς ἄγχου τῶν Ῥαλατίας ὁ ὁρίων,
ψευδῆ καὶ πεπλασμένην ἄλλως ὑποπτεύσει. ἐξῆν
δὴ οὖν, ὡς εἰκός, διηγουμένῳ ταῦτα τοῦ δήμου με-
μνῆσθαι καὶ τῆς γερουσίας, ὅ ὅπως αὐτὴν ὑπεδέχετο
σὺν χαρμονῇ, T προθύμως t ὑπαντῶντες καὶ ὶ δεξιούμενοι
καθάπερ νόμος βασιλίδα, καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων τὸ
μέγεθος, ὡς ἐλευθέριον καὶ μεγαλοπρεπές, καὶ τῆς
παρασκευῆς τὴν πολυτέλειαν, ὁπόσα τε ἔνειμε
τῶν φυλῶν τοῖς ἐπιστάταις καὶ ἑκατοντάρχαις
τοῦ πλήθους ἀπαριθμήσασθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἔμοιγε τῶν
τοιούτων οὔτε ἔδοξέ ποτε ζηλωτὸν οὐδέν, οὔτε
ἐπαινεῖν ἐθέλω πρὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸν πλοῦτον.
καίτοι pe! οὐ λέληθεν ἡ ῃ τῶν χρημάτων ἐλευθέριος
δαπάνη μετέχουσά τινος ἀρετῆς" ἀλλ᾽ οἶμαι κρεῖτ-
τον ἐπιείκειαν καὶ σωφροσύνην καὶ φρόνησιν καὶ
ὅσα δὴ ἄλλα περὶ αὐτῆς λέγων πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ
ἄλλους, ἀτὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐμαυτὸν ὑμῖν καὶ τὰ ἐπ᾽
ἐμοὶ πραχθέντα παρεῖχον μάρτυρα. εἰ δὴ οὖν
καὶ ἄλλοι τὴν ἐμὴν εὐγνωμοσύνην ζηλοῦν ἐπι-
χειρήσειαν, πολλοὺς ἔχει τε ἤδη καὶ ἕξει τοὺς
ἐπαινέτας.
1 με Cobet adds.
-
344
PANEGYRIC IN HONOUR OF EUSEBIA
had crossed the Rhine by bridges of boats near
the frontiers of Galatia, is a false and vain in-
vention. I could indeed very properly have given
an account of this visit, and described how the people
and the senate welcomed her with rejoicings and
went to meet her with enthusiasm, and received her
as is their. custom to receive an Empress, and told
the amount of the expenditure, how generous and
splendid it was, and the costliness of the prepara-
tions, and reckoned up the sums she distributed to
the presidents of the tribes and the centurions of
the people. But nothing of that sort has ever
seemed to me worth while, nor do I wish to praise
wealth before virtue. And yet I am aware that
the generous spending of money implies a sort of
virtue. Nevertheless I rate more highly goodness
and temperance and wisdom and all those other
qualities of hers that I have described, bringing
before you as witnesses not only many others but
myself as well and all that she did for me. Now
if only others also try to emulate my proper feel-
ing, there are and there will be many to sing her
praises,
345
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INTRODUCTION TO ORATION IV
In the fourth century a.p. poetry was practically
extinct, and hymns to the gods were almost always
written in prose. Julian’s Fourth Oration is,
according to the definition of the rhetorician Men-
ander, a φυσικὸς ὕμνος, a hymn that describes the
physical qualities of a god. Julian was an uncritical
disciple of the later Neo-Platonic school, and
apparently reproduces without any important modi-
fication the doctrines of its chief representative,
the Syrian JIamblichus, with whom begins the
decadence of Neo-Platonism as a_ philosophy.
Oriental superstition took the place of the severe
spiritualism of Plotinus and his followers, and a
philosophy that had been from the first markedly
religious, is now expounded by theurgists and
the devotees of strange Oriental. cults. It is
Mithras the Persian sun-god, rather than Apollo,
whom Julian identifies with his “intellectual god” |
Helios, and Apollo plays a minor part among his
manifestations. Mithras worship, which Tertullian
called “a Satanic plagiarism of Christianity,” because
in certain of its rites it recalled the sacraments
of the Christian church, first made its appearance
among the Romans in the first century Β.6.} Less
1 Plutarch, Pompeius 24. For a full description of the
origin and spread of Mithraism see Cumont, 7'extes et Monu-
ments figurés relatifs aux mystéres de Mithra, 1896, 1899, Les
Mystéres de Mithra, 1902, and Les religions ortentales dans le
paganisme romain, 1909 (English translation by G. Shower-
man, 1911).
348
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION IV
hospitably received at first than the cults of Isis
and Serapis and the Great Mother of Pessinus,
it gradually overpowered them and finally dominated
the whole Roman Empire, though it was never
welcomed by the Hellenes. For the Romans it
supplied the ideals of purity, devotion ahd self-
control which the other cults had lacked. The
worshippers of Mithras were taught to contend
against the powers of evil, submitted themselves
to a severe moral discipline, and their reward after
death was to become as pure as the gods to whom
they ascend. “If Christianity,’ says Renan, “had
been checked in its growth by some deadly disease,
the world would have become Mithraic.” Julian,
like the Emperor Commodus in the second century,
had no doubt been initiated into the Mysteries of
Mithras, and the severe discipline ot the cult
was profoundly attractive to one who had_ been
estranged by early associations from the very
similar teaching of the Christians. |
Julian followed Plotinus and Iamblichus in making
the supreme principle the One (ἕν) or the Good
(τὸ ἀγαθὸν) which presides over the intelligible
world (νοητὸς κόσμος), where rule Plato’s Ideas, now
called the intelligible gods ( vonroi θεοί). Iamblichus
had imported into the Neo-Platonic system the
intermediary world of intellectual gods (voepot θεοῦ).
On them Helios-Mithras, their supreme god and
centre, bestows the intelligence and creative and
unifying forces that he has received from his
transcendental counterpart among the intelligible
gods. The third member of the triad is the world
of sense-perception governed by the sun, the visible
counterpart of Helios. What distinguishes Julian’s
349
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION IV
triad! from other Neo-Platonic triads is this
hierarchy of three suns in the three worlds: and
further, the importance that he gives to the
intermediary world, the abode of Helios-Mithras.
He pays little attention to the remote intelligible
world and devotes his exposition to Helios, the in-
tellectual god, and the visible sun. Helios is the
link that relates the three members of the triad.
His “ middleness ’’ (μεσότης) is not only local: he
is in every possible sense the mediator and unifier.
μεσότης is the Aristotelian word for the “ mean,’ but
there is no evidence that it was used with the active
sense of mediation before Julian. A passage in Plutarch
however seems to indicate that the “middleness ”
of the sun was a Persian doctrine: “The principle
of good most nearly resembles light, and the principle
of evil darkness, and between both is Mithras;
therefore the Persians called Mithras the Mediator ”
(μεσίτης). Naville has pointed out the resemblance
between the sun as mediator and the Christian
Logos, which Julian may have had in mind. Julian’s
system results in a practically monotheistic worship
of Helios, and here he probably parts company with
lamblichus.
But though deeply influenced by Mithraism, Julian
- was attempting to revive the pagan gods, and
if he could not, in the fourth century, restore the
ancient faith in the gods of Homer he nevertheless
could not omit from his creed the numerous deities
whose temples and altars he had rebuilt. Here
he took advantage of the identification of Greek,
1 On Julian’s triad cf. Naville, Julien l’Apostat et la
philosophie du polythéisme, Paris, 1877. |
* Concerning Isis and Osiris 46.
350
Ἱ
11
:
—— .
.
— 4
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION IV
Roman, and Oriental deities which had been going
on for centuries. The old names, endeared by
the associations of literature, could be retained
without endangering the supremacy of Helios.
Julian identifies Zeus, Helios, Hades, Oceanus and
the Egyptian Serapis. But the omnipotent Zeus
of Greek mythology is now a creative force which
works with Helios and has no separate existence.
Tradition had made Athene the child of Zeus, but
τ Julian regards her as the manifestation of the
intelligent forethought of Helios. Dionysus is the
vehicle of his fairest thoughts, and Aphrodite a
principle ‘that emanates from him. He contrives
that all the more important. gods of Greece, Egypt
and Persia shall play their parts as manifestations
of Helios. ‘The lesser gods are mediating demons
as well as forces. His aim was to provide the~
Hellenic counterpart of the positive revealed religion
of Christianity. Hence his insistence on the
inspiration of Homer, Hesiod, and Plato, and his
statement! that the allegorical interpretations of
the mysteries are not mere hypotheses, whereas the
doctrines of the astronomers deserve no higher title,
The Oration is dedicated to his friend and
comrade in arms Sallust who is probably itidentical
with the Neo-Platonic philosopher, of the school
of lamblichus, who wrote. about. 360 the treatise
On the Gods and the World. Cumont calls this
“the official catechism of the Pagan empire,’ and
Wilamowitz regards it as the positive complement
of Julian’s pamphlet Against the Christians. Julian’s
Eighth Oration is a discourse of consolation, παραμυθη-
τικὸς, for the departure of Sallust when Constantius
recalled him from Gaul in 358,
1 148 pB,
351
IOTAIANOT ATTOKPATOPOS -
EIS TON BASIAEA HAION ΠΡῸΣ SAAOYSTION
Προσήκειν ὑπολαμβάνω τοῦ λόγου τοῦδε μά-
λιστα μὲν ἅπασιν,
va n 4 / Pe Ἵ
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\ / ? a / 3 Ν ¢ ὔ 7
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“ \ \ \ n 4 \ \ 52 ἡ
θεοῦ πόθος, καὶ πρὸς τὸ φῶς οὕτω δὴ τὸ αἰθέριον
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“4 CA
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> / A / 7 > , ᾽ \
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1: [liad 17. 447.
352
= ΌΝ
HYMN TO KING HELIOS |
OA a OW ΤΑ be tae BS Τ᾿
Wuar I am now about to say I consider to be of
the greatest importance for all things “That breathe
and move upon the earth,’ and have a share in
existence and a reasoning soul! and _ intelligence,
but above all others it is-of importance to myself.
For I am a follower of King Helios. And of this
fact I possess within me, known to myself alone,
proofs more certain than I can give.? But this at
least I am permitted to say without sacrilege, that
from my childhood an extraordinary longing tor
the rays of the god penetrated deep into my “soul ;
and from my earliest years my mind was so com-
pletely swayed by the light that illumines the
heavens that not only did I desire to gaze in-
tently at the sun, but whenever I walked abroad
in the night season, when the firmament was clear
and cloudless, I abandoned all else without exception
and gave myself up to the beauties of the heavens;
nor did I understand what anyone might say
to me, nor heed what I was doing myself. I was
considered to be over-curious about these matters
1 As opposed to the unreasoning soul, ἄλογος ψυχή, that
is in animals other than man. Plato,Aristotle, Plotinus,
and Porphyry allowed some form of ‘soul to plants, but this
* was denied by Iamblichus, Julian, and Sallust.
2 He refers to his initiation into the cult of Mithras. WRONG,
353
VOL, I. A A
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV |
/ » > / ς 4 + ΄
μέ τις ἤδη ἀστρόμαντιν ὑπέλαβεν ἄρτι γενειήτην.
/ \ \ \ 5, 4 4 3
καίτοι μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς οὔποτε τοιαύτη βίβλος εἰς
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n / n ,
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/ 4 > al /
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> , \ ἴω \ an ΄ \ »¥
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fal / / an
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“ / \ ,
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δ A PAN / ef of \ fe 7 ἊΝ
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Ν \ a \ a /
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a , an a
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΄ “ 7 nr
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lal an 7 \ 7 \
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an } \ n a
σῶμα παρέσχε θεὸς ἐξ ἱεροῦ καὶ προφητικοῦ
/ -
συμπαγὲν σπέρματος ἀναλαβόντι σοφίας ἀνοῖξαι
3 /
θησαυρούς: οὐκ ἀτιμάζω δὲ ταύτην, ἧς ἠξιώθην
an “Ὁ a / > lal
αὐτὸς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦδε μερίδος, ἐν τῷ
“Ὁ 7 n na / n >
κρατοῦντι καὶ βασιλεύοντι τῆς γῆς γένει τοῖς KAT
Ἁ 2 “
ἐμαυτὸν χρόνοις γενόμενος, GAN ἡγοῦμαι, εἴπερ
\ / a n /
χρὴ πείθεσθαι τοῖς σοφοῖς, ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων
“ / \ ? a
ἐἶναι τοῦτον κοινὸν πατέρα. λέγεται yap ὀρθῶς
» a \
ἄνθρωπος ἄνθρωπον γεννᾶν Kal ἥλιος, ψυχὰς οὐκ
> n \ n »᾿
ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων
a n 3 a a ᾿
θεῶν σπείρων ὃ εἰς γῆν," ἐφ᾽ ὅ τι δὲ χρῆμα δηλοῦσιν
1 tw τότε Cobet, πώποτε MSS, Hertlein.
2 rod Reiske, τὸ MSS, Hertlein.
ἡγοῦμαι Petavius, ἡγοῦμαι κοινότερον μὲν MSS, Hertlein.
* Aristotle, Physi@& 2. 2. 194} ; cf. 16] Ὁ.
5 σπείρων Hertlein suggests, σπείρειν MSS.
6 Plato, Timaeus 42}.
354
es
131
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
and to pay too much attention to them, and
people went so far as to regard me as an astrologer
when my beard had only just begun to grow.
And yet, I call heaven to witness, never had a book
on this subject come into my hands; nor did I
as yet even know what that science was. But why
do I mention this, when I have more important
things to tell, if I should relate how, in those days,
I thought about the gods? However let that dark-
ness! be buried in oblivion. But let what I have
said bear witness to this fact, that the heavenly
light shone all about me, and that it roused and
urged me on to its contemplation, so that even then
I recognised of myself that the movement of the
moon was in the opposite direction to the universe,
though as yet I had met no one of those who are
wise in these matters. Now for my part I envy
the good fortune of any man to whom the god has
granted to inherit a body built of the seed of
holy .and inspired ancestors, so that he can un-
lock the treasures of wisdom; nor do I despise
that lot with which I was myself endowed by the
god Helios, that I should be born of a house that
rules and governs the world in my time; but further,
I regard this god, if we may believe the wise, as the
common father of all mankind.” For it is said with
truth that man and the sun together beget man,
and that the god sows this earth with souls which
proceed not from himself alone but from the other
gods also; and for what purpose, the souls reveal by
1 When he was still a professed Christian.
2 4.e. not only prophets and emperors but all men are
related to Helios.
355
AA 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
μὰ na / δ n 7
αὕται τοῖς βίοις, ods προαιροῦνται. κάλλιστον
/
μὲν οὖν, εἴ τῳ ξυνηνέχθη καὶ πρὸ τριγονίας ἀπὸ
πολλῶν πάνυ προπατόρων ἐφεξῆς τῷ θεῷ δου-
an \ \ 9 τιν ἊΝ > \ e ἈΝ
λεῦσαι, μεμπτὸν δὲ οὐδὲ ὅστις, ἐπεγνωκὼς ἑαυτὸν Ὁ
τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦδε θεράποντα φύσει, μόνος ἐξ ἁπάν-
των ἢ ξὺν ὀλίγοις αὑτὸν ἐπιδίδωσι τῇ θεραπείᾳ
τοῦ δεσπότου.
ev
Φέρε οὖν, ὅπως ἂν οἷοί Te ὦμεν, ὑμνήσωμεν
“ Ἁ ΄
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἑορτήν, ἣν ἡ βασιλεύουσα πόλις ἐπετη-
/ b] , / 3» \ 3 53 3
σίοις ἀγάλλει θυσίαις. ἔστι μὲν οὖν, εὖ. οἶδα,
Ν Ν n a / c 7
χαλεπὸν καὶ τὸ ξυνεῖναι περὶ αὐτοῦ μόνον, ὁπόσος :
, 5 ε > \ > an a /
TiS ἐστιν ὁ ἀφανὴς ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ λογισαμένῳ, 139
7 \ » > 7 > \ aA 5 ..7 5
φράσαι δὲ ἴσως ἀδύνατον, εἰ καὶ τῆς ἀξίας ἔλατ-
3 / i > / \ \ an \
tov ἐθελήσειέ τις. ἐφικέσθαι μὲν yap τοῦ πρὸς
5 / 5 53 “ οἷ e / > \ xX 4
ἀξίαν εὖ οἶδα ὅτι τῶν ἁπάντων οὐδεὶς ἂν δύναιτο,
κι an n /
τοῦ μετρίου δὲ μὴ διαμαρτεῖν ἐν τοῖς ἐπαίνοις TO
4 / 3 “ ᾽ / 3 n ΄
κεφάλαιόν ἐστι τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἐν τῷ δύνασθαι
7 / > 3 ” 4
φράζειν δυνάμεως. ἀλλ᾽ ἔμοιγε τούτου παρα-
/ θὸ 4 / ὙΠ15 ᾿ a \ val
σταίη βοηθὸς 6 τε λόγιος; “Epuhns ξὺν ταῖς
> /
Μούσαις 6 te Μουσηγέτης ᾿Απόλλων,Σ ἐπεὶ καὶ B
A n lal \ Ὁ
αὐτῷ προσήκει τῶν λόγων, καὶ δοῖεν δὲ εἰπεῖν
ὁπόσα τοῖς θεοῖς φίλα λέγεσθαί τε καὶ πιστεύ-
εσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν. τίς οὖν ὁ τρόπος ἔσται
τῶν ἐπαίνων; ἢ δῆλον ὅτι περὶ τῆς οὐσίας
αὐτοῦ καὶ ὅθεν προῆλθε καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων καὶ
“ “ «
τῶν ἐνεργειῶν διελθόντες, ὁπόσαι φανεραὶ ὅσαι T
ἀφανεῖς, καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν ἀγαθῶν δόσεως, ἣ
κατὰ πάντας ποιεῖται τοὺς κόσμους, οὐ παντά-
πε κέ, ie want ον
ia καὶ τ ν
cca
1 cf. Oration 7. 237 c. 2 cf. 1444, 149 σα.
356
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
the kind of lives that they select. Now far the best
thing is when anyone has the fortune to have inherited
the service of the god, even before the third genera-
tion, from a long and unbroken line of ancestors ;
yet it is not a thing to be disparaged when anyone,
recognising that he is by nature intended to be the
servant of Helios, either alone of all men, or in com-
pany with but few, devotes himself to the service of
his master.
Come then, let me celebrate, as best I may, his ἡ
festival which the Imperial city! adorns with annual ἡ
sacrifices.2, Now it is hard, as I well know, merely »~
to comprehend how great is the Invisible, if one °
judge by his visible self,’ and to tell it is perhaps
impossible, even though one should consent to fall
short of what is his due. For well I know that no
one in the world could attain to a description that
would be worthy of him, and not to fail of a certain
measure of success in his praises is the greatest
height to which human beings can attain in the
power of utterance. But as for me, may Hermes, the
god of eloquence, stand by my side to aid me, and
the Muses also and Apollo, the leader of the Muses,
since he too has oratory for his province, and may
they grant that I utter only what the gods approve
that men should say and believe about them What,
then, shall be the manner of my praise? Or is it
not evident that if I describe his substance and his
origin, and his powers and energies, both visible and
invisible, and the gift of blessings which he bestows
throughout all the worlds, I shall compose an
1 Rome. 2 At the beginning of January ; cf. 156¢.
9 Julian bag: MN the visible sun from his archetype,
the offspring of the Good.
4 i.e. the intelligible world, νοητός, comprehended | only by
pure reason ; the intellectual, voepés, endowed with intelli-
357
tig
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
> / ΄ a oA . Po) ΄
πασιν ἀπάδοντα ποιησόμεθα τῷ θεῷ τὰ ἐγκώμια;
ἀρκτέον ΠΑ ΤΑ νι
‘O θεῖος οὗτος καὶ πάγκαλος κόσμου ἀπ᾽ ἄκρας
ἁψῖδος οὐρανοῦ μέχρι γῆς ἐσχάτης ὑπὸ τῆς ἀλύτου
΄ a an /
συνεχόμενος TOU θεοῦ προνοίας ἐξ ἀιδίου γέγονεν
» 1 »᾿ \ > ‘4 / iLO >
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€ > ἀν, , Ἃ al \ eae
vm ἄλλου του φρουρούμενος ἢ προσεχῶς μὲν ὑπὸ
a / ,
TOU πέμπτου σώματος, οὗ TO κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν
/ nan J ral cal
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, έ δὲ ΝΜ ὃ \ \ /
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βασιλέα, περὶ ὃν πάντα ἐστίν. οὗτος τοίνυν, εἴτε
ho / a “ n 2% / » 0.7 ὃ
τὸ ἐπέκεινα τοῦ νοῦ καλεῖν αὐτὸν θέμις εἴτε ἰδέαν
nr v ἃ / \ \ 4 3 LA
TOV ὄντων, ὃ δή φημι TO νοητὸν ξύμπαν, εἴτε ἕν,
Ψ \ / Xa a 4
ἐπειδὴ πάντων TO ἕν δοκεῖ πως πρεσβύτατον, εἴτε
\
ὃ Πλάτων εἴωθεν ὀνομάζειν τἀγαθόν, αὕτη δὴ οὖν
ἡ μονοειδὴς τῶν ὅλων αἰτία, πᾶσι τοῖς οὖσιν
> / / \ / € , /
ἐξηγουμένη κάλλους TE καὶ τελειότητος ἑνώσεώς
τε καὶ δυνάμεως ἀμηχάνου, κατὰ τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ
μένουσαν Ret pop ey οὐσίαν peroy ἐκ μέσων TOV
ypenciy καὶ δημιουργικῶν αἰτιῶν “λιον θεὸν 13
μέγιστον ἀνέφηνεν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ πάντα ὅμοιον ἑαυτῷ"
καθάπερ καὶ ὃ δαιμόνιος οἴεται Πλάτων, “ Τοῦτον
/ a
τοίνυν, λέγων, “ἣν δ᾽ ἐγώ, φάναι με λέγειν TOV τοῦ
1 ἀγέννητος Hertlein suggests, ἀγεννήτως MSS.
2 Pindar fr. 107, and Sophocles, Antigone 100 ἀκτὶς ἀελίου,
358
;
:
Ϊ
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
encomium not wholly displeasing to the god?
With these, then, let me begin.
This divine and wholly beautiful universe, from
the highest vault of heaven to the lowest limit of
the earth, is held together by the continuous pro-
vidence of the god, has existed from eternity
ungenerated, is imperishable for all time to come,
and is guarded immediately by nothing _ else than
the rift ifth Substance... whose: culmination is the beams
of the su sun ; “and in the second and higher degree,
so to speak, by the intelligible world ; but in a still
loftier sense it is guarded by the King of the whole
universe, who is the centre of all things that exist.
“He, therefore, whether it is right to call him the
Supra-Intelligible, or the Idea of Being, and by
Being I mean the whole intelligible region, or the
One, since the One seems somehow to be prior to
all the rest, or, to use Plato’s name for him, the
Good; at any rate this uncompounded cause of
the whole reveals to all existence beauty, and
perfection, and oneness, and irresistible power ; and
in virtue of the primal creative substance that abides
in it, produced, as middle among the middle and
intellectual, creative causes, Helios the most mighty
god, proceeding from itself and in all things like
unto itself. Even so the divine Plato believed, when
he writes, “'Therefore (said I) when I spoke of this,
gence; and thirdly the world of sense-perception αἰσθητός. The
first of these worlds the Neo-Platonists took over from Plato,
Republic 508 foll. ; the second was invented by Iamblichus.
1 Though Aristotle did not use this phrase, it was his
theory of a fifth element superior to the other four, called by
him ‘‘aether” or ‘first element,” De Coelo 1. 8. 2708, that
suggested to Iamblichus the notion of a fifth substance or
element; cf. J'heologumena Arithmeticae 35, 22 Ast, where
he calls the fifth element ‘‘ aether.”
359
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
> a ἃ > \ b] / > /
ἀγαθοῦ ἔκγονον, ὃν τἀγαθὸν ἐγέννησεν ἀνάλογον
aA τὰ a a , , a
ἑαυτῷ, ὅτιπερ αὐτὸ ἐν τῷ νοητῷ τόπῳ πρὸς τε νοῦν
\ κι a ae /
καὶ TA νοούμενα, τοῦτο τοῦτον ἐν τῷ ὁρατῷ πρὸς TE
owen καὶ τὰ ὁρώμενα." ᾿ ἔχει μὲν δὴ τὸ φῶς αὐτοῦ
Ν \ € /
ταύτην οἶμαι τὴν ἀναλογίαν πρὸς TO ὁρατόν,
[4 \ \ \ ς Aa] 2 ᾿ς ὧν δὲ ε ,
ἥνπερ πρὸς TO νοητὸν ἁλήθεια."Σ αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Evp-
Ὁ \ a 4 Ν a 50.3ᾧ
πας, ἅτε δὴ τοῦ πρώτου καὶ μεγίστου τῆς ἰδέας
τἀγαθοῦ γεγονὼς ἔκγονος, ὑποστὰς αὐτοῦ περὶ
\ / > / 2 > / \ \ > : »-“
τὴν μόνιμον οὐσίαν ἐξ ἀιδίου καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς
- a / , bo » /
voepots θεοῖς παρεδέξατο δυναστείαν, ὧν τἀγαθόν
ἐστι τοῖς νοητοῖς αἴτιον, ταῦτα αὐτὸς τοῖς νοεροῖς
/ Μ δ᾽ By 3 > \ a al
νέμων. ἔστι δ᾽ αἴτιον οἶμαι τἀγαθὸν τοῖς νοητοῖς
lal ΄ > / , € ΄
θεοῖς κάλλους, οὐσίας, τελειότητος, ἑνώσεως,
, ἬΝ \ ΄, ᾽ 5 ΄ i
συνέχον αὐτὰ Kal περιλάμπον ἀγαθοειδεῖ δυνάμει
a \ A na a_¢ ΄ ”
ταῦτα δὴ καὶ τοῖς νοεροῖς “λιος δίδωσιν, ἄρχειν
καὶ βασιλεύειν αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τἀγαθοῦ τεταγμένος, εἰ
καὶ συμπροῆλθον αὐτῷ καὶ συνυπέστησαν, ὅπως
5 o a a
οἷαμι καὶ τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς ἀγαθοειδὴς αἰτία
7 nw an n τ μα ‘
προκαθηγουμένη τῶν ἀγαθῶν πᾶσιν ἅπαντα κατὰ
νοῦν εὐθύνῃ.
/
᾿Αλλὰ Kal τρίτος ὁ φαινόμενος οὑτοσὶ δίσκος
a / r n a
ἐναργῶς αἴτιός ἐστι τοῖς αἰσθητοῖς τῆς σωτηρίας,
\ a al lal :
καὶ ὅσων ἔφαμεν τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς τὸν μέγαν
1 Republic 508 Β.
2 ἀλήθεια Hertlein suggests, ἀλήθεια MSS.
360 .
τὰ
—
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
understand that I meant the offspring of the Good
which the Good begat in his own likeness, and that
what the Good is in relation to pure reason and its
objects in the intelligible world, such is the sun in
the visible world in relation to sight and_ its
objects.” Accordingly his light has the same
relation to the visible world as truth has to the
intelligible world. _And he himself ἃ5. ἃ whole,
since he is the son “of what is first and greatest,
namely, the Idea of the Good, and subsists from
eternity in the region of its abiding substance, has
received also the dominion among the intellectual
gods, and himself dispenses to the intellectual gods
those things of which the Good is the cause for the
intelligible gods. Now the Good is, I suppose, the
cause for the intelligible gods of beauty, existence,
perfection, and oneness, connecting these and illu-
minating them with a power that works for good.
These accordingly Helios bestows on the intellectual
gods also, since he has been appointed by the Good
to rule and govern them, even though they came
forth and camé into being together with him, and
this was, I suppose, in order that the cause which
resembles the Good may guide the intellectual gods
to blessings for them all, and may regulate all things
according to pure reason.
But this visible disc also, third? in rank, is clearly,
for the objects of sense-perception the _cause of
preservation, and this visible Helios? is the cause
1 Julian conceives of the sun in three ways; first as
transcendental, in which form he is indistinguishable from
the Good in the intelligible world, secondly as Helios-
Mithras, ruler of the intellectual gods, thirdly as the visible
sun,
2 133 D-134 A is a digression on the light of the sun.
301
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
ς / e
“Ἥλιον, τοσούτων αἴτιος καὶ ὁ φαινόμενος ὅδε
an nw Lal 7
τοῖς φανεροῖς. τούτων δ᾽ ἐναργεῖς αἱ πίστεις ἐκ
lal / Ἂν >] nr an 2 Ψ δὲ
τῶν φαινομένων τὰ ἀφανῆ σκοποῦντι." φέρε δὴ
an Kn ’ , ,
πρῶτον αὐτὸ TO PAS οὐκ εἶδὸς ἐστιν ἀσώματον TL
fal lal » “ \
θεῖον τοῦ Kat ἐνέργειαν διαφανοῦς; αὐτὸ δὲ 6, τί
7 \ ral
ποτέ ἐστι TO διαφανές, πᾶσι μὲν ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν
a / \ on “
συνυποκείμενον τοῖς στοιχείοις καὶ ὃν αὐτῶν προσ-
Ν ὔ
εχὲς εἶδος, οὐ σωματοειδὲς οὐδὲ συμμυγνύμενον
7 / 7
οὐδὲ τὰς οἰκείας σώματι προσιέμενον ποιότητας.
7 An / a A ,
οὔκουν ἰδίαν αὐτοῦ θέρμην épeis,® οὐ τὴν ἐναντίαν
5» A / > \ / 3 \ N\A
αὐτῇ ψυχρότητα, οὐ TO σκληρόν, οὐ TO μαλακὸν
> , 50 » \ a \ \ € \
ἀποδώσεις, OVS ἄλλην τινὰ TOV κατὰ τὴν ἁφὴν
nr n \ 5
διαφορῶν, οὔκουν οὐδὲ γεῦσιν οὐδὲ ὀδμήν, ὄψει δὲ
/ Ν 3.» \ a
μόνον ὑποπίπτει πρὸς ἐνέργειαν ὑπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς ἡ
Ψ 7 5 / \ \ la) 50." >
τοιαύτη φύσις ἀγομένη. τὸ δὲ φῶς εἶδός ἐστι
A
ταύτης οἷον ὕλης ὑπεστρωμένης Kal παρεκτεινο-
μένης τοῖς σώμασιν. αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ φωτὸς ὄντος
“ ᾽
ἀσωμάτου ἀκρότης ἂν εἴη τις καὶ ὥσπερ ἄνθος
3 a ς \ 3, a / / a
ἀκτῖνες. ἡ μὲν οὖν τῶν Φοινίκων δόξα, σοφῶν
A / +
τὰ θεῖα καὶ ἐπιστημόνων, ἄχραντον εἶναι évép-
γειαν αὐτοῦ τοῦ καθαροῦ νοῦ τὴν ἁπανταχῆ
“ἍΨ͵ A > \ 4 . > > (ὃ δὲ ὑδὲ ς
προϊοῦσαν αὐγὴν ἔφη: οὐκ ἀπᾷδει δὲ οὐδὲ ὁ
λόγος, εἴπερ αὐτὸ τὸ φῶς ἀσώματον, εἴ τις αὐτοῦ
\ a n
μηδὲ THY πηγὴν ὑπολάβοι σῶμα, vod δὲ ἐνέργειαν
ν /
ἄχραντον els τὴν οἰκείαν ἕδραν ἐλλαμπομένην, ἣ
1 After τοσούτων Hertlein suggests αἴτιος.
2 ef. 138 τον 3 Aristotle, De Ansma 418 A.
362
13
Ww
“th
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
for the visible gods! of just as many blessings as we
said mighty Helios bestows on the intellectual gods.
And of this there are clear proofs for one who
studies the unseen world in the light of things seen.
For in the first place, is not light itself a sort of
incorporeal and divine form of the transparent in a
state of activity? And as for the transparent itself,
whatever it is, since it is the underlying basis, so to
speak, of all the elements, and is a form peculiarly
belonging to them, it is not like the corporeal or
compounded, nor does it admit qualities peculiar to
corporeal substance.” You will not therefore say that
heat is a property of the transparent, or its opposite
cold, nor will you assign to it hardness or softness or
any other of the various attributes connected with
touch or taste or smell; but a nature of this sort is © |
obvious to sight alone, since it is brought into activity”
by light. And light is a form of this substance, so to
speak, which’ is the substratum of and coextensive
with the heavenly bodies. And of light, itself in- οὗ
-corporeal, the culmination and flower, so to speak, —
is the sun’s rays. Now the doctrine of the Phoenicians, |»
who were wise and learned in sacred lore, declared © |
is incorporeal, if one should regard its fountain-
head, not as corporeal, but as the undefiled activity of
mind ὃ pouring light into its own abode: and this is
1 ὁ, 6. the stars. -
2 De Anima 4194; Aristotle there says that light is the
actualisation or positive determination of the transparent
medium. Julian echoes the whole passage.
3 Mind, νοῦς, is here identified with Helios; cf. Macrobius,
Saturnalia 1. 19. 9. Sol mundi mens est, ‘‘the sun is the
363
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
fa) \ > a \ / »- “ 3
τοῦ παντὸς οὐρανοῦ τὸ μέσον εἴληχεν, ὅθεν ἐπι-
λάμπουσα πάσης μὲν εὐτονίας πληροῖ τοὺς οὐ-
/ / / \ , / \
paviovs κύκλους, πάντα δὲ περιλάμπει θείῳ καὶ
ἀχράντῳ φωτί. τὰ μέντοι ἐν τοῖς θεοῖς ἔργα
προϊόντα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μετρίως ye! ἡμῖν ὀλίγῳ
/ " 2 ΝΕ 4 / 73 / “ σ
πρότερον εἴρηται καὶ ῥηθήσεται μετ᾽ ὀλίγον. ὅσα
τὸ δὲ a a 5 ͵
δὲ ὁρῶμεν αὐτῇ πρῶτον ὄψει ὄνομα μόνον ἐστὶν
Ψ , > \ 4 \ n \
ἔργου τητώμενον, εἰ μὴ προσλάβοι THY TOD φωτὸς
/
ἡγεμονικὴν βοήθειαν. ὁρατὸν δὲ ὅλως εἴη ἂν τί
n δ /
μὴ φωτὶ πρῶτον ὥσπερ ὕλη τεχνίτῃ προσαχθέν,
“ 5 3 \ 3 \ \ \ /
ἵν᾽ οἶμαι τὸ εἶδος δέξηται; καὶ yap τὸ χρυσίον
al /
ἁπλῶς οὑτωσὶ κεχυμένον ἔστι μὲν χρυσίον, οὐ '
ξ ,ὔ A :
μὴν ἄγαλμα οὐδὲ εἰκών, πρὶν ἂν ὁ τεχνίτης αὐτῷ
n “ /
περιθῇ τὴν μορφήν. οὐκοῦν καὶ ὅσα πέφυκεν
Cc Ἂς \ \ - ς«“- /
ὁρᾶσθαι μὴ ξὺν φωτὶ τοῖς ὁρῶσι προσαγόμενα D
a ς {
τοῦ ὁρατὰ εἶναι παντώπασιν ἐστέρηται. διδοὺς :
al ¢ n e ΎΑ al e 7
οὖν τοῖς τε ὁρῶσι τὸ ὁρᾶν τοῖς τε ὁρωμένοις τὸ
ΕΞ χα / al n
ὁρᾶσθαι δύο φύσεις ἐνεργείᾳ μιᾷ τελειοῖ, ὄψιν Kab
€ / ε δὲ , 18 VA > \ > 7
ὁρατόν: αἱ δὲ τελειότητες εἴδη τέ εἰσι καὶ οὐσία.
᾿Αλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ἴσως λεπτότερον: ᾧ δὲ
ἴω 7 > a \ > an
παρακολουθοῦμεν ξύμπαντες, ἀμαθεῖς καὶ ἰδιῶ-
7
ται, φιλόσοφοι καὶ λόγιοι, τίνα ἐν τῷ παντὶ
, /
δύναμιν ἀνίσχων ἔχει καὶ καταδυόμενος ὁ θεός;
,
νύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν ἐργάζεται καὶ μεθίστησι
1)
n UA al
φανερῶς καὶ τρέπει TO πᾶν. καίτοι τίνι τοῦτο 138
! ye Hertlein suggests, re MSS. 2 133 B.
364
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
assigned to the middle of the whole firmament,
whence it sheds its rays and fills the heavenly
spheres with vigour of every kind and illumines all
things with light divine and undefiled. Now the
activities proceeding from it and exercised among
the gods have been, in some measure at least,
described by me a little earlier and will shortly be
further spoken of. But all that we see merely
with the sight at first is a name only, deprived
of activity, unless we add thereto the guidance and
aid of light. For what, speaking generally, could be
seen, were it not first brought into touch with light
in order that, I suppose, it may receive a form, as
matter is brought under the hand of a craftsman?
And indeed molten gold in the rough is simply gold,
and not yet a statue or an image, until the craftsman
give it its proper shape. So too all the objects
of sight, unless they are brought under the eyes of
the beholder together with light, are altogether
deprived of visibility. Accordingly by giving the
power of sight to those who see, and the power
of being seen to the objects of sight, it brings to
perfection, by means of a single activity, two faculties,
namely vision and visibility! And in forms and
substance are expressed its perfecting powers.
However, this is perhaps ἘΣΞΞ ἘΠ ΣΤῊΝ but as
for that guide whom we all follow, ignorant and
unlearned, philosophers and rhetoricians, what power
in the universe has this god when he rises and sets ?
Night and day he creates, and before our eyes
changes and-sways the universe. But to which of
mind of the universe”; Iamblichus, Protrepticus 21, 115;
Ammianus Marcellinus, 21. 1. 11.
1 Julian echoes Plato, Republic 507, 508.
365
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
TOV ἄλλων ἀστέρων ὑπάρχει; πῶς οὖν οὐκ ἐκ
τούτων ἤδη καὶ περὶ τῶν θειοτέρων πιστεύομεν,
ὡς ἄρα καὶ τὰ ὑπὲρ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀφανῆ καὶ θεῖα,
νοερῶν θεῶν γένη τῆς ἀγαθοειδοῦς ἀποπληροῦται
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως, ᾧ πᾶς μὲν ὑπείκει χορὸς
ἀστέρων, ἕπεται δὲ ἡ γένεσις ὑπὸ τῆς τούτου
κυβερνωμένη προμηθείας; οἱ μὲν γὰρ πλάνητες ᾽
ὅτι περὶ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ βασιλέα χορεύοντες ἔν
τίσιν ὡρισμένοις πρὸς αὐτὸν διαστήμασιν ἁρμο-
διώτατα φέρονται. κύκλῳ, στηρυγμούς τινας
ποιούμενοι καὶ πρόσω καὶ ὀπίσω πορείαν, ὡς οἱ
τῆς σφαιρικῆς ἐπιστήμονες θεωρίας ὀνομάζουσι τὰ
περὶ αὐτοὺς φαινόμενα, καὶ ὡς τὸ τῆς σελήνης
αὔξεται καὶ λήγει φῶς,. πρὸς τὴν ἀπόστασιν
ἡλίου πάσχον, πᾶσί που δῆλον. πῶς οὖν οὐκ
εἰκότως καὶ τὴν πρεσβυτέραν τῶν σωμάτων ἐν
τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς διακόσμησιν ὑπολαμβάνομεν
ἀνάλογον ἔχειν τῇ τοιαύτῃ τάξει;
Λάβωμεν οὖν ἐξ ἁπάντων τὸ μὲν τελεσιουργὸν
ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀποφαίνειν ὁρᾶν τὰ ὁρατικά"
τελειοῖ γὰρ αὐτὰ διὰ τοῦ φωτός: τὸ δὲ δημιουρ-
γικὸν καὶ γόνιμον 5 ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ ξύμπαν μετα-
βολῆς, τὸ δὲ ἐν ἑνὶ πάντων συνεκτικὸν ἀπὸ τῆς
περὶ τὰς κινήσεις πρὸς ἕν καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συμφωνίας,"
τὸ δὲ μέσον ἐξ αὐτοῦϑ μέσου, τὸ δὲ τοῖς νοεροῖς
αὐτὸν ἐνιδρῦσθαι βασιλέα ἐκ τῆς ἐν τοῖς πλανω-
μένοις μέσης τάξεως. εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα περί τινα D
1 οὗ, 146. 5 1570.
3 αὐτοῦ Hertlein suggests, ἑαυτοῦ MSS.
366
ὗ
7
᾿
§
τ
u
‘
~
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
the other heavenly bodies does this power belong ἢ
How then can we now fail to believe, in view of
this, in respect also to things more divine, that the
invisible and divine tribes of intellectual gods above
the heavens are filled with power that works for
good by him, even by him to whom the whole
band of the heavenly bodies yields place, and whom
all generated things follow, piloted by his provi-
dence? For that the planets dance about him as
their king, in certain intervals, fixed in relation to
him, and revolve in a circle with perfect accord,
making certain halts, and pursuing to and fro their
orbit,! as those who are learned in the study of the
spheres call their visible motions ; and that the light
of the moon waxes and wanes varying in proportion
to its distance from the sun, is, I think, clear to all.
Then is it not natural that we should suppose that
the more venerable ordering of bodies among the
_intellectual gods corresponds to this arrangement ?
Let us therefore comprehend, out of all his
functions, first his power to perfect, from the fact
that he makes visible the objects of sight in the ~“
universe, for through his light he perfects them;
secondly, his creative and _generative_ power from” )
the changes wrought by him in the universe ; thirdly, Af
his power to link together all things into one whole,
from the harmony of his motions “towards one and
the same goal; fourthly, his middle station we can_
comprehend from himself, who is midmost; and
fifthly, the fact that he is established as king among.
the intellectual gods, from his middle station among
the planets. Now if we see that these powers, or
ae ἢ
1 2,6. the stationary positions and the direct and retro-
grade movements of the planets.
367
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a n eon cal n
τῶν ἄλλων ἐμφανῶν ὁρῶμεν θεῶν ἢ τοσαῦτα
\
ἕτερα, μή TOL τούτῳ τὴν περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἡγεμο-
Ν
νίαν προσνείμωμεν: εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲν αὐτῷ
Ἀγ. \ \ » " \ ᾽ , Ka
κοινὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἔξω τὴς ἀγαθοεργίας, ἧς
καὶ αὐτῆς μεταδίδωσι τοῖς πᾶσι, μαρτυράμενοι
ω ,
τούς τε Κυπρίων ἱερέας, of κοινοὺς ἀποφαίνουσι
\ ς / \ / \ 7 Ν ” \
βωμοὺς “Ἡλίῳ καὶ Aci, πρὸ τούτων. δὲ ἔτε τὸν
᾿Απόλλω | συνεδρεύοντα τῷ θεῷ τῷδε παρακαλέ-
; ε
σαντες μάρτυρα" φησὶ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς οὗτος
, 7
Ris Ζεύς, εἷς ᾿Αίδης, εἷς “Ηλιός ἐστι Σάραπις"
“Ὁ ς
κοινὴν ὑπολάβωμεν, wadrov δὲ μίαν “Ἡλίου καὶ
Διὸς ἐν τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς δυναστείαν: ὅθεν μοι
ὃ a \ 7 > > / / \
οκεῖ καὶ ἸΪλάτων οὐκ ἀπεικότως φρόνιμον θεὸν
Αι ὃ 2 , ἴω δὲ \ fa n
LonVv ὀνομάσαι. καλοῦμεν δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον
Ν > ΄ Ν > nq U4 \ ΄ \
καὶ Σάραπιν, Tov adh δηλονότι καὶ νοερόν, πρὸς
[τ 9 ” / \ \ “
ov φησιν" ἄνω πορεύεσθαι τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν
+ / \ / \ \ /
ἄριστα βιωσάντων καὶ δικαιότατα. μὴ yap on
ς ΄ a ἃ 2 a 7 /
τις ὑπολάβῃ τοῦτον, ὃν οἱ μῦθοι πείθουσι φρίτ-
> \ \ [4] Ν / A 3 /
τειν, ἀλλὰ TOV πρᾷον καὶ μείλιχον, ὃς ἀπολύῦει
mn Ὁ / \ 7 ai δὲ
παντελῶς τῆς γενέσεως Tas Ψυχάς, OUI ὃὲ
/ a
λυθείσας αὐτὰς σώμασιν ἑτέροις προσηλοῖ " κολά-
/
Cov καὶ πραττόμενος δίκας, ἀλλὰ πορεύων ἄνω
\ /
καὶ ἀνατείνων τὰς ψυχὰς ἐπὶ τὸν νοητὸν κόσμον.
“ \ 2O\ \ rn 5 ε , ΄
ὅτι δὲ οὐδὲ νεαρὰ παντελῶς ἐστιν ἡ δόξα, πρού-
4 lal n
λαβον δὲ αὐτὴν οἱ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν ποιητῶν,
1 1444, 8, 1496, 2 Cratylus 403 B. 3 Phaedo 83 dD.
368
136
A
HYMN TO KING HELIOS 3
powers of similar importance, belong to any one of
the other visible deities, let us not assign to Helios
leadership among the gods. But if he has nothing
in common with those other gods except his bene-
ficent energy, and of this too he gives them all a
share, then let us call to witness the priests of
Cyprus who set up common altars to Helios and
Zeus; but even before them let us summon ‘as
witness Apollo, who sits in council with our god.
_ For this god declares: “Zeus, Hades, Helios
Serapis, three gods in one godhead!”! Let us
then assume that, among the intellectual gods,
Helios and Zeus have a joint or rather a single
sovereignty. Hence I think that with reason Plato
called Hades a wise god.2 And we call this same
god Hades Serapis also, namely the Unseen? and
Intellectual, to whom Plato says the souls of those
who have lived most righteously and justly mount
upwards. For let no one conceive of him as the
god whom the legends teach us to shudder at, but
as the mild and placable, since he completely frees
our souls from generation : and the souls that he has
thus freed he does not nail to other bodies, punish-
ing them and exacting penalties, but he carries aloft
and lifts up our souls to the intelligible world. /
And that this doctrine is not wholly new, but that
1 This oracular verse is quoted as Orphic by Macrobius,
Saturnalia 1. 18. 18; but Julian, no doubt following Iamb-
lichus, substitutes Serapis for Dionysus at the end of the
verse. ‘The worship of Serapis in the Graeco-Roman world
began with the foundation of a Serapeum by Ptolemy
Soter at Alexandria. Serapis was identified with Osiris,
the Egyptian counterpart of Dionysus.
* Phaedo 80 Ὁ; in Cratylus 403 Plato discusses, though
not seriously, the etymology of the word ‘“‘ Hades.”
3 »Αἴδης, ““ Unseen.”
369
VOL. I. ΒΒ
THE ‘ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
“Opnpos te καὶ Ἡσίοδος, εἴτε καὶ νοοῦντες οὕτως
εἴτε καὶ ἐπιπνοίᾳ θείᾳ καθάπερ οἱ μάντεις ἐνθου-
σιῶντες πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ἐνθένδ᾽ ἂν γίγνοιτο
γνώριμον. ὁ μὲν γενεαλογῶν αὐτὸν Ὑπερίονος
ἔφη καὶ Θείας, μόνον οὐχὶ διὰ τούτων αἰνιττόμενος
;
τοῦ πάντων ὑπερέχοντος αὐτὸν ἔκγονον γνήσιον
φῦναι" ὁ γὰρ “Ὑπερίων τίς ἂν ἕτερος εἴη παρὰ
τοῦτον; ἡ Θεία δὲ αὐτὴ τρόπον ἕτερον οὐ τὸ
θειότατον τῶν ὄντων λέγεται; μὴ δὲ συνδυασμὸν
ioe γάμους ὑπολαμβάνωμεν, ἄπιστα καὶ Tapa-
Soka ποιητικῆς μούσης ἀθύρματα. πατέρα δὲ
αὐτοῦ καὶ γεννήτορα νομίζωμεν τὸν θειότατον καὶ
ὑπέρτατον: τοιοῦτος δὲ τίς ἂν ἄλλος 5 εἴη τοῦ
πάντων ἐπέκεινα καὶ περὶ ὃν πάντα καὶ οὗ ἕνεκα
πάντα ἐστίν; “Ὅμηρος δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς
Ὑπερίονα καλεῖ," καὶ δείκνυσί γε αὐτοῦ τὸ αὖτε-
ξούσιον καὶ πάσης ἀνάγκης κρεῖττον. ὁ γάρ τοι
Ζεύς, ὡς ἐκεῖνός φησιν, ἁπάντων ὧν κύριος τοὺς
ἄλλους πρὸ ἀναγκέξει; ἐν δὲ τῷ μύθῳ τοῦ θεοῦ
τοῦδε λέγοντος," ὅτι ἄρα διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν τῶν
᾿Οδυσσέως ἑταίρων ἀπολείψει τὸν ᾿Ολυμπον,
οὐκέτι φησὶν
“ / ae. > Pree. 4
Auth κεν yain ἐρύσαιμ᾽ αὐτῇ te θαλάσσῃ,
οὐδὲ ἀπειλεῖ δεσμὸν οὐδὲ βίαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν δίκην
φησὶν ἐπιθήσειν τοῖς ἡμαρτηκόσιν, αὐτὸν δὲ ἀξιοῖ
φαίνειν ἐν τοῖς θεοῖς. ap οὐχὶ διὰ τούτων πρὸς
τῷ αὐτεξουσίῳ καὶ τελεσιουργὸν εἶναί φησι τὸν
1 ἔκγονον MSS, ἔγγονον V, Hertlein.
2 δὲ τίς ἂν ἄλλος Hertlein ‘suggests, δέ tis ἂν εἴη MSS.
3 Iliad 8. 480; Odyssey 1. 8. 4 Odyssey 12. 383.
37°
ee
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
Homer and Hesiod the most venerable of the poets
held it before us, whether this was their own view
or, like seers, they were divinely inspired with a
sacred frenzy for the truth, is evident from the
following. Hesiod, in tracing his genealogy, said 1
that Helios is the son of Hyperion and Thea, inti-
mating thereby that Héis the true son of him who is
above all things. For who else could Hyperion ?
be? And is not Thea herself, in another fashion,
said to be most divine of beings? But as for a
union or marriage, let us not conceive of such a
thing, since that is the incredible and paradoxical .
trifling of the poetic Muse. But let us believe that
his father and sire was the most divine and supreme
being; and who else could have this nature save
him who transcends all things, the central point and
goal of all things that exist? And Homer calls him
Hyperion after his father and shows his uncon-
ditioned nature, superior to all constraint. For Zeus,
as Homer says, since he is lord of all constrains the
other gods. And when, in the course of the myth,
Helios says that on account of the impiety of the
comrades of Odysseus*® he will forsake Olympus,
Zeus no longer says, “ Then with very earth would
I draw you up and the sea withal,’+ nor does he
threaten him with fetters or violence, but he says
that he will inflict punishment on the guilty and
bids Helios go on shining among the gods. Does
he not thereby declare that~bésides being uncon-
1 Theogony 371; cf Pindar, Isthmian 4. 1.
2 Hyperion means ‘‘ he that walks above.”
3 They had devoured the oxen of the sun; Odyssey 12.
352 [0]].
4 Iliad. 8. 24; Zeus utters this threat against the gods if
they should aid either the Trojans or the Greeks.
311
es)
wo
bo
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
/ : n
: Ηλιον; ἐπὶ τί γὰρ αὐτοῦ οἱ θεοὶ δέονται, πλὴν εἰ
μὴ πρὸς τὴν οὐσίαν καὶ τὸ εἶναι ἀφανῶς ἐ ἐναστράπ-
τῶν ὧν ἔφαμεν ἀγαθῶν ἀποπληρωτικὸς τυγχάνοι;
τὸ γὰρ
Ἢ ξέλεόν τ᾽ ἀκάμαντα βοῶπις πότνια Ἥρη
Πέμψεν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Ωκεανοῖο ῥοὰς ἀέκοντα νέεσθαι
πρὸ τοῦ καιροῦ φησι νομισθῆναι τὴν νύκτα διά
Twa χαλεπὴν ὁμίχλην. αὕτη γὰρ ἡ θεός που,
καὶ ἄλλοθι τῆς ποιήσεώς φησιν,"
ἠέρα δ᾽ “Ἥρη
Πίτνα πρόσθε βαθεῖαν.
ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν. τῶν ποιητῶν χαίρειν ἐάσωμεν" ἔχει
γὰρ μετὰ τοῦ θείου πολὺ. καὶ τἀνθρώπινον" ἃ ἃ δὲ
ἡμᾶς ἔοικεν αὐτὸς ὁ θεὸς διδάσκειν ὑπέρ τε αὑτοῦ
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ἐκεῖνα ἤδη διέλθωμεν.
Ὁ “περὶ γῆν τόπος ἐν τῷ γίνεσθαι τὸ εἶναι ἔχει.
τίς οὖν ἐστιν ὁ τὴν ἀιδιότητα δωρούμενος αὐτῷ;
ἂρ’ οὐχ ὁ ταῦτα μέτροις ὡρισμένοις “συνέχων;
ἄπειρον μὲν γὰρ εἶναι φύσιν σώματος οὐχ οἷόν τ᾽
ἦν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ a ἀγέννητός ἐστι μηδὲ αὐθυπόστατος'
ἐκ δὲ τῆς οὐσίας εἰ πάντως ἐγίνετό τι συνεχῶς,
ἀνελύετο δὲ εἰς αὐτὴν μηδέν, ἐπέλειπεν ἂν τῶν
γιγνομένων ἡ οὐσία. τὴν δὴ τοιαύτην φύσιν ὁ
θεὸς ὅδε μέτρῳ κινούμενος προσιὼν μὲν ὀρθοῖ καὶ
ἐγείρει, πόρρω δὲ ἀπιὼν ἐλαττοῖ καὶ φθείρει,
μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτὸς ἀεὶ ζωοποιεῖ κινῶν καὶ ἐποχε-
τεύων αὐτῇ τὴν Conv ἡ δὲ drones αὐτοῦ Kal
ἡ πρὸς θάτερα μετάστασις αἰτία γίνεται φθορᾶς 138
~,
1 Iliad 18, 239. 2 Iliad 21. 6.
372
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
ditioned, Helios has also the power to perfect?
For why do the gods need him unless by send-
ing his light, himself invisible, on their substance
and existence, he fulfils for them the blessings
of which I spoke? For when Homer says that
“ Ox-eyed Hera, the queen, sent unwearied Helios
to go, all unwilling, to the streams of Oceanus,”
he means that, by reason of a heavy mist, it was
thought to be night before the proper time. And
this mist is surely the goddess herself, and in
another place also in the poem he says, “ Hera spread
before them a thick mist.” But let us leave the
stories of the poets alone. For along with what
is inspired they contain much also that is merely
human. And let me now relate what the god
himself seems to teach us, both about himself and
“the other gods.
_ The region of the earth contains being in a state
of becoming. Then who endows it with imperish--~
ability? Is it not het who keeps all together by
means of definite limits? For that the nature of
being should be unlimited was not possible, since it
is neither uncreated nor self-subsistent. And if
from being something were generated absolutely
without ceasing and nothing were resolved back
into it, the substance of things generated would fail.
Accordingly this god, moving in due measure, raises
up and stimulates this substance when he approaches
it, and when he departs to a distance he diminishes
and destroys it; or rather he himself continually
revivifies it by giving it movement and flooding it
with life. And his departure and turning in the
σ΄
1 Julian now describes the substance or essential nature,
οὐσία, of Helios, 137 p-142 8.
373
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a / 25s \ 5 ς 3 > a a
τοῖς φθίνουσιν. ἀεὶ μὲν οὖν ἡ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῶν
᾽ a ΄ y ΄ ΟΕ Ὶ \ a bls
ἀγαθῶν δόσις ἴση κάτεισιν ἐπὶ THY γῆν: ἄλλοτε
\ Ν δέ Ν a / \ \ /
yap ἄλλη δέχεται TA τοιαῦτα χώρα TPOS TO μήτε
/ a /
THY γένεσιν ἐπιλείπειν μήτε τοῦ συνήθους ποτὲ
\ Ν of- Xx / i “ Ν \
τὸν θεὸν ἔλαττον ἢ πλέον εὖ ποιῆσαι TOV παθητὸν
Ν / a
κόσμον. ἡ γὰρ ταυτότης ὥσπερ τῆς οὐσίας, οὕτω
“ 7 a r \ / a
δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐνεργείας ἐν τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ πρὸ γε τῶν
\ an “ “ 3 , A \
ἄλλων παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν ὅλων ᾿Ηλίῳ, ὃς καὶ
τὴν κίνησιν ἁπλουστάτην ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας ποιεῖται
a \ / \ 3
TOUS τῷ παντὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν φερομένους" ὃ δὴ Kal
Ν a an n
αὐτὸ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπεροχῆς αὐτοῦ
a a ς >
σημεῖον ποιεῖται ὁ κλεινὸς ᾿Αριστοτέλης: ἀλλὰ
\ \ lal ΝΜ Cal “ > b \
καὶ Tapa τῶν ἄλλων νοερῶν θεῶν οὐκ ἀμυδραὶ
/ / 3
καθήκουσιν εἰς τὸν κόσμον τόνδε δυνάμεις. εἶτα
,ὔ [οἱ /
τί τοῦτο; μὴ γὰρ ἀποκλείομεν τοὺς ἄλλους τούτῳ
ὴν ἡ (αν ὁ ῦ δεδόσθ ὺ δὲ
τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὁμολογοῦντες δεδόσθαι; πολὺ δὲ
πλέον ἐκ τῶν ἐμφανῶν ἀξιοῦμεν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀφανῶν
ef \ \ .
πιστεύειν. ὥσπερ yap τὰς ἐνδιδομένας ἅπασιν
ἐκεῖθεν δυνώμεις εἰς τὴν γῆν οὗτος φαίνεται
lal /
τελεσιουργῶν Kal συναρμόζων πρός τε ἑαυτὸν Kal
τὸ πᾶν, οὕτω δὴ νομιστέον καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀφανέσιν
> “ \ 7 Μ ‘ > / ε
αὐτῶν τὰς συνουσίας ἔχειν πρὸς ἀλλήλας, ἡνγε-
/ 7
μόνα μὲν ἐκείνην, συμφωνούσας δὲ πρὸς αὐτὴν
\ y φῳ > \ 4 > / 5» >
τὰς ἄλλας ἅμα. ἐπεὶ καί, EL μέσον ἔφαμεν ἐν
/ a tal lal nr
μέσοις ἱδρῦσθαι τὸν θεὸν τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς,
, e \
ποταπή τίς ἡ μεσότης ἐστὶν ὧν αὖ χρὴ μέσον
374
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
other direction is the cause of decay for things that
perish. Ever does his gift of blessings descend
evenly upon the earth. For now one country now
another receives them, to the end that becoming
may not cease nor the god ever benefit less or more
than is his custom this changeful world. For same-
ness, as of being so also of activity, exists among the
gods, and above all the others in the case of the
King of the All, Helios; and he also makes the
simplest movement of all the heavenly bodies! that
travel in a direction opposite to the whole. In fact
this is the very thing that the celebrated Aristotle
makes a proof of his superiority, compared with the
others. Nevertheless from the other intellectual
gods also, forces clearly discernible descend to this
world. And now what does this mean? Are we not
excluding the others when we assert that the
leadership has been assigned to Helios? Nay, far
rather do I think it night from the visible to have
faith about the invisible.2 For even as this god is
seen to complete and to adapt to himself and to the
universe the powers that are bestowed on the earth
from the other gods for all things, after the same
fashion we must believe that. among the invisible
gods also there is intercourse with one another ; his
mode of intercourse being that of a leader, while the |
modes of intercourse of the others are at the same”
time in harmony with his. For since we said that |
the god is established midmost among the midmost~ |
intellectual gods, may King Helios himself grant
_ tous to tell what is the nature of that middleness
14.e. The sun, moon and planets; the orbits of the
planets are complicated by their direct and retrograde
movements, ? οἵ, 133 ν.
375
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
αὐτὸν ὑπολαβεῖν, αὐτὸς ἡμῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰπεῖν
Ἥλιος δοίη.
Μεσότητα μὲν δή φαμεν οὐ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἐναντίοις
θεωρουμένην ἴσον ἀφεστῶσαν τῶν ἄκρων, οἷον ἐπὶ
χρωμάτων τὸ ξανθὸν ἢ φαιόν, ἐπὶ δὲ θερμοῦ καὶ
ψυχροῦ τὸ χλιαρόν, καὶ ὅσα τοιαῦτα, ἀλλὰ τὴν
ἑνωτικὴν καὶ συνάγουσαν τὰ διεστῶτα, ὁποίαν
τινά φησιν ᾿Εμπεδοκλῆς τὴν ἁρμονίαν ἐξορίζων
. yate a \ a / i > ἃ
QUTNS TWAVTEXWS TO VELKOS. τινὰ OVV EOTLV, QA.
/ \ / 5 \ 7 \ δ) 3 «Ψ
συνάγει, καὶ τίνων ἐστὶ μέσος; φημὶ δὴ οὖν ὅτι
ro an 7 n \ lal
τῶν τε ἐμφανῶν καὶ περικοσμίων θεῶν Kal τῶν
ΙΣ Ν lal «Ὁ \ > , » [2
ἀύλων καὶ νοητῶν, οἱ περὶ τἀγαθὸν εἰσιν, ὥσπερ
rn »
πολυπλασιαζομένης ἀπαθῶς καὶ ἄνευ προσθήκης
“ fol ’ 7
τῆς νοητῆς καὶ θείας οὐσίας. ὡς μὲν οὖν ἐστι
/ ’ > \ a BA a / \
μέση τις, οὐκ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων κραθεῖσα, τελεία δὲ
καὶ ἀμυγὴς ἀφ᾽ ὅλων τῶν θεῶν ἐμφανῶν τε καὶ
> n \ > n A n ς val /
ἀφανῶν καὶ αἰσθητῶν καὶ νοητῶν ἡ τοῦ Bacthéws
ς , \ ᾿ . ¢ , ᾿
Ἠλίου νοερὰ καὶ πάγκαλος οὐσία, καὶ ὁποίαν τινὰ
\ \ lA 7 » 4 \ n A
χρὴ τὴν μεσότητα νομίζειν, εἴρηται. εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ
a > ὧΨ > “Ὁ (fel > “ Ἀ »
τοῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐπεξελθεῖν, ἵν᾿ αὐτοῦ καὶ κατ
"᾽ \ 7 an 5 Υ̓ “Ἁ » / \
εἴδη TO μέσον τῆς οὐσίας, ὅπως ἔχει πρός TE TA
fal \ a a a 7 \
πρῶτα Kal TA TEeAEUTALA,! TO νῷ κατίδωμεν, εἰ καὶ
1 χὰ τελευταῖα Hertlein suggests, τελευταῖα MSS,
376
ee
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
among things of which we must regard him as_the ν
6.
Now “middleness’”’! we define not as that mean
which in opposites is seen to be equally remote from
the extremes, as, for instance, in colours, tawny or
dusky, and warm in the case of hot and cold, and
the like, but that which unifies and links together
what.is separate ; for instance the sort of thing that
Empedocles? means by Harmony when from it he
altogether eliminates Strife. And now what does
Helios link together, and of what is he the middle ?
I assert then that he is midway between the visible,
gods who surround the universe and the immaterial ἢ
and intelligible gods who surround the Good—/
for the intelligible and divine substance is as it were
multiplied without external influence and without
addition. For that the intellectual and: wholly
beautiful substance of King Helios is middle in the
sense of being unmixed with extremes, complete in
itself, and distinct from the whole number of the
gods, visible and invisible, both those perceptible by
sense and those which are intelligible only, I have
already declared, and also in what sense we must
conceive of his middleness. But if I must also
describe these things one by one, in order that we
may discern with our intelligence how his inter-
mediary nature, in its various forms, is related both
to the highest and the lowest, even though it is
1 Julian defines the ways in which Helios possesses
μεσότης, or middleness ; he is mediator and connecting link
as well as locally midway between the two worlds and the
centre of the intellectual gods ; see Introduction, p. 350.
2 cf. Empedocles, fr. 18 ; 122,2; 17, 19 Diels.
377
—_—
>
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
» μὴ πάντα διελθεῖν ῥάδιον, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν τὰ δυνατὰ
φράσαι πειραθῶμεν.
Ἕν παντελῶς τὸ νοητὸν ἀεὶ προὕπάρχον, τὰ"
δὲ πάντα ὁμοῦ συνειληφὸς ἐν τῷ ἑνί. τί δέ; οὐχὶ
καὶ ὁ σύμπας κόσμος ἕν ἐστι ζῷον ὅλον δι’ ὅλου
ψυχῆς καὶ νοῦ πλῆρες, τέλειον ἐκ μερῶν τελείων; *
ταύτης οὖν τῆς διπλῆς ἑνοειδοῦς τελειότητος" φημὶ
δὲ τῆς ἐν τῷ νοητῷ πάντα ἐν ἑνὶ συνεχούσής, καὶ
τῆς περὶ τὸν κόσμον εἰς μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν φύσιν
τελείαν συναγομένης ἑνώσεως" ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως
Ἡλίου μέση τελειότης ἑνοειδής ἐστιν, ἐν τοῖς
νοεροῖς ἱδρυμένη θεοῖς. ἀλλὰ δὴ τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο
συνοχή τίς ἐστιν ἐν τῷ νοητῷ τῶν θεῶν κόσμῳ
πάντα πρὸς τὸ ἕν συντάττουσα. τί δέ; οὐχὶ καὶ
περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν φαίνεται κύκλῳ πορευομένη τοῦ
πέμπτου σώματος οὐσία," ἣ πάντα συνέχει τὰ
μέρη καὶ σφίγγει πρὸς αὑτὰ συνέχουσα τὸ φύσει
σκεδαστὸν αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπορρέον an ἀλλήλων;
δύο δὴ ταύτας τὰς ὁ οὐσίας συνοχῆς αἰτίας, τὴν
μὲν ἐν τοῖς νοητοῖς, τὴν δὲ ἐν τοῖς αἰσθητοῖς
φαινομένην ὁ βασιλεὺς “Ἥλιος εἰς ταὐτὸ συν-
ἅπτει, τῆς μὲν μιμούμενος τὴν συνεκτικὴν
δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς νοεροῖς, ἅτε ἐξ αὐτῆς προελθών,
τῆς δὲ τελευταίας προκατάρχων, ἣ περὶ τὸν
ἐμφανῆ θεωρεῖται κόσμον. μή ποτε οὖν καὶ τὸ
1 τὰ Hertlein suggests, ταῦτα MSS.
2 Plato, Timaeus 33 A.
3 οἵ, 13890; Oration 5. 16 ο, 166d, 170 Ο.
4 ras Hertlein suggests.
378
eee ee
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
not easy to recount it all, yet let me try to say
what can be'said.
Wholly one is the intelligible world, pre-existent
from all time, and it combines all things together
in the One. Again is not our whole world also one
complete living organism, wholly throughout the
whole of it full of soul and intelligence, “ perfect,
with all its parts perfect”? Midway then between
this uniform two-fold perfection—-I mean that one
kind of unity holds together in one all that exists in
the intelligible world, while the other kind of unity
unites in the visible world all things into one and
the same perfect nature—between these, I say, is
the uniform perfection of King Helios, established
among the intellectual gods There is, however,
next in order, a sort of binding force in the in-
telligible world of the gods, which orders all things
into one. Again is there not visible in the
heavens also, travelling in its orbit, the nature of
the Fifth Substance, which links and compresses !
together all the parts, holding-togethier things that
by nature are prone to scatter and to fall away
from one another? These existences, therefore,
which are two causes of connection, one in the
intelligible world, while the other appears in the
world of sense-perception, King Helios combines
into one, imitating the synthetic power of the former
among the intellectual gods, seeing that he proceeds
from it, and subsisting prior to the latter which
is seen in the visible world. Then must not the
1 ef. 167 p. In Timaeus 58 A it is the revolution of the
whole which by constriction compresses all matter together,
but Julian had that passage in mind. In Empedocles it is
the Titan, Aet i.¢€. the Fifth Substance, that ‘‘ binds the
globe.” fr. 38 Diels. —S
Se
-379.
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
lal “Ὁ lal 2 7
αὐθυπόστατον πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τοῖς νοητοῖς ὑπάρ-
χον, τελευταῖον δ᾽ ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν φαινο-
μένοις μέσην ἔχει τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως οὐσίαν
αὐθυπόστατον Ἡλίου, ἀφ᾽ ἧς κάτεισιν οὐσίας
n 3 \ > n is e ’ὔ
πρωτουργοῦ εἰς τὸν ἐμφανῆ κόσμον ἡ περιλάμ-
\ / > , 4 \ »
πουσα τὰ σύμπαντα αὐγή; πάλιν δὲ κατ
a an /
ἄλλο σκοποῦντι εἷς μὲν ὁ τῶν ὅλων δημιουργός,
πολλοὶ δὲ οἱ κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν περιπολοῦντες δημιουρ-
\ / / »᾿, \ 4 \ 5» 3
γικοὶ θεοἤ. μέσην ἄρα καὶ τούτων τὴν ἀφ
€ 7ὔ 7 » A / ’ὔ
Ηλίου καθήκουσαν εἰς τὸν κόσμον δημιουργίαν
7 > \ \ \ / n “ἅμ Ἁ \
θετέον. ἀλλὰ Kal TO γόνιμον τῆς ζωῆς πολὺ μὲν
\ ες ͵7ὔ] Xx ° TO wn / δὲ ζ nr
καὶ ὑπέρπληρες ἐν τῷ νοητῷ, φαίνεται δὲ ζωῆς
7 \ 6 l N , δι *
γονίμου Kal ὁ κόσμος OY πλήρης. πρόδηλον οὖν
δ . n / an a
ὅτι καὶ TO γόνιμον τοῦ βασιλέως “Ἡλίου τῆς ζωῆς
/ » \ > al 3 \ 7 a \ "ἃ
μέσον ἐστὶν ἀμφοῖν, ἐπεὶ τούτῳ μαρτυρεῖ καὶ τ
/ x \ \ ae | ΡΞ \ Ἢ
φαινόμενα" τὰ μὲν γὰρ τελειοῖ τῶν εἰδῶν, τὰ δὲ
> 7 \ \ na \ , χα Rye wer” >
ἐργάζεται, Ta δὲ κοσμεῖ, TA δὲ ἀνεγείρει, Kal ἕν οὐ-
a , fal
δέν ἐστιν, ὃ δίχα τῆς ἀφ᾽ “Ἡλίου δημιουργικῆς δυνά-
pews εἰς φῶς πρόεισι καὶ γένεσιν. ἔτι πρὸς τούτοις
εἰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς νοητοῖς ἄχραντον καὶ καθαρὰν ἄυλον
\ n
οὐσίαν νοήσαιμεν, οὐδενὸς ἔξωθεν αὐτῇ προσιόντος
οὐδὲ ἐνυπάρχοντος ἀλλοτρίου, πλήρη δὲ τῆς
οἰκείας ἀχράντου καθαρότητος, τήν τε ἐν τῷ
380.
14
Β
Gz
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
unconditioned also, which exists primarily in the
intelligible world, and finally among the visible
bodies in the heavens, possess midway between these
two the unconditioned substerree—ef—Kine—Helios,
and from that primary creative substance do not
the rays of his light, illumining all things, descend
to the visible world? Again, to take another point
of view, the creator of the whole is one, but many
are the creative gods! who revolve in the heavens.
Midmost therefore of these also we must place the
creative activity which descends into the world fro
Helios. But also the power of generating life is
abundant and overflowing in the intelligible world ;
and our world also appears to be full of generative life.
It is therefore evident that the life-generating power
of King Helios also is midway between both the -
worlds: and the phenomena of our world also bear
witness to this. For some forms he perfects, others
he makes, or adorns, or wakes to life, and there is
no single thing which, apart from the creative power
derived from Helios, can come to light and to birth.
And further, besides this, if we should comprehend
the pure and undefiled and immaterial substance 3
among the intelligible gods—to which nothing ex-
ternal is added, nor has any alien thing a place
therein, but it is filled with its own unstained
_ 1 Plato in Timaeus 41, distinguishes ‘‘the gods who
revolve before our eyes” from ‘‘ those who reveal themselves
so far as they will.” Julian regularly describes, as here, a
triad ; every one of his three worlds has its own unconditioned
being (αὐθυπόστατον) ; its own creative power (δημιουργία) ;
its own power to generate life (γόνιμον τῆς (wis); and in
every case, the middle term is Helios as a connecting link
in his capacity of thinking or intellectual god (voepés).
2 Julian now describes the three kinds of substance
(οὐσία) and its three forms (εἴδη) in the three worlds.
281
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
lal Ν
κόσμῳ περὶ τὸ κύκλῳ φερόμενον σῶμα πρὸς πάντα
> aA A na 7 }] a \ εἶ
ἀμιγῆ τὰ στοιχεῖα λίαν εἰλικρινῆ καὶ καθαρὰν
/ \ , , 7
φύσιν ἀχράντου καὶ δαιμονίου σώματος, εὑρή-
id / \ \
σομεν Kal τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως Ἡλίου λαμπρὰν καὶ
7 7 na / n an
ἀκήρατον οὐσίαν ἀμφοῖν μέσην, τῆς τε ἐν τοῖς
lal n al >
νοητοῖς ἀύλου καθαρότητος καὶ τῆς ἐν τοῖς αἰἱσ-.
θητοῖς ἀχράντου καὶ ἀμυγοῦς πρὸς γένεσιν καὶ
\ ΩΝ
φθορὰν καθαρᾶς εἰλικρινείας. μέγιστον δὲ τού-
του τεκμήριον, ὅτι μηδὲ τὸ φῶς, ὃ μάλιστα
> a oe a / , / \
ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ γῆν φέρεται, συμμίγνυταί τινι μηδὲ
2 lA
ἀναδέχεται ῥύπον Kal μίασμα, μένει δὲ πάντως
> n n 9S
ἐν πᾶσι. τοῖς ovow ἄχραντον Kal ἀμόλυντον Kai
ἀπαθές.
Ἔτι δὲ προσεκτέον τοῖς ἀύλοις εἴδεσι καὶ
a 5) \ \ a > a Ψ \ \
νοητοῖς, ἀλλὰ Kal τοῖς αἰσθητοῖς, ὅσα περὶ τὴν
Ὁ 3 \ x \ Nat / > /
ὕλην ἐστὶν ἢ περὶ TO ὑποκείμενον. ἀναφανήσεται
πάλιν ἐνταῦθα μέσον τὸ νοερὸν τῶν περὶ τὸν
7 a
μέγαν “Ἥλιον εἰδῶν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν Kal τὰ περὶ τὴν
ὕλην εἴδη βοηθεῖται μήποτε ἂν δυνηθέντα μήτε
3 / / \ > 3 7 Ν
εἶναι μήτε σώζεσθαι μὴ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου πρὸς
\
τὴν οὐσίαν συνεργούμενα. TL γάρ; οὐχ οὗτός
a , la) fa)
ἐστι Ths διακρίσεως τῶν εἰδῶν Kal συγκρίσεως
τῆς ὕλης αἴτιος, οὐ νοεῖν ἡμῖν αὑτὸν μόνον παρέ-
> \ \ ς oan 4 ε 7 Ὁ“
χων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ορᾶν ὄμμασιν; ἢ γάρ τοι τῶν
382
gape “te
14
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
purity —and if we should comprehend also the pure
and unmixed nature of unstained and divine sub-
stance, whose elements are wholly unmixed, and
which, in the visible universe, surrounds the sub-
stance that revolves,! here also we should discover
the radiant and stainless substance of King Helios,
midway between the two; that is to say, midway
between the immaterial purity that exists among
the intelligible gods, and that perfect purity, un- |
stained and free from birth and death, that exists in/
the world which we can perceive. And the greatest |
proof of this is that not even the light which comes
down nearest to the earth from the sun is mixed
with anything, nor does it admit dirt and defile-
ment, but remains wholly pure and without stain and
free from external influences among all existing
things.
But we must go on to consider the immaterial
and intelligible forms,? and also those _ visible
forms which are united with matter or the sub-
stratum, Here again, the intellectual will be found
to be midmost among the forms that surround mighty
Helios, by which forms in their turn the material
forms are aided ;.for they never could have existed
or been preserved, had they not been brought, by
his aid, into connection with being. For consider :
is not he the cause of the separation of the forms,
and of the combination of matter, in that he not only
permits us to comprehend his very self, but also to
behold him with our eyes? For the distribution of
1 7.e. the visible heavenly bodies.
2 Helios connects the forms (Plato’s Ideas) which exist in
the intelligible world, with those which in our world ally
themselves with matter ; cf. Oration 5. 171 B.
383
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
/ > n
ἀκτίνων εἰς πάντα TOV κόσμον διανομὴ Kal ἡ τοῦ
Ν Ψ \ \ > / /
φωτὸς ἕνωσις τὴν δημιουργικὴν ἐνδείκνυται bid- B
κρίσιν τῆς ποιήσεως.
Πολλῶν δὲ ὄντων ἔτι περὶ τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ θεοῦ
“Ὁ 7 > lal ἃ Ns oe / 3 ‘ n
τῶν φαινομένων ἀγαθῶν, ἃ δὴ ὅτε μέσος ἐστὶ TOV
τε νοητῶν καὶ τῶν ἐγκοσμίων θεῶν παρίστησιν,
aN \ / > an 4 2 n n .
ἐπὶ τὴν τελευταίαν αὐτοῦ μετίωμεν ἐμφανῆ λῆξιν.
/ \ an la) Ὁ
πρώτη μὲν οὖν ἐστιν αὐτοῦ τῶν περὶ τὸν τελευταῖον
4 ς “ ε an > , Φ Σ 7]
κόσμον ἡ τῶν ἡλιακῶν ἀγγέλων οἷον ἐν παραδείγ-
\ \ /
ματι τὴν ἰδέαν Kal τὴν ὑπόστασιν ἔχουσα" μετὰ
΄ \ nq 3 - δ -
ταύτην δὲ ἡ τῶν αἰσθητῶν γεννητική, ἧς TO μὲν
/ n
τιμιώτερον οὐρανοῦ Kal ἀστέρων ἔχει THY αἰτίαν,
\ ,
TO δὲ ὑποδεέστερον ἐπιτροπεύει τὴν γένεσιν, ἐξ
> , / a a
ἀιδίου περιέχον αὐτῆς ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὴν ἀγέννητον
If n
αἰτίαν. ἅπαντα μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ τὴν οὐσίαν TOD
“ a a an e
θεοῦ τοῦδε διελθεῖν οὐδὲ εἴ τῳ δοίη νοῆσαι αὐτὰ ὁ
\ & / “ \ \ 7 a
θεὸς οὗτος δυνατόν, ὅπου Kal Ta πάντα περιλαβεῖν
τῷ νῷ ἔμοιγε φαίνεται ἀδύνατον.
>
Eel δὲ πολλὰ διεληλύθαμεν, ἐπιθετέον ὥσπερ
rn n 7 n , 3
σφραγῖδα τῷ λόγῳ τῷδε μέλλοντας ἐφ᾽ ἕτερα μετα-
A ᾽ 7 a , 7 /
βαίνειν οὐκ ἐλάττονος τῆς θεωρίας δεόμενα. τίς
οὖν ἡ σφραγὶς καὶ οἷον ἐν κεφαλαίῳ τὰ πάντα
4 ig \ a > / a ἴον
περιλαμβάνουσα ἡ περὶ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ θεοῦ
ῇ ἥν ας oi Ὁ 2 n , ΄ 3
νόησις, αὐτὸς ἡμῖν ἐπὶ νοῦν θείη βουλομένοις ἐν
an a ) Lek ¢ na
βραχεῖ συνελεῖν τήν τε αἰτίαν, ap ἧς προῆλθε,
1 αὐτὰ V, αὐτὸς MSS, Hertlein.
384
᾿»
ba oe oon "ὦ
Pabeapl Ls
a
ye
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
his rays over the whole universe, and the unifying
power of his light, prove him to be the master work-
man who gives an individual existence to everything
that is created.
Now though there are many more blessings con-
nected with the substance of the god and apparent
to us, which show that he is midway between the
intelligible and the mundane gods! let us proceed tom
his last visible province. His first province then in,
the last of the worlds is, as though by way of a
attern, to give form and personality to the sun’s'
jo7angels.”, Next is his province of generating the
world of sense-perception, of which the more honour-
able part. contains the cause of the heavens and
the heavenly bodies, while the inferior part guides
this our world of becoming, and from eternity con-
tains in itself the uncreated cause of that world.
Now to describe all the properties of the substance
of this god, even though the god himself should
grant one to comprehend them, is impossible, seeing
that even to grasp them all with the mind is, in my
opinion, beyond our power. :
But since I have already described many of them,
I must set a seal, as it were, on this discourse, now
that I am about to pass to other subjects that
demand no less investigation. What then that seal
is, and what is the knowledge of the god’s substance
that. embraces all these questions, and as it were
sums them up under one head, may he himself
suggest to my mind, since I desire to describe in a
τ ἦν. the heavenly bodies.
2 These angels combine, as does a model, the idea and its
hypostazisation ; cf. 142 a, Letter to the Athenians 275 Β.
Julian nowhere defines angels, but Porphyry as quoted by
Augustine, De civitate Dei 10, 9, distinguished them from
daemons and placed them in the aether.
385
VOL. I. cc
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
\ > \ “ > 7] A > an ὸ
καὶ αὐτὸς ὅστις ἐστί, τίνων τε ἀποπληροῖ τὸν
a / / > ©. =N \
ἐμφανῆ κόσμον. ῥητέον οὖν ws ἐξ ἑνὸς μὲν προ-
a fa) la) TE Se oe n a /
ἤλθε τοῦ θεοῦ εἷς ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς τοῦ νοητοῦ κόσμου
an lal an / /
βασιλεὺς “Ἥλιος, τῶν νοερῶν θεῶν μέσος ἐν μέσοις
/ / / \ ς ΄
τεταγμένος κατὰ παντοίαν μεσότητα, τὴν ὁμό-
, ‘ <n al
φρονα καὶ φίλην καὶ τὰ διεστῶτα συνάγουσαν,
A \ a n , :
εἰς ἕνωσιν ἄγων τὰ τελευταῖα τοῖς πρώτοις,
/ an 7, an \
τελειότητος Kal συνοχῆς καὶ γονίμου ζωῆς καὶ
a n / a
τῆς ἑνοειδοῦς οὐσίας τὰ μέσα ἔχων ἐν ἑαυτῷ, TO
la / / n 4
τε αἰσθητῷ κόσμῳ παντοίων ἀγαθῶν προηγού-
7 ᾽ / ὃ » a > \ > lal /
μενος, ov μόνον du ἧς αὐτὸς αὐγῆς περιλάμπει.
a \ / 3 \ \ \ » OR an
κοσμῶν καὶ φαιδρύνων, ἀλλὰ Kal THY οὐσίαν TOV
ς n > , Q9¢ fal 7 Ν \
ἡλιακῶν ἀγγέλων “ EAUT@ συνυποστήῆσας καὶ τὴν
/ / a /
ἀγέννητον αἰτίαν τῶν γινομένων περιέχων, ETL TE
πρὸ ταύτης τῶν ἀιδίων σωμάτων τὴν ἀγήρω καὶ
7 A n cater g
μόνιμον τῆς ζωῆς αἰτίαν.
“ὉΔδ \ 9 \ a Res > a > a a
A μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐχρῆν εἰπεῖν τοῦ
θεοῦ τοῦδε, καίτοι τῶν πλείστων παραλειφθέντων,
" od b] 3 7 > \ \ εὖ “ ,
εἴρηται ὅμως οὐκ ὀλίγα: ἐπεὶ δὲ TO τῶν δυνάμεων
> a n \ \ an 2 a 7 “Ὁ
αὐτοῦ πλῆθος καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐνεργειῶν κάλλος τοσοῦ-
/ a
τόν ἐστιν, ὥστε εἶναι τῶν περὶ THY οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ
/ ς 7) > \ \ / \ μὴν
θεωρουμένων ὑπερβολήν, ἐπεὶ καὶ πέφυκε τὰ θεῖα
“ἢ > \ Υ
προϊόντα εἰς τὸ ἐμφανὲς πληθύνεσθαι διὰ τὸ
\ ete nA Ἐκ ἐν τὴν , δοι ΔΟ ;
περιὸν καὶ γόνιμον τῆς ζωῆς, ὅρα τί δράσομεν, ob VY
1 προηγούμενος V, προκαθηγούμενος MSS, Hertlein.
2. οἵ, 1418.
386
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
brief summary both the cause from which he pro-
ceeded, and his own nature, and those blessings wit
which he fills the visible world. ‘This then we a ΄
declare, that King Helios is One and proceeds fro
one god, even from the intelligible world which is
itself One ; and that he is midmost of the intellect-
ual gods, stationed in their midst by every kind of—
mediateness that is harmonious and friendly, and that
joins what is sundered ; and that he brings together
into one the last and the first, having in his own
person the means of completeness, of connection, of
generative life and of uniform being: and that for
the world which we can perceive he initiates blessings
of all sorts, not only by means of the light with
which he illumines it, adorning it and giving it its
splendour, but also because he calls into existence,
along with himself, the substance of the Sun’s angels;
and that finally in himself he comprehends the
ungenerated cause of things generated, and further,
and prior to this, the ageless and abiding cause of
the life of the imperishable bodies.!
Now as for what it was right to say about the
substance of this god, though the greater part has
been omitted, nevertheless much has been said. But
since the multitude of his powers and the beauty of
his activities is so great that we shall now exceed the
limit of what we observed about his substance,—for
it is natural that when divine things come forth into
the region of the visible they should be multiplied,
in virtue of the superabundance of life and_ life-
generating power in them,—consider what I have to
do. For now I must strip for a plunge into this
τ 7.e, the heavenly bodies ; cf. Fragment of a Letter 295 a.
387
cc 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
\ 3 Ν > / / \
πρὸς ἀχανὲς πέλαγος ἀποδυόμεθα, μόγις καὶ
ἀγαπητῶς ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ πρόσθεν ἀναπαυόμενοι
ῇ / fa! n rn A
λόγου. τολμητέον δ᾽ ὅμως TO θεῷ θαρροῦντα καὶ
“ /
πειρατέον ἅψασθαι Tov λόγου.
Κοινῶς μὲν δὴ τὰ πρόσθεν ῥηθέντα περὶ τῆς
οὐσίας αὐτοῦ ταῖς δυνάμεσι προσήκειν ὑπολητπ-
/ 3 \ + / > > / an 7
τέον. οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο μέν ἐστιν οὐσία θεοῦ, δύναμις
\ » \ \ / 7, \ a > ἡ
δὲ ἄλλο, καὶ μὰ Δία τρίτον παρὰ ταῦτα ἐνέργεια.
/ \ Ὁ , 4 a » \ uA
πάντα yap ἅπερ βούλεται, ταῦτα ἔστι καὶ δύ-
a > \ a
vata. Kal ἐνεργεῖ: οὔτε yap ὃ μὴ ἔστι βούλεται,
» ἃ 4 a > / xvysp ἃ \ 4
οὔτε ὃ βούλεται δρᾶν οὐ σθένει, οὔθ᾽ ὃ μὴ δύναται
ἐνεργεῖν ἐθέλει. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν ἄνθρω-
πον οὐχ ὧδε ἐ ἔχει" διττὴ γάρ ἐστι μαχομένη φύσις
εἰς ὃν κεκραμένη ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος, τῆς μὲν
θείας, τοῦ δὲ σκοτεινοῦ τε καὶ ξοφώδους" ἔ ἔοικέ τε
εἶναι μάχῃ τις καὶ στάσις. ἐπεὶ καὶ ᾽᾿Αριστο-
τέλης φησὶ Ἥ διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτο μήτε τὰς ἡδονὰς ὁμολο-
γεῖν μήτε τὰς λύπας ἀλλήλαις ἐν ἡμῖν" τὸ γὰρ
θατέρᾳ, φησί, τῶν ἐν ἡμῖν φύσεων ἡδὺ τῇ πρὸς
ταύτην ἀντικειμένῃ πέφυκεν. ἀλγεινόν" ἐν δὲ τοῖς
θεοῖς οὐδέν ἐστι τοιοῦτον" οὐσίᾳ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὑπ-
άρχει τἀγαθὰ καὶ διηνεκῶς, οὗ ποτὲ μὲν, ποτὲ
δ᾽ οὔ. πρῶτον οὗν ὅσαπερ ἔφαμεν, τὴν οὐσίαν
αὐτοῦ παραστῆσαι βουλόμενοι, ταῦθ᾽ ἡμῖν εἰρῆ-
σθαι. καὶ περὶ τῶν δυνάμεων. καὶ ἐνεργειῶν pope
στέον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ὁ λόγος ἔοικεν
ἀντιστρέφειν, ὅσα καὶ περὶ τῶν δυνάμεων αὐτοῦ
καὶ ἐνεργειῶν ἐφεξῆς, σκοποῦμεν, ταῦτα οὐκ ἔργα
μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ οὐσίαν νομιστέον. εἰσὶ γάρ τοι
1 Nicomachean Ethics 7. 14. 11δ4 Ὁ.
2 τοιοῦτον Hertlein suggests, τούτων MSS.
388
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
fathomless sea, though I have barely, and as best I
might, taken breath, after the first part of this dis-
course. Venture I must, nevertheless, and putting
my trust in the god endeavour to handle the theme.
We must assume that what has just been said
about his substance applies equally to his powers.!
For it cannot be that a god’s substance is one thing,
and his power another, and his activity, by Zeus, a
third thing besides these. For all that he wills he is,
and can do, and puts into action. For he does not .
will what is not, nor does he lack power to do what ~
he wills, nor does he desire to put into action what*-
he cannot. In the case ofa human being, however, a
this is otherwise. For his is a two-fold contending _ "ἡ
nature of soul and body compounded into one, the.
former divine, the latter dark and clouded. Natur-,
ally, therefore, there is a battle and a feud between~
them. And Aristotle also says that this is why Ȣ.
neither the pleasures nor the pains in us harmonise
with one another. For he says that what is pleasant
to one of the natures within us is painful to the
nature which is its opposite. But among the gods
there is nothing of this sort. For from their very
nature what is good belongs to them, and perpetually,
not intermittently. In the first place, then, all that
I said when I tried to show forth his substance, I
must be considered to have said about his powers
and activities also. And since in such cases the
argument is naturally convertible, all that I observe
next in order concerning his powers and activities
must be considered to apply not to his activities
only, but to his substance also. For verily there
1 The powers and activities of Helios are now described,
142 p-152 a,
389
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
θεοὶ συγγενεῖς Ἡλίῳ καὶ συμφυεῖς, τὴν ἄχραντον
οὐσίαν τοῦ θεοῦ κορυφούμενοι, πληθυνόμενοι μὲν
ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, περὶ αὐτὸν δὲ ἑνοειδῶς ὄντες.
ἄκουε δὴ πρῶτον ὅσα φασὶν οἱ τὸν οὐρανὸν οὐχ
ὥσπερ ἵπποι καὶ βόες ὁρῶντες ἤ TL τῶν ἀλόγων
καὶ ἀμαθῶν ζῴων, arr ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀφανῆ
πολυπραγμονοῦντες φύσιν" ἔτι δὲ πρὸ τούτων, εἴ
σοι φίλον, περὶ τῶν ὑπερκοσμίων δυνάμεων αὐτοῦ
καὶ ἐνεργειῶν, καὶ ἐκ μυρίων τὸ πλῆθος ὀλίγα
θέασαι.
Πρώτη δὴ τῶν δυνάμεών ἐστιν αὐτοῦ, δι’ ἧς
ὅλην δι’ ὅλης τὴν νοερὰν οὐσίαν, τὰς ἀκρότήτας
αὐτῆς εἰς ἐν καὶ ταὐτὸ συνάγων, ἀποφαίνει μίαν.
ὅσπερ γὰρ περὶ τὸν αἰσθητόν ἐστι κόσμον ἐναρ-
γῶς κατανοῆσαι, πυρὸς καὶ γῆς εἰλημμένον ἀέρα
καὶ ὕδωρ ἐν μέσῳ, τῶν ἄκρων σύνδεσμον, τοῦτο
οὐκ ἄν τις εἰκότως ἐπὶ τῆς πρὸ τῶν σωμάτων
αἰτίας κεχωρισμένης, ἣ τῆς γενέσεως ἔχουσα τὴν
ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἔστι γένεσις, οὕτω διατετάχθαι νομί-
σειεν, ὥστε καὶ ἐν ἐκείνοις τὰς ἄκρας αἰτίας κεχω-
ρισμένας πάντη τῶν σωμάτων ὑπό τινων μεσοτή-
των εἰς ταὐτὸ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ηλίου συνα-
γομένας ἑνοῦσθαι περὶ αὐτόν ; συντρέχει δὲ αὐτῷ
καὶ ἡ τοῦ Διὸς δημιουργικὴ δύναμις, δι’ ἣν ἔφαμεν
καὶ πρότερον ἱδρῦσθαί τε αὐτοῖς ἐν Κύπρῳ καὶ
ἀποδεδεῖχθαι κοινῇ τὰ τεμένη: καὶ τὸν ᾿Απόλλω
δὲ αὐτὸν ἐμαρτυρόμεθα τῶν λόγων, ὃν εἰκὸς
δήπουθεν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φύσεως ἄμεινον εἰδέναι"
390
eer
wee be ae ie et a τ᾿
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
are gods related to Helios and of like substance
who sum up the stainless nature of this god, and
though in the visible world they are plural, in
him they are one. And now listen first to what
they assert who look at the heavens, not like horses
and cattle, or some other unreasoning and ignorant
animal,! but from it draw their conclusions about the
unseen world. But even before this, if you please,
consider his supra-‘mundane powers and _ activities,
and out of a countless number, observe but a few.
First, then, of his powers is that through which
he reveals the whole intellectual substance through--
out as one, since he brings together its extremes.
For ‘even as in the world of sense-perception
we can clearly discern air and water set between
fire and earth,? as the link that binds together
the extremes, would one not reasonably suppose
that, in the case of the cause which is separate
from elements and prior to them—and_ though
it is the principle of generation, is not itself
generation—it is so ordered that, in that world also,
the extreme causes which are wholly separate from
elements are, bound together into one through
certain modes of mediation, by King Helios, and are
united about him as their centre? And the creative
power of Zeus also coincides with him, by reason of
which in Cyprus, as I said earlier, shrines are founded
and assigned to them in common. And Apollo
himself also we called to witness to our statements,
since it is certainly likely that he knows better than
we about his own nature. For he too abides with
1 cf. 1480, Timaeus 474, Republic 5298, where Plato
distinguishes mere star-gazing from astronomy.
2 Timaeus 32 B; Plato says that to make the’ universe
solid, ““ God set air and water between fire and earth.”
391
\
᾿
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a nS
σύνεστι yap καὶ οὗτος “Ἡλίῳ καὶ ἐπικοινωνεῖ διὰ
a x / fe]
τὴν! ἁπλότητα TOV νοήσεων Kal TO μόνιμον τῆς
AoA a /
οὐσίας Kal κατὰ ταὐτὰ ὃν τῆς ἐνεργείας.
\ A \
᾿Αλλὰ Kal τὴν Διονύσου μεριστὴν δημιουργίαν
a / / e \ ¢ / ΄
οὐδαμοῦ φαίνεται χωρίζων ὁ θεὸς Ἡλίου: τούτῳ
\ > \ ς / 2. τ \ > 4 7
δὲ αὐτὴν. ὑποτάττων ἀεὶ Kal ἀποφαίνων σύνθρονον
nan nan \ rn lal J
ἐξηγητὴς ἡμῖν ἐστι τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοῦ καλλίστων
εἶ [2] 7 Φ A
διανοημάτων. πάσας δὲ ἐν αὑτῷ περιέχων ὁ θεὸς
ῳ \ > \ a Ἃ / a /
ὅδε τὰς ἀρχὰς τῆς καλλίστης νοερᾶς συγκράσεως
/
“Ἥλιος ᾿Απόλλων ἐστὶ Μουσηγέτης. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ
a \ a “A
ὅλην ἡμῖν τὴν τῆς εὐταξίας ζωὴν συμπληροῖ,
lal \ ᾽ “4 . \ > / » \ Fuk
γεννᾷ μὲν ἐν κόσμῳ τὸν ᾿Ασκληπιόν, ἔχει δὲ αὐτὸν
lal » n
καὶ πρὸ TOU κύσμου παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ.
᾿Αλλὰ πολλὰς μὲν ἄν τις καὶ ἄλλας περὶ τὸν
ἈΝ / / a LA ᾽ x >3/
θεὸν τόνδε δυνάμεις θεωρῶν οὔποτ᾽ ἂν ἐφίκοιτο
a ΄ a a \ a
πασῶν: ἀπόχρη δὲ τῆς μὲν χωριστῆς Kal πρὸ TOV
σωμάτων ET αὐτῶν οἶμαι τῶν αἰτιῶν, αἱ κεχωρι-
/ a a
σμέναν τῆς φανερᾶς προὐπάρχουσι δημιουργίας,
«ς /
ἴσην Ἡλίῳ καὶ Aud τὴν δυναστείαν καὶ μίαν
ε / / \ \ ες / a
ὑπάρχουσαν τεθεωρηκέναι, τὴν δὲ ἁπλότητα TOV
νοήσεων μετὰ τοῦ διαιωνίου καὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ μονί-
μου ξὺν ᾿Απόλλωνι τεθεαμένοις, τὸ δὲ μεριστὸν τῆς
1 διὰ τὴν Hertlein suggests, καὶ τὴν MSS.
2 cf. 144 ¢.
39?
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
Helios and is his colleague by reason of the singleness
of his thoughts and the stability of his substance and
the consistency of his activity.
But Apollo too in no case appears to separate
the dividing creative function of Dionysus! from
Helios. And since he always subordinates it to
Helios and so indicates that Dionysus? is his partner
on the throne, Apollo is the interpreter for us of the
fairest purposes that are to be found with our god.
Further Helios, since he comprehends in himself all
the principles of the fairest intellectual synthesis, is
himself Apollo the leader of the Muses. And since
he fills the whole of our life with fair order, he
begat Asclepios® in the world, though even before
the beginning of the world he had him by his
side.
But though one should survey many other powers
that belong to this god, never could one investigate
them all. It is enough to have observed the
following: That there is an equal and identical
dominion of Helios and Zeus over the separate
creation which is prior to substances, in the region,
that is to say, of the absolute causes which, separated
from visible creation, existed prior to it; secondly
we observed the singleness of his thoughts which is
bound up with the imperishableness and abiding same-
ness that he shares with Apollo; thirdly, the dividing
cf. 144 σ. 1794; Proclus on Plato, Timaeus 203 8, says
that because Dionysus was torn asunder by the Titans, his
function is to divide wholes into their parts and to separate
the forms (εἴδη).
2 Julian calls Dionysus the son of Helios 152 ¢, p, and the
son of Zeus, Oration 5. 179 B.
3 cf. 153 B, where Asclepios is called ‘‘the saviour of the
All,” and Against the Christians 200 a.
393
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
δημιουργίας μετὰ τοῦ THY μεριστὴν ἐπιτροπεύον-
τος οὐσίαν Διονύσου, τὸ δὲ τῆς καλλίστης
συμμετρίας καὶ νοερᾶς κράσεως περὶ τὴν τοῦ
Μουσηγέτου δύναμιν τεθεωρηκόσι, τὸ συμπλη-
ροῦν δὲ τὴν εὐταξίαν τῆς ὅλης ζωῆς ξὺν ᾿Ασκλη-
πιῷ νοοῦσι.
Τοσαῦτα μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν προκοσμίων αὐτοῦ
δυνάμεων, ἔργα δὲ ὁμοταγῆ ταύταις ὑπὲρ τὸν
ἐμφανῆ κόσμον ἡ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀποπλήρωσις.
ἐπειδὴ γάρ ἐστι γνήσιος ἔκγονος τἀγαθοῦ, παρα-
δεξάμενος Tap αὐτοῦ τελείαν τὴν ἀγαθὴν μοῖραν,
αὐτὸς ἅπασι τοῖς νοεροῖς διανέμει θεοῖς, ἀγαθο-
εργὸν καὶ τελείαν αὐτοῖς διδοὺς τὴν οὐσίαν. ᾿ ἕν
μὲν δὴ τουτί. δεύτερον δὲ ἔργον ἐστὶ τοῦ θεοῦ ἡ
τοῦ νοητοῦ κάλλους ἐν τοῖς νοεροῖς καὶ ἀσωμάτοις 14
εἴδεσι τελειοτάτη διανομή. τῆς γὰρ ἐν τῇ φύσει
φαινομένης οὐσίας γονίμου γεννᾶν ἐφιεμένης ἐν τῷ
καλῷ καὶ ὑπεκτίθεσθαι τὸν τόκον, ἔτι ἀνάγκη
προηγεῖσθαι τὴν ἐν τῷ νοητῷ κάλλει τοῦτο αὐτὸ
διαιωνίως καὶ ἀεὶ ποιοῦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ νῦν μὲν,
εἰσαῦθις δὲ οὔ, καὶ ποτὲ μὲν γεννῶσαν, αὖθις δὲ
ἄγονον. ὅσα γὰρ ἐνταῦθα ποτὲ καλά, ταῦτα ἐν
τοῖς νοητοῖς ἀεί. ῥητέον τοίνυν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐν τοῖς
φαινομένοις αἰτίας γονίμου προκαθηγεῖσθαι τὸν ἐν Β΄
τῷ νοερῷ καὶ διαιωνίῳ κάλλει τόκον ἀγέννητον, ὃν Ὁ
6 θεὸς οὗτος ἔχει περὶ ἑαυτὸν ὑποστήσας, ᾧ καὶ
τὸν τέλειον νοῦν διανέμει, καθάπερ ὄμμασιν ἐνδι-
1 ἔκγονος MSS, ἔγγονος V, Hertlein.
394
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
part of his creative function which he shares with
Dionysus who controls divided substance ; fourthly
we have observed the power of the leader of the
Muses, revealed in fairest symmetry and blending
of the intellectual; finally we comprehended that
Helios, with Asclepios, fulfils the fair order of the
whole of life.
So much then in respect to those powers of his
that existed before the beginning of the world; and
co-ordinate with these are his works over the whole
visible world, in that he fills it with good gifts. For ,/
since he is the genuine son of the Good and from it”
has received his. blessed lot in fulness. of perfection,
he himself distributes that blessedness to the ΄
intellectual gods, bestowing on them a beneficent”
and perfect nature. This then is one of his works.
And a second work of the god is his: most perfect
distribution of intelligible beauty among the in-~
tellectual and immaterial forms. For when the
generative substance ! which is visible in our world
desires to beget in the Beautiful ? and to bring forth
offspring, it is further necessary that it should be
guided by the substance that, in the region of
intelligible beauty, does this very thing eternally and
always and not intermittently, now fruitful now
barren. For all that is beautiful in our world only
at times, is beautiful always in the intelligible world.
We must therefore assert that the ungenerated
offspring, in beauty intelligibleyand eternal, guides
the generative cause in the visible world; which
offspring’ this god‘ called into existence and keeps at
his side, and to it he assigns also perfect reason.
1 The sun. 2 Plato, Symposium 206 Β τόκος ἐν καλῷ.
3 i.e. Intellectual Helios. 4 3,6. Intelligible Helios.
395
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a \ lal
δοὺς διὰ τοῦ φωτὸς τὴν ὄψιν, οὕτω δὲ Kal ἐν τοῖς
- \ a . A , a /
νοητοῖς! διὰ τοῦ νοἐροῦ παραδείγματος, ὃ προτείνει
πολὺ φανότερον τῆς αἰθερίας αὐγῆς, πᾶσιν οἶμαι
tol Qn fal n /
τοῖς νοεροῖς τὸ νοεῖν Kal TO νοεῖσθαι παρέχει.
/ \ /
ἑτέρα πρὸς ταύταις ἐνέργεια θαυμαστὴ φαίνεται
“ 7] 3 -“ ,ὔὕ
περὶ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ὅλων Ἥλιον ἡ τοῖς κρείτ-
- /
Too. γένεσιν ἐνδιδομένη μοῖρα βελτίων, ἀγγέλοις,3
/ lal r « /
δαίμοσιν, ἥρωσι ψυχαῖς τε μερισταῖς, ὁπόσαι
/
μένουσιν ἐν παραδείγματος Kal ἰδέας λόγῳ,
\ a \
μήποτε ἑαυτὰς διδοῦσαι σώματι. τὴν μὲν οὖν
, fal ἴω na
προκόσμιον οὐσίαν τοῦ θεοῦ δυνάμεις τε αὐτοῦ
lal Ὁ 7
Kal ἔργα τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ὅλων ὑμνοῦντες “Ἡλιον,
x3, Ψ ς n ΄ 9S > 7 tal \ ᾽ \
ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἡμῖν οἷόν τε ἦν ἐφικέσθαι τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν
’ὔ
εὐφημίας σπεύδοντες, διεληλύθαμεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ
A / / fol
ὄμματα, φησίν, ἀκοῆς ἐστι πιστότερα, καίτοι τῆς
Ε /
νοήσεως ὄντα γε ἀπιστότερα Kal ἀσθενέστερα,
/ n fal ~ . /
φέρε καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐμφανοῦς αὐτοῦ δημιούργίας
n > lal
αἰτησάμενοι. Tap αὐτοῦ τὸ μετρίως εἰπεῖν
πειραθῶμεν.
«ς ΄ \ 5 \ 279K ς , >
Ὑπέστη μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ φαινόμενος ἐξ
IA , Ψ Δ΄, Ν / lal
αἰῶνος κόσμος, ἕδραν δὲ ἔχει TO περικόσμιον φῶς
9 IA + et an / / \ 5 ιν a
ἐξ αἰῶνος, οὐχὶ νῦν μέν, τότε δὲ οὔ, οὐδὲ ἄλλοτε
rae
ἄλλως, ἀεὶ δὲ ὡσαύτως. GAN εἴ τις ταύτην τὴν
! vonrots Petavius adds.
2 cf. 141 B, Letter to the Athenians 275 B.
396
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
For just as through his light he gives sight to our ,
eyes, so also among the intelligible gods through his
intellectual counterpart—which he causes to shine
far more brightly than his rays in our upper air—he
bestows, as I believe, on all the intellectual gods the
faculty of thought and of being comprehended by
thought. Besides these, another marvellous activity
of Helios the King of the All is that by which he
endows with superior lot the nobler races—I mean
angels, daemons,! heroes, and those divided souls?
which remain in the category of model and archetype
and never give themselves over to bodies. I have
now described the substance of our god that is prior
to the world and his powers and activities, celebrating
Helios the King of the All in so far as it was possible
for me to compass his praise. But since eyes, as the
saying goes, are more trustworthy than hearing—
although they are of course less trustworthy and
weaker than the intelligence—come, let me en-
deavour to tell also of his visible creative function;
but let first me entreat him to grant that I speak
with some measure of success. :
From eternity there subsisted, surrounding Helios,
the visible world, and from eternity the light that
encompasses the world has its fixed station, not
shining intermittently, nor in different ways at dif-
ferent times, but always in the same manner. And
1 Plato, Laws 713 Ὁ defines daemons as a race superior to
men but inferior to gods; they were created to watch over
human affairs; Julian, Letter to Themistius 258 Β echoes
Plato’s description ; cf. Plotinus 3. 5. 6 ; pseudo-Iamblichus,
De Mysteriis 1. 20. 61; Julian 2. 90 B.
2 i.e. the individual: souls; by using this term, derived
from the Neo-Platonists and Iamblichus, Julian implies that
there is an indivisible world soul; cf. Plotinus 4. 8. 8 ἡ μὲν
ὅλη (ψυχὴ) . .. αἱ δὲ ἐν μέρει γενόμεναι.
397
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
ὃ ’ A BA > 7 > /
ιαιώνιον φύσιν ἄχρις ἐπινοίας ἐθελήσειε χρονι-
κῶς κατανοῆσαι, τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ὅλων “Ἥλιον
> / / en x , y
ἀθρόως καταλάμποντα ῥᾷστα ἂν γνοίη, πόσων
, ᾽ IA a n /
αἴτιός ἐστι δι’ αἰῶνος ἀγαθῶν τῷ κόσμῳ. οἶδα
μὲν οὖν καὶ Πλάτωνα τὸν μέγαν καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον
ἄνδρα τοῖς χρόνοις, οὔτι μὴν τῇ φύσει κατα-
δεέστερον' τὸν Χαλκιδέα φημί, τὸν Ἰάμβλιχον:
ὃς ἡμᾶς τά τε ἄλλα περὶ τὴν φιλοσοφίαν καὶ δὴ
lal \ a / ὔ » ΄
καὶ ταῦτα διὰ τῶν λόγων ἐμύησεν, ἄχρις ὑπο-
“Ὁ [οἷ e
θέσεως TH γεννητῷ προσχρωμένους καὶ oiovel
, e / tA \
χρονικήν τινα THY ποίησιν ὑποτιθεμένους, ἵνα TO
“ > fa) /
μέγεθος τῶν Tap αὐτοῦ γινομένων ἔργων ἐπι-
; a 4
vonOein. πλὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἔμοιγε τῆς ἐκείνων ἀπολει-
πομένῳ παντάπασι δυνάμεως οὐδαμῶς ἐστι παρα-
/ \
κινδυνευτέον, ἐπείπερ ἀκίνδυνον οὐδὲ αὐτὸ TO μέχρι
a \ /
ψιλῆς ὑποθέσεως χρονικήν τινα περὶ τὸν κόσμον
ς / /, e \ Ψ > / > /
ὑποθέσθαι ποίησιν ὁ κλεινὸς ἥρως ἐνόμισεν ᾿1άμ-
> \
βλιχος. πλὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπείπερ ὁ θεὸς ἐξ αἰωνίου
προῆλθεν αἰτίας, μᾶλλον δὲ προήγαγε πάντα᾽
5 IA : Says’ a > fal \ \ Ἂ :
ἐξ αἰῶνος, ἀπὸ τῶν ἀφανῶν τὰ φανερὰ βουλήσει
θ \ > / 7 Ν > Br 7 ὃ 7
ela καὶ ἀρρήτῳ τάχει καὶ ἀνυπερβλήτῳ δυνάμει
an a /
πάντα ἀθρόως ἐν τῷ νῦν ἀπογεννήσας χρόνῳ,
ἀπεκληρώσατο μὲν οἷον οἰκειοτέραν ἕδραν τὸ
an ‘A td
μέσον οὐρανοῦ, wa πανταχόθεν ἴσα διανέμῃ
\ n a n an
τἀγαθὰ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ Kal σὺν αὐτῷ προελθοῦσι
θεοῖς, ἐπιτροπεύῃ δὲ τὰς ἑπτὰ καὶ τὴν ὀγδόην
398
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
if one desired to comprehend, as far as the mind
may, this eternal nature from the point of view of
time, one would understand most easily of how many
blessings for the world throughout eternity he is the
cause, even Helios he King of the All who shines
without cessation. Now I am aware that the great
philosopher Plato,! and after him a man who, though
he is later in time, is by no means inferior to him in
genius—I mean lamblichus? of Chalcis, who through
his writings initiated me not only into other philo-
sophic doctrines but these also—I am aware, I say,
that they employed as a hypothesis the conception
of a generated world, and assumed for it, so to speak,
a creation in time in order that the magnitude of
the works that arise from Helios might be recognised.
But apart from the fact that I fall short altogether
of their ability, I must by no means be so rash;
especially since the glorious hero Iamblichus thought
it was not without risk to assume, even as a bare
hypothesis, a temporal limit for the creation of the
world. Nay rather, the god came forth from an
eternal cause, or abanineee brought forth all things from
everlasting, engendering by his divine will and with
untold speed and unsurpassed power, from the in-
visible all things now visible in present time/ And
then he assigned as his own station the mid-heavens,
in order that from all sides he may bestow equal
blessings on the gods who came forth by his agency
and in company with him; and that he may guide
the seven spheres® in the heavens and the eighth
1 Timaeus 37 c; when the Creator had made the universe,
he invented Time as an attribute of ‘‘ divided substance.”
2 For Julian’s debt to Iamblichus cf. 150 p, 157 B, c.
3 Kronos, Zeus, Ares, Helios, Aphrodite, Hermes, Selene
are the seven planets; cf. 149p. ‘Though Helios guides the
others he is counted with them. 399
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, 1V
> fa) / ἘΝ oS, 5
οὐρανοῦ κυκλοφορίαν, ἐνάτην τε οἶμαι δημιουρ-
,ὔ A a
γίαν τὴν ἐν γενέσει καὶ φθορᾷ συνεχεῖ διαιωνίως
> ‘ / “, \ 4
ἀνακυκλουμένην γένεσιν. οἵ τε yap πλάνητες |
εὔδηλον OTL περὶ αὐτὸν χορεύοντες μέτρον ἔχουσι 1)
a / \ \ \ \ , / ὶ
τῆς κινήσεως τὴν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν τόνδε τοιάνδε
\ \ / / Ὁ ef > Ν
περὶ τὰ σχήματα συμφωνίαν, 6 τε OOS οὐρανὸς
αὐτῷ κατὰ πάντα συναρμοζόμενος ἑαυτοῦ τὰ
an »
μέρη θεῶν ἐστιν ἐξ Ἡλίου πλήρης. ἔστι
\ e \ wa / \ 4 ” >
yap ὁ θεὸς ὅδε πέντε μὲν κύκλων ἄρχων κατ
a \
οὐρανόν, τρεῖς δὲ ἐκ τούτων ἐπιὼν ἐν τρισὶ
val lal \
τρεῖς γεννᾷ τὰς χάριτας: οἱ λειπόμενοι δὲ
/ > / a, / > 4
μεγάλης ἀνάγκης εἰσὶ πλάστιγγες. ἀξύνετον 1
a / \
ἴσως λέγω τοῖς “EXAnow, ὥσπερ δέον μόνον τὰ
/ \ / : 4 > \ >O\ ak
συνήθη Kal γνώριμα λέγειν: οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τοῦτό
> - " ς 7 a , ς
ἐστιν, ὡς ἄν τις ὑπολάβοι, παντελῶς ξένον. οἱ
Διόσκουροι τίνες ὑμῖν εἰσιν, ὦ σοφώτατοι καὶ
ἀβασανίστως τὰ πολλὰ παραδεχόμενοι; οὐχ
ς 7 1 7] ’, A , ¢ nan θ fal
ἑτερήμεροι ' λέγονται, διότι μὴ θέμις ὁρᾶσθαι τῆς
> n ς ,ὔ ς an “ > 4 A “
αὐτῆς ἡμέρας; ὑμεῖς ὅπως ἀκούετε εὔδηλον ὅτι
a a a \
τῆς χθὲς καὶ τήμερον. εἶτα τί νοεῖ τοῦτο, πρὸς
2 ω rn / ’ , >. & b
αὐτῶν τῶν Διοσκούρων; ἐφαρμόσωμεν avTo φύσει
1 Odyssey 11, 303; Philo Judaeus, De Decalogo 2. 190, τόν
τε οὐρανὸν εἰς ἡμισφαίρια τῷ λόγῳ διχῇ διανείμαντες, τὸ μὲν ὑπὲρ
γῆ" τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὸ γῆς, Διοσκούρους ἐκάλεσαν τὸ περὶ τῆς ἑτερημέρου
ζωῆς αὐτῶν προστερατευσάμενοι διήγημα. ᾿
400
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
sphere ! also, yes and as I believe the ninth creation
too, namely our world which revolves for ever in a
continuous cycle of birth and death. For it is
evident that the planets, as they dance in a circle
about him, preserve as the measure of their motion a
harmony between this god and their own’ movements
such as I shall now describe; and that the whole
heaven also, which adapts itself to him in all its
parts, is full of gods who proceed from Helios. For
this god is lord of five zones in the heavens; and
when he traverses three of these he begets in those
three the three Graces.2, And the*remaining zones
are the scales of mighty Necessity. To the Greeks
what I say is perhaps incomprehensible—as though
one were obliged to say to them only what is known
and familiar. Yet not even is this altogether strange
to them as one might suppose. For who, then, in
your opinion, are the Dioscuri,t O ye most wise, ye
who accept without question so many of your tradi-
tions? Do you not call them “alternate of days,”
because they may not both be seen on the same day?
It is obvious that by this you mean “ yesterday”’ and
“to-day. But what does this mean, in the name
of those same Dioscuri? Let me apply it to some
14.e. the fixed stars; cf. Iamblichus, TZ'heologumena
arithmeticae 56. 4 ἣ περιέχουσα τὰ πάντα σφαῖρα ὀγδόη, ““ the
eighth sphere that encompasses all the rest.”
2 The Graces are often associated with Spring; Julian
seems to be describing obscurely the annual course of the sun. ,
3 Necessity played an important part in the cult of
' Mithras and was sometimes identified with the constellation
Virgo who holds the scales of Justice.
4. For the adoption of the Dioscuri into the Mithraic cult
see Cumont. Julian does not give his own view, though he
rejects that of the later Greek astronomers. Macrobius,
Saturnalia 1. 21, 22 identifies them with the sun.
401
VOL. 1. DD
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
J
τινὶ Kal πράγματι, κενὸν iva μηδὲν μηδὲ ἀνόητον Β
λέγωμεν. ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἂν εὕροιμεν ἀκριβῶς ἐξετά-
>O\ \ e ς 3. A 7 \
Covtes: οὐδὲ yap ws ὑπέλαβον εἰρῆσθαί τινες πρὸς
“ 7ὔ “
τῶν θεολόγων ἡμισφαίρια τοῦ παντὸς τὰ δύο
/ a lal
λόγον ἔχει Td πῶς γάρ ἐστιν ἑτερήμερον αὐτῶν
΄ > \ > n me 4 7 ς 7
ἕκαστον οὐδὲ ἐπινοῆσαι ῥάδιον, ἡμέρας ἑκάστης
> an \ Ν > an
ἀνεπαισθήτου τῆς κατὰ τὸν φωτισμὸν αὐτῶν
παραυξήσεως γινομένης. σκεψώμεθα δὲ νῦν ὑπὲρ
ὧν αὐτοὶ καινοτομεῖν ἴσως τῷ δοκοῦμεν. τῆς
αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ἐκεῖνοι μετέχειν ὀρθῶς ἂν ῥηθεῖεν, re
ὁπόσοις ἴσος ἐστὶν ὁ τῆς. ὑπὲρ γῆν ἡλίου πορείας
χρόνος ἐν ἑνὶ καὶ τῷ αὐτῷ μηνί. ὁράτω τις οὖν, εἰ
\ al a
μὴ TO ἑτερήμερον τοῖς κύκλοις ἐφαρμόξει τοῖς τε
δ \ a a e / / >
ἄλλοις καὶ τοῖς τροπικοῖς. ὑπολήψεται τις" οὐκ
ἴσον ἐστιν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀεὶ φαίνονται, καὶ τοῖς
\ la) n
τὴν ἀντίσκιον οἰκοῦσι γῆν ἀμφοτέροις ἀμφότεροι,
τῶν δὲ οἱ θάτερον ὁρῶντες οὐδαμῶς ὁρῶσι θάτερον.
r rn /
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ πλείω περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν λέγων D
διατρίβω, τὰς τροπὰς ἐργαζόμενος, ὥσπερ ἴσμεν,
\ an fal
πατὴρ ὡρῶν ἐστιν, οὐκ ἀπολείπων δὲ οὐδαμῶς
\ , ? \ Ἂ » a ς pee
τοὺς πόλους Ὠκεανὸς ἂν ein, διπλῆς ἡγεμὼν
/ ca) a
οὐσίας. μῶν ἀσαφές τι καὶ τοῦτο λέγομεν,
2 / XV lal πὸ ΣΝ Wee! Ψ
ἐπείπερ πρὸ ἡμῶν αὐτὸ καὶ “Ὅμηρος ἔφη"
ay: a “ / / / 2
κεανοῦ, ὅσπερ γένεσις πάντεσσι τέτυκται,
n ἴω 3 Ν 7]
θνητῶν τε θεῶν θ᾽, ὡς ἂν αὐτὸς φαίη, μακάρων;
1 κενὸν Hertlein suggests, καινὸν Mb, κοινὸν MSS.
2 Iliad 14. 246.
402
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
natural object, so that I may not say anything empty
and senseless. But no such object could one find,
however carefully one might search for it. For the
theory that some have supposed to be held by the
theogonists, that the two hemispheres of the universe
are meant, has no meaning. For how one could call
each one of the hemispheres “alternate of days” is
not easy to imagine, since the increase of their light
in each separate day is imperceptible. But now let
us consider a question on which some may think that
I am innovating. We say correctly that those per-
sons for whom the time of the sun’s course above the
earth is the same in one and the same month share
the same day. Consider therefore whether the -
expression “alternate of days” cannot be applied
both to the tropics and the other, the polar, circles.
But some one will object that it does not apply
equally to both. For though the former are always
visible, and both of them are visible at once to those
who inhabit that part of the earth where shadows
are cast in an opposite direction,! yet in the case of
the latter those who see the one do not see the
other.
However, not to dwell too rae on the same sub-
ject; since he causes the winter and summer solstice,
Helios is, as we know, the father of the seasons;
and’ since | he never. forsakes the poles, he is Oceanus,
the lord of two-fold substance. My meaning here
is not obscure, is it, seeing that before my time
Homer said the same thing? “Oceanus who is the
father of all things”: yes, for mortals and for the
1 7.e, the torrid zone. On the equator in the winter months
shadows fall due north at noon, in the summer months due
south ; this is more or less true of the whole torrid zone; cf.
&upioxios which has the same meaning.
403
S
=)
bo
_
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a ἃ “ ἃ \
ἀληθῶς. ὃν yap τῶν πάντων οὐδέν ἐστιν, ὃ μὴ 1
a a A /
τῆς ᾿Ωκεανοῦ πέφυκεν οὐσίας ἔκγονον. ἀλλὰ τί
“ Ψ'
τοῦτο πρὸς τοὺς πόλους; βούλει σοι φράσω;
n a ΑΜ, Ν
καίτοι σιωπᾶσθαι κρεῖσσον ἦν. εἰρήσεται δὲ
ὅμως.
~ ‘ / /
Λέγεται γοῦν, εἰ καὶ μὴ πάντες ἑτοίμως ἀποδέ-
ς δί 3.1.8 A stl ¥ / θ \
χονται, ὁ δίσκος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνάστρου φέρεσθαι πολὺ
a a a \
τῆς ἀπλανοῦς ὑψηλότερος: καὶ οὕτω δὴ τῶν μὲν
/ > Ψ Ν / la) δὲ wal f
πλανωμένων οὐχ ἕξει TO μέσον, τριῶν δὲ τῶν KO-
᾿ \ \ \ ς , > \ \
σμων κατὰ τὰς τελεστικὰς ὑποθέσεις, εἰ χρὴ τὰ B
τοιαῦτα καλεῖν ὑποθέσεις, ἀλλὰ μὴ ταῦτα μὲν
δό \ δὲ a fa) ς 7 e \
όγματα, Ta δὲ τῶν σφαιρικῶν ὑποθέσεις. οἱ μὲν
\ 6 mn Ἂ ὃ , 4 ὃ , : 2 ΄
yap θεὼν ἢ δαιμόνων μεγάλων δὴ τινων ἀκοῦ-
/ δ Xe @ / \ \ > a
σαντές φασιν, οἱ δὲ ὑποτίθενται τὸ πιθανὸν ἐκ τῆς
πρὸς τὰ φαινόμενα συμφωνίας. αἰνεῖν μὲν οὖν
ΕΝ \ ΄ / \ 2 7 “
ἄξιον καὶ τούσδε, πιστεύειν δὲ ἐκείνοις ὅτῳ
βέλτιον εἶναι δοκεῖ, τοῦτον ἐγὼ παίζων καὶ σπου-
/ fa)
δάζων ἄγαμαί te καὶ τεθαύμακα. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν
δὴ ταύτῃ, φασί.
\ A \
Πολὺ δὲ πρὸς ois ἔφην πλῆθός ἐστι περὶ τὸν C
\ fa) / \
οὐρανὸν θεῶν, ods κατενόησαν οἱ TOV οὐρανὸν μὴ
παρέργως μηδὲ ὥσπερ τὰ βοσκήματα θεωροῦντες."
-“ A \ an ἴω
τοὺς τρεῖς γὰρ τετραχῇ τέμνων διὰ τῆς τοῦ ἕῳο-
1 δὴ Hertlein suggests, δὲ MSS.
2. οὗ, 143 B and note.
404
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
blessed gods too, as he himself would say ; and what
he says is true. For there is no single thing in the
whole of existence that is not the offspring of the
substance of Oceanus. But what has that to do with
the poles? Shall I tell you? It were better indeed
to keep silence !; but for all that I will speak.
Some say then, even though all men are not ,
ready to believe it, that the sun travels in the starless /
heavens far above the region of the fixed stars.
And on this theory he will not be stationed midmost
among the planets but midway between the three
worlds : that_is, according to the hypothesis of the
mysteries, if indeed one ought to use the word
“ hypothesis ”’ and not rather say “ established truths,”
using the word “hypothesis” for the study of the
heavenly bodies. For the priests of the mysteries tell
us what they have been taught by the gods or mighty -
daemons, whereas the astronomers make _ plausible
hypotheses from the harmony that they observe in
the visible spheres. It is proper, no doubt, to
approve the astronomers as well, but where any
man thinks it better to believe the priests of the
mysteries, him I admire and revere, both in jest
and earnest. And so much for that, as the saying
in?
Now besides those whom I have mentioned, there
is in the heavens a great multitude of gods who have
been recognised as such by those who survey the
heavens, not casually, nor like cattle. For as he
divides the three spheres by four through the zodiac,’
1 For the affectation of mystery cf. 152 B, 159 a, 172 p.
2 Plutarch, Demosthenes 4, quotes this phrase as peculiarly
Platonic; cf. Plato, Laws 676 a.
® Literally ‘‘life-bringer, ” Aristotle’s phrase fer the zodiac.
405
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
φόρου κύκλου πρὸς ἕκαστον αὐτῶν κοινωνίας τοῦ-
τον αὖθις τὸν ζῳοφόρον εἰς δώδεκα θεῶν δυνάμεις
διαιρεῖ, καὶ μέντοι τούτων ἕκαστον εἰς τρεῖς, ὥστε
ποιεῖν ἕξ ἐπὶ τοῖς τριάκοντα. ἔνθεν οἶμαι καθήκει
a a a 7
ἄνωθεν ἡμῖν ἐξ οὐρανῶν τριπλῆ χαρίτων δόσις, ἐκ
τῶν κύκλων, ods ὁ θεὸς ὅδε τετραχῆ τέμνων τὴν
a n “ aA \
τετραπλῆν ἐπιπέμπει TOV ὡρῶν ἀγλαΐαν, al δὴ
τὰς τροπὰς ἔχουσι τῶν καιρῶν. κύκλον τοι καὶ
αἱ Χάριτες ἐπὶ γῆς διὰ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων μιμοῦνται.
δύ 1 δέ 2 ς , > > \ ’
χαριτοδότης δέ ἐστιν ὁ Διόνυσος ἐς ταὐτὸ λεγόμε-
ς / \
vos Ἡλίῳ συμβασιλεύειν. τί οὖν ἔτι σοι τὸν
Ὧρον λέγω καὶ τἄλλα θεῶν ὀνόματα, τὰ πάντα
Ἥλί / an \ Ὁ θ Ν θ Ν
im προσήκοντα; συνῆκαν γὰρ ἅνθρωποι τὸν θεὸν
ξα Φ e θ \ 58 > / \ ΄ > \
ἐξ ὧν ὁ θεὸς ὅδε ἐργάζεται, τὸν σύμπαντα οὐρανὸν
τοῖς νοεροῖς ἀγαθοῖς τελειωσάμενος καὶ μεταδοὺς
> A ΄“ “ 4 > / 4 > a
αὐτῷ τοῦ νοητοῦ κάλλους, ἀρξάμενοί τε ἐκεῖθεν
ὅλον τε αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ μέ ἢ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἁδρᾷ 5
μον ἐν rial τὰ ῥέῃ" 19 Soe
A > »Μ na
δόσει. πᾶσαν yap ἐπιτροπεύει ὃ κίνησιν ἄχρι τῆς
/ Pee. / / 7 \
τελευταίας τοῦ κόσμου λήξεως: φύσιν τε Kal
ψυχὴν καὶ πᾶν ὅ,τι ποτέ ἐστι, πάντα πανταχοῦ
τελειοῦται. τὴν δὲ τοσαύτην στρατιὰν τῶν θεῶν
> ' ς \ Ὁ Ψ ᾽ a
εἰς μίαν ἡγεμονικὴν ἕνωσιν συντάξας ᾿Αθηνᾷ
IT / ὃ ἃ ς \ DO6 > a
povota παρέδωκεν, ἣν ὁ μὲν μῦθός φησιν ἐκ τῆς
1 χαριτοδότης Spanheim, χαριδότης Hertlein, MSS.
2 adpg Hertlein suggests, ἀνδρῶν MSS.
3 ἐπιτροπεύει Wright, ἐπιτροπεύουσι Hertlein, MSS, lacuna
Petavius.
406
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
which is associated with every one of the three,
so he divides the zodiac also into twelve divine
powers; and again he divides every one of these
twelve by three, so as to make thirty-six gods in! all.
Hence, as I believe, there descends from above,
from the heavens to us, a three-fold gift of the
Graces: I mean from the spheres, for this god, by
thus dividing them by four, sends to us the four-
fold glory of the seasons, which express the
changes of time. And indeed on our earth the
Graces imitate a circle? in their statues. And it
is Dionysus who is the giver of the Graces, and in
this very connection he is said to reign with Helios.
Why should I go on to speak to you of Horus ὃ and
of the other names of gods, which all belong to
Helios? For from his works men have learned to
know this god, who makes the whole heavens perfect
through the gift of intellectual blessings, and gives
it a share of intelligible beauty; and taking the
heavens as their starting-point, they have learned to
know him both as a whole and his parts also, from
his abundant bestowal of good gifts. For he
exercises control over all movement, even to the
lowest plane of the universe. And everywhere he
makes all things perfect, nature and soul and
everything that exists. And marshalling together
this great army of the gods into a single command:
ing unity, he handed it over to Athene Pronoia * who,
1 ef. Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen III. 2* p. 753, notes.
2 There is a play on the word κύκλος, which: means both
** sphere” and ‘‘ circle.”
3 The Egyptian sun-god, whose worship was introduced
first into Greece and later at Rome.
* Athene as goddess of Forethought was worshipped at
‘Delphi, but her earlier epithet was προναία ‘‘ whose statue is
407
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
a an tad \ Ὁ Ὁ.
τοῦ Διὸς γενέσθαι κορυφῆς, ἡμεῖς δὲ ὅλην ἐξ ὅλου
τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ηλίου προβληθῆναι συνεχομένην ἐν
3 n 4 7 “ 7 σ \ >
αὐτῷ, ταύτῃ διαφέροντες τοῦ μύθου, OTL μὴ ἐκ
τοῦ ἀκροτάτου μέρους, ὅλην δὲ ἐξ ὅλου: ἐπεὶ
τἄλλά γε οὐδὲν διαφέρειν “Ηλίου Δία νομίζοντες
ς x an es Ἂ; a / \ a δὲ > 8
ὁμολογοῦμεν TH παλαιᾷ φήμῃ. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ αὐτὸ
Πρόνοιαν ᾿Αθηνᾶν λέγοντες οὐ καινοτομοῦμεν,
εἴπερ ὀρθῶς ἀκούομεν"
ἽΚκετο δ᾽ és Τυθῶνα καὶ és Τλαυκῶπα Προνοίην.
οὕτως ἄρα καὶ τοῖς παλαιοῖς ἐφαίνετο ᾿Αθηνᾶ
Πρόνοια σύνθρονος ᾿Απόλλωνε. τῷ νομιζομένῳ
μηδὲν Ἡλίου διαφέρειν. μή ποτε οὖν καὶ θείᾳ
/ a d 9 ΄, « ee ,
μοίρᾳ τοῦτο“Ομηρος" ἣν yap, ws εἰκός, θεόληπτος"
ἀπεμαντεύσατο πολλαχοῦ τῆς ποιήσεως"
Τιοίμην δ᾽ ὡς τίετ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίη καὶ ᾿Απόλλων,
ὑπὸ Διὸς δήπουθεν, ὅσπερ ἐστὶν ὁ αὐτὸς Ἡλίῳ;
καθάπερ δ᾽ ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Απόλλων ἐπικοινωνεῖ
διὰ τῆς ἁπλότητος τῶν νοήσεων Ἡλίῳ, οὕτω δὲ
καὶ τὴν ᾿Αθηνᾶν νομιστέον am αὐτοῦ παραδεξα-
μένην τὴν οὐσίαν οὖσάν τε αὐτοῦ τελείαν νόησιν
συνάπτειν μὲν τοὺς περὶ τὸν “Ἥλιον θεοὺς αὖ τῷ
βασιλεῖ τῶν ὅλων Ἡλίῳ δίχα συγχύσεως εἰς
1 Jliad 8. 588 ; 13. 827.
2 δ᾽ Hertlein adds.
408
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
as the legend says, sprang from the head of Zeus, but
I say that she was sent forth from Helios whole from
the whole of him, being contained within him ; though
I disagree with the legend only so far as I assert that
she came forth not from his highest part, but whole
from the whole of him. For in other respects,
since I believe that Zeus is in no wise different from
Helios, I agree with that ancient tradition. And
in using this very phrase Athene Pronoia, I am not
innovating, if I rightly understand the words:
“ He came to Pytho and to grey-eyed Pronoia.” ! ”
This proves that the ancients also thought that
Athene Pronoia shared the throne of Apollo, who,
as we believe, differs in no way from Helios.
Indeed, did not Homer by divine inspiration—for
he was, we may suppose, possessed by a god—reveal
this truth, when he says often in his poems: “ May
I be honoured even as Athene and Apollo were
honoured ’’—by Zeus, that is to say, who is identical
with Helios? And just as King Apollo, through
' the singleness of his thoughts, is associated with
Helios, so also we must believe that Athene ? has
received her nature from Helios, and that she is
his intelligence in perfect form: and so she binds *
together the gods who are assembled about Helios
and brings them without confusion into. unity with
Helios, the King of the All: and she distributes and
in front of the temple”; cf. Aeschylus, Humenides 21,
Herodotus 8. 37: late writers often confuse these forms.
Julian applies the epithet πρόνοια to the mother of the gods
179 a, and to Prometheus 182 Ὁ ; οἵ, 131 ¢.
1 This verse was quoted from an unknown source by
Eustathius on Iliad 1. p. 83. ‘‘The Grey-eyed” is a name
of Athene.
2 On Athene cf, Oration 7. 2304; Against the Christians
235 ©.
409
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
Ψ ϑ'ν Ἅ \ \ v7 \ \
ἕνωσιν, αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν ἄχραντον καὶ καθαρὰν ζωὴν
ἀπ᾽ ἄκρας ἁψῖδος οὐρανοῦ διὰ τῶν ἑπτὰ κύκλων
BU a / / > 4 ἃ ς \
ἄχρι τῆς Σελήνης νέμουσαν ἐποχετεύειν, ἣν ἡ θεὸς
ἥδε τῶν κυκλικῶν οὖσαν σωμάτων ἐσχάτην ἐπλή-
a \
ρωσε τῆς φρονήσεως, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἡ Σελήνη τά Te ὑπὲρ
a \
τὸν οὐρανὸν θεωρεῖ νοητὰ καὶ τὰ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτὴν
κοσμοῦσα τὴν ὕλην τοῖς εἴδεσιν ἀναιρεῖ τὸ θηρι-
ὥδες αὐτῆς καὶ ταραχῶδες καὶ ἄτακτον. ἀνθρώ-
mow δὲ ἀγαθὰ δίδωσιν ᾿Αθηνᾶ σοφίαν τόϊ τε
νοεῖν καὶ τὰς δημιουργικὰς τέχνας. κατοικεῖ δὲ
\
τὰς ἀκροπόλεις αὕτη δήπουθεν καταστησαμένη
/ »
τὴν πολιτικὴν διὰ σοφίας κοινωνίαν. ὀλίγα ἔτι
περὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης, ἣν συνεφάπτεσθαι τῆς δημιουρ-
a n a /
ylas τῷ θεῷ Φοινίκων ὁμολογοῦσιν οἱ λόγιοι, καὶ
ἐγὼ πείθομαι. ἔστι δὴ οὖν αὕτη σύγκρασις τῶν
> ’ a n € / +e) » /
οὐρανίων θεῶν, καὶ τῆς ἁρμονίας αὐτῶν ἔτι φιλία
καὶ ἕνωσις. ᾿Ηλίου γὰρ ἐγγὺς οὖσα καὶ συμπερι-
΄ Ν 7 ral \ \ > \
θέουσα καὶ πλησιάζουσα πληροῖ μὲν τὸν οὐρανὸν
εὐκρασίας, ἐνδίδωσι δὲ τὸ γόνιμον τῇ γῇ, προμη-
a la) id
θουμένη καὶ αὐτὴ τῆς ἀειγενεσίας τῶν ζῴων, ἧς ὁ
Υ
μὲν βασιλεὺς “Ηλιος ἔχει τὴν πρωτουργὸν αἰτίαν,
n \
᾿Αφροδίτη δὲ αὐτῷ συναίτιος, ἡ OéXyouca μὲν τὰς
ψυχὰς ἡμῶν σὺν εὐφροσύνῃ, καταπέμπουσα δὲ
5 “ > ᾽ / > \ ὁδί. \ > 4
eis γῆν ἐξ αἰθέρος αὐγὰς ἡδίστας Kal ἀκηράτους
1 τὺ Hertlein adds.
41ο.
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
is the channel for stainless and pure life throughout
the seven spheres, from the highest vault of the
heavens as far as Selene the Moon:! for Selene
is the last of the heavenly spheres which Athene
fills with wisdom: and by her aid Selene beholds the
intelligible which is higher than the heavens, and
adorns. with its forms the realm of matter that lies
below heipand. thus she does away with its savagery
and confusion and disorder. Moreover to mankind
Athene gives the blessings of wisdom and intelli-
gence and the creative arts. And surely she dwells
in the capitols of cities because, through her wisdom,
she has established the community of the state. 1
have still to say a few words about Aphrodite, who, as
the wise men among the Phoenicians affirm, and as I
believe, assists. in_his creative function. She
is, in very truth, a synthesis of the heavenly gods,
and in their harmony she is the spirit of love and
unity.2_ For she? is very near to Helios, and when
she pursues the same course as he and approaches
him, she fills the skies with fair weather and gives
generative power to the earth: for she herself takes
thought for the continuous birth of living things.
And though of that continuous birth King Helios is
the primary creative cause, yet Aphrodite is the
joint cause with him, she who enchants our souls
with her charm and sends down to earth from the
upper air rays of light most sweet and stainless, aye,
1 cf. 152p. Julian derives his theory of the position and
functions of the moon from Iamblichus; ef. Proclus on
Plato, Timaeus 258 f.
2 cf. 1544, and Proclus on Plato, Timaeus 155 F, 259 B,
where Aphrodite is called ‘‘ the binding goddess” συνδετικήν,
and ‘‘ harmoniser” συναρμοστικήν.
3 7.e, as the planet Venus.
4il
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
n fe) / ” ἐ
αὐτοῦ τοῦ χρυσίου στιλπνοτέρας. ἔτι ἐπιμετ-
tol a 7, ‘\
ρῆσαι᾽', βούλομαι τῆς Φοινίκων θεολογίας" εἰ δὲ μὴ
7 ig / oN ὃ , e \ "BR 9
μάτην, ὁ λόγος προϊὼν δείξει. οἱ THY "ἕμεσαν
> nr 4 A. 26 +n ς ,ὔ / Mo
οἰκοῦντες, ἱερὸν ἐξ αἰῶνος Ἡλίου χωρίον, Mo-
> n ἌΓ 4 a &
νίμον αὐτῷ καὶ "Αζιζον συγκαθιδρύουσιν. αἰνίτ-
2
τεσθαί φησιν ᾿Ιάμβλιχος, παρ᾽ οὗ καὶ τἄλλα
πάντα ἐκ πολλῶν μικρὰ ἐλάβομεν, ὡς ὁ Μόνιμος
a λν ς
μὲν “Ἑρμῆς εἴη, "Αξζιζος δὲ ἴΑρης, Ἡλίου πάρεδροι,
A an 4
πολλὰ καὶ ἀγαθὰ τῷ περὶ γῆν ἐποχετεύοντες
/
TOTO.
αἱ \ 3 \ \ > Ν Μ “ a
Ta μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ
τοιαῦτά ἐστι, καὶ διὰ τούτων ἐπιτελούμενα μέχρι,
a a a δ \
TOV τῆς γῆς προήκει τελευταίων ὅρων: ὅσα δὲ
eX \ / 2 ΄ ¢ \ x » \
ὑπὸ τὴν Σελήνην ἐργάζεται, μακρὸν ἂν εἴη τὰ
πάντα ἀπαριθμεῖσθαι. πλὴν ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ καὶ
a ,
ταῦτα ῥητέον. οἶδα μὲν οὖν ἔγωγε Kal πρότερον
ς / n /
μνημονεύσας, ὁπηνίκα ἠξίουν ἐκ τῶν φαινομένων
fo) an la) nr lad / €
τὰ ἀφανῆ περὶ τῆς Tov θεοῦ σκοπεῖν οὐσίας, ὁ
λόγος δὲ ἀπαιτεῖ με καὶ νῦν ἐν τάξει περὶ αὐτῶν
δηλῶσαι.
Καθάπερ οὖν ἐν τοῖς νοεροῖς ἔχειν ἔφαμεν τὴν
ς 7 “ \ Nik 3. τ ΕΑ ὁ:
ἡγεμονίαν" ἤλιον, πολὺ περὶ τὴν ἀμέριστον οὐσίαν
e a a ε a 4 a a 54 Ν
ἑαυτοῦ πλῆθος ἑνοειδῶς ἔχοντα τῶν θεῶν, ἔτι δὲ
b] cal ? a ἃ \ \ 4 pes!
ἐν τοῖς αἰσθητοῖς, ἃ δὴ τὴν κύκλῳ διαιωνίαν
| ἐπιμετρῆσαι Hertlein suggests, μετριάσαι MSS.
2 Ἔμεσαν Spanheim, cf. 1548, Ἔδεσσαν MSS.
412
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
more lustrous than gold itself. I desire to mete out
to you still more of the theology of the Phoenicians,
and whether it be to some purpose my argument as
it proceeds will show. The inhabitants of Emesa,! a
place from time immemorial sacred to Helios, associate
with Helios in their temples Monimos and Azizos.?
Iamblichus, from whom I have taken this and all
besides, a little from a great store, says that the
secret meaning to be interpreted is that Monimos
is Hermes and Azizos Ares, the assessors of Helios,
who are the channel for many blessings to the
region of our earth,
Such then are the works of Helios in the heavens,
and, when completed by means of the gods whom I
have named, they reach even unto the furthest
bounds of the earth. But to tell the number of all
his works in the region below the moon would take
too long. Nevertheless I must describe them also in
a brief summary. Now I am aware that I mentioned
them earlier when I claimed? that from things visible
we could observe the invisible properties of the god’s
substance, but the argument demands that I should
expound them now also, in their proper order.
I said then that Helios holds sway among the ,_
intellectual gods in that he unites into one, about
his own undivided substance, a great multitude of.
the gods: and further, I demonstrated that among.
the gods whom we can perceive, who revolve
1 cf. Caesars 313 a, Misopogon 357 c. Emesa in Syria was
famous for its temple to Baal, the sun-god. The Emperor
Heliogabalus (218-222 a.p.) was born at Emesa and was, as
his name indicates, a priest of Baal, whose worship he
attempted to introduce at Rome.
2 The ‘‘ strong god,” identified with the star Lucifer.
3 133 D, 138 B.
413
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
΄ ͵ 2S 7 7, > /
πορεύεται μάλα εὐδαίμονα πορείαν, ἀπεδείκνυμεν
, an
ἀρχηγὸν καὶ κύριον, ἐνδιδόντα μὲν TO γόνιμον TH
a A “
φύσει,; πληροῦντα δὲ τὸν ὅλον οὐρανὸν ὥσπερ
[4] Ξ fal 7 n
τῆς φαινομένης αὐγῆς οὕτω δὲ καὶ μυρίων ἀγαθῶν
᾽ a » ΄ τς Ὁ > A \ \
ἀφανῶν ἄλλων, τελειούμενα δὲ ἐξ αὐτοῦ Kal τὰ
\ n » ? lal na > \ ΄
παρὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐμφανῶν θεῶν ἀγαθὰ χορηγού-
“ lel
μενα, Kal πρό γε τούτων αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ὑπὸ τῆς
, fa) ,
ἀπορρήτου καὶ θείας αὐτοῦ τελειουμένους ἐνεργείας"
\ 4
οὕτω δὲ Kal περὶ τὸν ἐν γενέσει τόπον θεούς τινας
/ na 7 ’,
ἐπιβεβηκέναι νομιστέον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Ηλίου
€ \ a n /
συνεχομένους, οἱ τὴν τετραπλῆν τῶν στοιχείων
κυβερνῶντες φύσιν, περὶ ἃς ἐστήρικται ταῦτα
Ν “Ὁ lal an lal
ψυχὰς META τῶν τριῶν κρειττόνων ἐνοικοῦσι γενῶν.
αὐταῖς δὲ ταῖς μερισταῖς ψυχαῖς ὅσων ἀγαθῶν
a ,
ἐστιν αἴτιος, κρίσιν τε αὐταῖς προτείνων καὶ δίκῃ
7
κατευθύνων καὶ ἀποκαθαίρων λαμπρότητι; τὴν
Ὁ Ν > & 4 > \ ΝΥ 3 n Ν
ὅλην δὲ οὐχ οὗτος φύσιν, ἐνδιδοὺς ἄνωθεν αὐτῇ τὸ
γόνιμον, κινεῖ καὶ ἀναζωπυρεῖ; ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς.
μερισταῖς φύσεσιν οὐ τῆς εἰς τέλος πορείας οὗτός
ἐστιν ἀληθῶς αἴτιος; ἄνθρωπον γὰρ ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπου
γεννᾶσθαί φησιν ᾿Αριστοτέλης, καὶ ἡλίου." ταὐτὸν
δὴ οὖν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων, ὅσα τῶν
μεριστῶν ἐστι φύσεων ἔργα, περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως
Ἡλίου προσήκει διανοεῖσθαι. τί δέ; οὐχ ἡμῖν
ὄμβρους καὶ ἀνέμους καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖς μεταρσίοις
γινόμενα τῷ διττῷ τῆς ἀναθυμιάσεως οἷον ὕλῃ
χρώμενος ὁ θεὸς οὗτος ἐργάξεται; θερμαίνων γὰρ
τὴν γῆν ἀτμίδα καὶ καπνὸν ἕλκει, γίνεται δὲ ἐκ
17d γόνιμον τῇ φύσει Marcilius, cf. 1608, 1510, lacuna
MSS., Hertlein. 2 Physics 2. 2. 194} ; ef. 131.
414
el) w wij!
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
eternally in their most blessed path, he is leader "
and lord; since he bestows on their nature its
generative power, and fills the whole heavens not
only with visible rays of light but with countless
other blessings that are invisible ; and, further, that
the blessings which are abundantly supplied by the
other visible gods are made perfect by him, and that
even prior to this the visible gods themselves are
made perfect by his unspeakable and divine activity. ἡ
In the same manner we must believe that on this
our world of generation certain gods have alighted
who are linked together with Helios: and these
gods guide the four-fold nature of the elements, and
inhabit, together with the three higher races,! those
souls which are upborne by the elements. But
for the divided souls? also, of how many blessings is
he the cause! For he extends to them the faculty
of judging, and guides them with justice, and purifies
them by his brilliant light. Again, does he not set
in motion the whole of nature and kindle life
therein, by bestowing on it generative power from
on high? But for the divided natures also, is not
he the cause that they journey to their appointed
end?% For Aristotle says that man is begotten
by man and the sun together. Accordingly the
same theory about King Helios must surely apply
to all the other activities of the divided souls.
Again, does he not produce for us rain and wind
and the clouds in the skies, by employing, as though
it were matter, the two kinds of vapour? For
when he heats the earth he draws up steam and
smoke, and from these there arise not only the
1 of. 1450. ? οὗ, 145 0.
3 2,6. their ascent after death to the gods.
415
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
/ > \ / / > \ \@¢ >
τούτων οὐ τὰ μετάρσια μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal ὅσα ἐπὶ
΄ \ \ 4
γῆς πάθη, σμικρὰ καὶ μεγάλα.
Τί οὖν περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐπέξειμι μακρότερα,
ΦΧ 3. «Ἃ \ / + / ¢ / /
ἐξὸν ἐπὶ τὸ πέρας ἤδη βαδίζειν ὑμνήσαντα πρὸ-
“ »᾿ 5 / vA > / /
τερον ὅσα ἔδωκεν ἀνθρώποις “Ἥλιος ἀγαθά; γινό-
> > a / ΨΥ ’
μενοι γὰρ ἐξ αὐτοῦ τρεφόμεθα παρ᾽ ἐκείνου." τὰ
\ 9) θ / \ «o a na 6ld
μὲν οὖν θειότερα καὶ ὅσα ταῖς ψυχαῖς δίδωσιν
ἀπολύων αὐτὰς τοῦ σώματος, εἶτα ἐπανάγων ἐπὶ
τὰς τοῦ θεοῦ συγγενεῖς οὐσίας, καὶ τὸ λεπτὸν καὶ
εὔτονον τῆς θείας αὐγῆς οἷον ὄχημα τῆς εἰς τὴν
γένεσιν ἀσφαλοῦς διδόμενον καθόδου ταῖς ψυχαῖς
ς ἴω bd > Δ \ ς 3. Ὁ a“ /
ὑμνείσθω τε ἄλλοις ἀξίως Kal ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν πιστευέ-
σθω μᾶλλον ἢ δεικνύσθω: τὰ δὲ ὅσα γνώριμα
πέφυκε τοῖς πᾶσιν οὐκ ὀκνητέον ἐπεξελθεῖν.
οὐρανόν φησι Πλάτων 3 ἡμῖν γενέσθαι σοφίας διδά-
σκαλον. ἐνθένδε γὰρ ἀριθμοῦ κατενοήσαμεν
an /
φύσιν, ἧς TO διαφέρον οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ διὰ τῆς ἡλίου
ἈΝ
περιόδου κατενοήσαμεν. φησί τοι καὶ αὐτὸς
Πλάτων ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα πρότερον. εἶτα ἐκ τοῦ
\ a / ἃ ὃ} δίὸὃ an θ a ΄
φωτὸς τῆς σελήνης, ὃ δὴ δίδοται τῇ θεῷ ταύτῃ
- Seay \ n / 3. Ὁ ΄ [
παρ᾽ ἡλίου, μετὰ τοῦτο προήλθομεν ἐπὶ πλέον τῆς
a a \ \ \
τοιαύτης συνέσεως, ἁπανταχοῦ τῆς πρὸς Tov θεὸν
an / 4
τοῦτον στοχαζόμενοι συμφωνίας. ὅπερ αὐτὸς πού
a , x 7
φησιν, ὡς apa τὸ γένος ἡμῶν ἐπίπονον ὃν φύσει
\ / ” ea! \ / \
θεοὶ ἐλεήσαντες ἔδωκαν ἡμῖν τὸν Διόνυσον καὶ
- v
tas Μούσας συγχορευτάς. ἐφάνη δὲ ἡμῖν “Ηλιος
1 περὶ Hertlein suggests, ἐπὶ MSS.
2 Republic 529, 530; Hpinomis 977 A.
3 Laws 6530, D, 665 a.
416
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
clouds but also all the physical changes on our
earth, both great and small.
But why do I deal with the same questions at
such length, when I am free at last to come to my
goal, though not till I have first celebrated all the
blessings that Helios has given to mankind? For
from him are we born, and by him are we nourished.
But his more divine gifts, and all that he bestows on
our souls when he frees them from the body and
then lifts them up on high to the region of those
substances that are akin to the god; and the fine-
ness and vigour of his divine rays, which are assigned | !
as a sort of vehicle for the safe descent of our souls/
into this world of generation; all this, I say, let
others celebrate in fitting strains, but let me believe
it rather than demonstrate its truth. However, I
need not hesitate to discuss so much as is known
toall. Plato says that the sky is our instructor in
wisdom. For from its contemplation we have
learned to know the nature of number, whose distin-
guishing characteristics we know only from the course
of the sun. Plato himself says that day and night
were created first.1 And next, from observing the
moon’s light, which was bestowed on the goddess by
Helios, we later progressed still further in the under-
standing of these matters: in ne case conjecturing
the harmony of all things with this god. For Plato
himself says somewhere that our race was by nature
doomed to toil, and so the gods pitied us and gave
us Dionysus and the Muses as playfellows. And
we recognised that Helios is their common lord,
i.€. a8 a unit of measurement ; 7’%maeus 39 B, 47 A.
417
VO... I E E
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
΄ ]
τούτων κοινὸς ἡγεμών, Διονύσου μὲν πατὴρ
ὑμνούμενος, ἡγεμὼν δὲ Μουσῶν. ὁ δὲ αὐτῷ
συμβασιλεύων ᾿Απόλλων οὐ πανταχοῦ μὲν ἀνῆκε
τῆς γῆς χρηστήρια, σοφίαν δὲ ἔδωκεν ἀνθρώποις
ἔνθεον, ἐκόσμησε δὲ ἱεροῖς καὶ πολιτικοῖς τὰς
πόλεις θεσμοῖς; οὗτος ἡμέρωσε μὲν διὰ τῶν
“Ἑλληνικῶν ἀποικιῶν τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς οἰκουμένης,
παρεσκεύασε δὲ ῥᾷον ὑπακοῦσαι Ῥωμαίοις ἔχουσι
καὶ αὐτοῖς οὐ γένος μόνον “Ἑλληνικόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ
θεσμοὺς ἱεροὺς καὶ τὴν περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς εὐπιστίαν
ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰς τέλος “Ἑλληνικὴν καταστησαμένοις τε
καὶ φυλάξασι, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὸν περὶ τὴν
πόλιν κόσμον οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν ἄριστα πολιτευσαμέ-
νων πόλεων καταστησαμένοις φαυλότερον, εἰ μὴ
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπασῶν, ὅσαι γε ἐν χρήσει γεγό-
νασι πολυετεῖαι, κρείσσονα" ἀνθ᾽ ὧν οἶμαι καὶ
αὐτὸς ἔγνων τὴν πόλιν “Ἕλληνέδα γένος τε καὶ
πολιτείαν.
Τί ἔτι σοι λέγω, πῶς τῆς ὑγιείας καὶ σωτηρίας
πάντων προυνόησε τὸν σωτῆρα τῶν ὅλων ἀπογεν-
νήσας ᾿Ασκληπιόν, ὅπως δὲ ἀρετὴν ἔδωκε παν-
τοίαν ᾿Αφροδίτην ᾿Αθηνᾷ συγκαταπέμψας ἡμῖν,
κηδεμόνα μόνον οὐχὶ νόμον θέμενος, πρὸς μηδὲν
ἕτερον χρῆσθαι τῇ μίξει ἢ ἢ πρὸς τὴν γέννησιν" τοῦ
ὁμοίου; διά τοὶ τοῦτο καὶ κατὰ τὰς περιόδους
αὐτοῦ πάντα τὰ φυόμενα καὶ τὰ παντοδαπῶν
ζῴων φῦλα κινεῖται πρὸς ἀπογέννησιν τοῦ ὁμοίου.
τί χρὴ τὰς ἀκτῖνας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ φῶς σεμνῦναι;
1 γένιησιν Mau, γένεσιν MSS, Hertlein.
418
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
since he is celebrated as the father of Dionysus and
the leader of the Muses. _ And has _ not calle, who
is his colleague in empire, set up oracles in every
part of the earth, and given to men_ inspired
wisdom, and regulated their cities by means of
religious and political ordinances? (And he has
civilised the greater part of the world by means
of Greek colonies, and so made it easier for the
world to be governed by the Romans.) For the
Romans themselves not only belong to the Greek
race, but also the sacred ordinances and the pious
belief in the gods which they have established
and maintain are, from beginning to end, Greek.
And beside this they have established a constitution
not inferior to that of any one of the best governed
states, if indeed it be not superior to all others that
have ever been put into practice. For which
reason I myself recognise that our city is Greek,
both in descent and as to its constitution.
Shall I now go on to tell you how Helios took
thought for the health and safety cf all men by
begetti ios! to be the saviour of the whole
world? and how he bestowed on us every kind of
excellence by sending down to us Aphrodite together
with Athene, and thus laid down for our protection
what is almost a law, that we should only unite to
beget our kind? Surely it is for this reason that,
in agreement with the course of the sun, all plants
and all the tribes of living things are aroused to
bring forth their kind. What need is there for me
to glorify his beams and his light? For surely
1 οὗ, 1440: Against the Christians 200, 235 B.c. Asclepios
plays an important part in Julian’s religion, and may have
een intentionally opposed, as the son of Helios-Mithras and
the ‘saviour of the world,” to Jesus Christ.
419
EE 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
\ re ee M4 ΄ A oe “ » \
νὺξ γοῦν ἀσέληνός τε Kal ἄναστρος ὅπως ἐστὶ
φοβερά, apa ἐννοεῖ τις, ἵν᾿ ἐντεῦθεν, ὁπόσον
» > \ 3 ς 7 Ν n ,
ἔχομεν ἀγαθὸν ἐξ ἡλίου TO φῶς, τεκμήρηται;
τοῦτο δὲ αὐτὸ συνεχὲς παρέχων καὶ ἀμεσολά-
βητον νυκτὶ ἐν οἷς χρὴ τόποις ἀπὸ τῆς σελήνης
τοῖς ἄνω, ἐκεχειρίαν ἡμῖν διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς τῶν
πόνων δίδωσιν. οὐδὲν ἂν γένοιτο πέρας τοῦ
λόγου, εἰ πάντα ἐπεξιέναι τις ἐθελήσειε τὰ τοιυ-
an ἃ \ 5250. 7 3 > Ν \ \ 7,
αῦτα. ν γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀγαθὸν κατὰ τὸν βίον,
ἃ \ \ a θ a DO , Μ »
ὃ μὴ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦδε λαβόντες ἔχομεν, ἤτοι
\ Ld δ x \ n + a ?
Tapa μόνου τέλειον, ἢ διὰ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν παρ
αὐτοῦ τελειούμενον.
Ἡμῖν δέ ἐστιν ἀρχηγὸς καὶ τῆς πόλεως. οἰκεῖ
γοῦν αὐτῆς οὐ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μόνον μετὰ τῆς
a >
᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ ᾿Αφροδίτης Ζεὺς ὁ πάντων πατὴρ
ὑμνούμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ᾿Απόλλων ἐπὶ τῷ Παλλαν-
7 » Ν Ἥ aN a Se | \
τίῳ λόφῳ καὶ “Ἥλιος αὐτὸς τοῦτο τὸ κοινὸν
ὄνομα πᾶσι καὶ γνώριμον. ὅπως δὲ αὐτῷ πάντη
καὶ πάντα προσήκομεν οἱ Ῥωμυλίδαι τε καὶ
Αἰνεάδαι, πολλὰ ἔχων εἰπεῖν ἐρῶ βραχέα τὰ γνω-
, Vj / > 3 / > 7
ριμώτατα. γέγονε, φασίν, ἐξ ᾿ Ἀφροδίτης Αἰνείας,
ἥπερ ἐστὶν ὑπουργὸς Ἡλίῳ καὶ συγγενής. αὐτὸν
δὲ Ν / e. αι a / ” ¢ /
€ TOV κτίστην ἡμῶν τῆς πόλεως “Apews ἡ φήμη
παρέδωκε παῖδα, πιστουμένη τὸ παράδοξον τῶν
λόγων διὰ τῶν ὕστερον ἐπακολουθησάντων σῆη-
μείων. ὑπέσχε γὰρ αὐτῷ, φασί, μαζὸν θήλεια
\
λύκος. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅτι μὲν "Apns "Αζιζος λεγόμενος
1 τὸ Hertlein suggests.
420
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
everyone knows how terrible is night without a
moon or stars, so that from this he can calculate
how great a boon for us is the light of the sun?
And this very light he supplies at night, without
ceasing, and directly, from the moon in those upper
spaces where it is needed, while he grants us through
the night a truce from toil. But there would be no
limit to the account if one should endeavour to
describe all his gifts of this sort. For there is no
single blessing in our lives which we do not receive
as a gift from this god, either perfect from him alone,
or, through the other gods, perfected by him.
Moreover he is the founder of our city.! For not
only does Zeus, who is glorified as the father of all
things, inhabit its citadel? together with Athene
and Aphrodite, but Apollo also dwells on the Palatine
Hill, and Helios himself under this name of his which
is commonly known to all and familiar to all. And
I could say much to prove that we, the sons οἵ,
Romulus and Aeneas, are in every way and in all
respects connected with him, but I will mention
briefly only what is most familiar. According to the
legend, Aeneas is the son of Aphrodite, who is
subordinate to Helios and is his kinswoman. And
the tradition has been handed down that the
founder of our city was the son of Ares, and the
paradoxical element in the tale has been believed
because of the portents which later appeared to
support it. For a she-wolf, they say, gave him
suck. Now I am aware that Ares, who is called
1 Rome. 2 This refers to the famous temple of Jupiter
on the Capitoline ; ef. Oration 1. 29D. The three shrines in
this temple were dedicated to Jupiter, Minerva and Juno,
but Julian ignores Juno because he wishes to introduce
Aphrodite in connection with Aeneas,
421
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκούντων τὴν "Eyecav! Σύρων “Ἡλίου
προπομπεύει, καΐπερ εἰδὼς καὶ προειπὼν ἀφήσειν
μοι δοκῶ. τοῦ χάριν δὲ ὁ λύκος "Ape μᾶλλον, οὐχὶ
δὲ «Ηλίῳ προσήκει; καίτοι λυκάβαντά φασιν ἀπὸ
a 4 \ > 4 , 5 / \
τοῦ λύκου τὸν ἐνιαύσιον χρόνον: ὀνομάζει δὲ
> \ > vA / 7 > c ’ lal
αὐτὸν οὐχ “Ὅμηρος μόνον οὐδὲ οἱ γνώριμοι τῶν
4 lat . 4 ,
Ἑλλήνων τοῦτο τὸ ὄνομα, πρὸς δὲ Kal ὁ θεός"
διανύων γάρ φησιν .
᾿Ορχηθμῷ λυκάβαντα δυωδεκάμηνα κέλευθα.
7 9 ” / Lal /
βούλει οὖν ἔτι σοι φράσω μεῖζον τεκμήριον,
“ Μ ς n / e “ ᾽ \ > e ᾽
ὅτι ἄρα ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν οἰκιστὴς οὐχ ὑπ
/ / 3 > » > A a
Apews κατεπέμφθη μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως αὐτῷ τῆς
μὲν τοῦ σώματος κατασκευῆς συνεπελάβετο δαί-
μων ἀρήιος καὶ γενναῖος, ὁ λεγόμενος ἐπιφοιτῆσαι
τῇ Σιλβίᾳ λουτρὰ τῇ θεῷ φερούσῃ, τὸ δὲ ὅλον ἐξ
Ἡλίου κατῆλθεν ἡ ψυχὴ τοῦ θεοῦ Κυρίνου"
7 \ > a / ΄ > \
πειστέον yap οἶμαι TH φήμῃ. σύνοδος ἀκριβὴς
τῶν τὴν ἐμφανῆ κατανειμαμένων βασιλείαν
Ἡλίου τε καὶ Σελήνης ὥσπερ οὖν εἰς τὴν γῆν
κατήγαγεν, οὕτω καὶ ἀνήγαγεν dv? ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς
950. 7 \ \ > 7 Ν /
ἐδέξατο, TO θνητὸν ἀφανίσασα πυρὶ κεραυνίῳ
τοῦ σώματος. οὕτω προδήλως ἡ τῶν περυγείων
1 *Euecav Spanheim, Ἔδεσσαν MSS, Hertlein; cf, 1506,
2 ὃν Marcilius, ἣν MSS, Hertlein.
422
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
Azizos by the Syrians who inhabit Emesa, precedes
Helios in the sacred procession, but I mentioned it
before, so I think I may let that pass. But why is
the wolf sacred only to Ares and not to Helios?
Yet men call the period of a year “ lycabas,” ! which
is derived from “ wolf.” And not only Homer? and
the famous men of Greece call it by this name, but
also the god himself, when he says: “ With dancing
does he bring to a close his journey of twelve
months, even the lycabas.” Now do you wish me
to bring forward a still greater proof that the
founder of our city was: sent down to earth, not by
Ares alone, though perhaps some noble daemon with
the character of Ares did take part in the fashioning
of his mortal body, even he who is said to have
visited Silvia? when she was carrying water for the
bath of the goddess,’ but the whole truth is that the
soul of the god Quirinus ὃ came down to earth from
Helios; for we must, I think, believe the sacred tradi-
tion. And the close conjunction of Helios and Selene,
who share the empire over the visible world, even as it
had caused his soul to descend to earth, in like
manner caused to mount upwards him whom it
received back from the earth, after blotting out
with fire from a thunderbolt ὁ the mortal part of his
body. So clearly did she who creates earthly matter,
1 Julian accepts the impossible etymology ‘‘ path of the
wolf”; Lycabas means “ path of light,” οἵ, dua.
2 Odyssey, 14. 161. The word was also used on Roman
coins with the meaning ‘‘ year.”
3 Silvia the Vestal virgin gave birth to twins, Romulus
and Remus, whose father was supposed to be Mars (Ares).
4 Vesta, the Greek Hestia, the goddess of the hearth.
5 The name given to Ro fter his apotheosis ; cf.
Caesars 307 B. 5 For the legend of his translation see
Livy 1. 16; Plutarch, Romulus 21; Ovid, Fasti 2, 496;
Horace, Odes 3. 3, 15 foll. 423
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
δημιουργὸς ὑπὸ αὐτὸν ἄκρως γενομένη TOV ἥλιον
ἐδέξατο εἰς γῆν πεμπόμενον διὰ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς
7 Ν rn ᾽ / / 9 5 Ν
Προνοίας τὸν Κυρῖνον, ἀνυπτάμενόν τε αὖθις ἀπὸ
γῆς ἐπὶ τὸν βασίλέα τῶν ὅλων ἐπανήγαγεν αὐτίκα
“Ἡλιμον.
. Ἔτι σοι βούλει περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν φράσω τεκμήριον
μ
a / a . ,
τοῦ Nowa τοῦ βασίλέως ἔῤγον; ἄσβεστον ἐξ ἡλίου
7 ΄ ag 4. Fan te \ \
φυλάττουσι φλόγα παρθένοι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἱεραὶ κατὰ
\ / ef t\ ὃ} Ν 4 1 \ \
τὰς διαφόρους ὥρας, a? δὴ TO yevopuevov! περὶ τὴν
a a a a ΓΑ
γῆν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πῦρ φυλάττουσιν. ἔτι τούτων
“Ὁ 4 la n “Ὁ a) 7
μεῖζον ἔχω σοι φράσαι τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦδε τεκμήριον,
> a a“ 7 / A e a
αὐτοῦ τοῦ θειοτάτου βασιλέως ἔργον. οἱ μῆνες
(4 \ a a ς Ν > a b \ n
ἅπασι μὲν τοῖς ἄλλοις ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς
σελήνης ἀριθμοῦνται, μόνοι δὲ ἡμεῖς καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι B
/ a
πρὸς τὰς ἡλίου κινήσεις ἑκάστου μετροῦμεν ἐνι-
αὐτοῦ τὰς ἡμέρας. εἴ σοι μετὰ τοῦτο φαίην, ὡς
Ν X / an eee ς /
καὶ Tov Μίθραν τιμῶμεν καὶ ἄγομεν ᾿Ηλίῳ τετραε-
\ » A 2 An , ΐ UE Nt Vora
τηρικοὺς ἀγῶνας, ἐρῶ νεώτερα" βέλτιον δὲ tows
ἕν τι τῶν παλαιοτέρων προθεῖναι. τοῦ γὰρ
ἐνιαυσιαίου κύκλου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν
ποιούμενος, οἱ μὲν τὴν ἐαρινὴν ἰσημερίαν, οἱ δὲ
τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ θέρους, οἱ πολλοὶ δὲ φθίνουσαν
+ Ἁ > ’ « / \ > 4 ig “
ἤδη τὴν ὀπώραν, Ἡλίου τὰς ἐμφανεστάτας ὑμνοῦσι C
1 After γενόμενον Hertlein omits ὑπὸ τῆς σελήνης,
424
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
she whose place is at the furthest point below the
sun, receive Quirinus when he was sent down to
earth by Athene, goddess of Forethought ; and when
he took flight again from earth she led him back
straightway to Helios, the King of the All.
Do you wish me to mention yet another proof of this,
I mean the work of King Numa?! In Rome maiden
priestesses ? guard the undying flame of the sun at
different hours in turn; they guard the fire that is
produced on earth by the agency of the god. And
I can tell you a still greater proof of the power of this
god, which is the work of that most divine king him-
self. The months are reckoned from the moon by, one
may say, all other peoples; but we and the Egyptians
alone reckon the days of every year according to
the movements of the sun. If after this I should say
that we also worship Mithras, and celebrate games in
honour of Helios every four years, I shall be speaking
of customs that are somewhat recent.* But perhaps
it is better to cite a proof from the remote past.
The beginning of the cycle of the year is placed at
different times by different peoples. Some place it
at the spring equinox, others at the height of
summer, and many in the late autumn; but they
each and all sing the praises of the most visible gifts
of Helios. One nation celebrates the season best
1 To Numa Pompilius, the legendary king who reigned
next after Romulus, the Romans ascribed the foundation of
many of their religious ceremonies. ? The Vestal virgins.
3’ The Heliaia, so/is agon, was founded by the Emperor
Avrelian at Rome in 2744,p.; but the ‘‘ unconquerable
sun,” sol invictus, had been worshipped there for fully a
century before Aurelian’s foundation; see Usener, Sol
invictus, in Rheinisches Musewm, 1905. Julian once again,
Caesars 336 Ὁ calls Helios by his Persian name Mithras.
425
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
δωρεάς, ὁ μέν τις τὴν τῆς ἐργασίας ἐνδιδομένην
εὐκαιρίαν, ὅτε ἡ γῆ θάλλει καὶ γαυριᾷ, φυομένων
ἄρτι τῶν καρπῶν ἁπάντων, γίνεται δὲ ἐπιτήδεια
πλεῖσθαι τὰ πελάγη καὶ τὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος ἀηδὲς
καὶ σκυθρωπὸν ἐπὶ τὸ φαιδρότερον μεθίσταται,
οἱ δὲ τὴν τοῦ θέρους ἐτίμησαν ὥραν, ὡς ἀσφαλῶς
τότε ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν καρπῶν ἔχοντες θαρρῆσαι
γενέσεως, τῶν μὲν σπερμάτων ἤδη συνειλεγμένων,
ἀκμαίας δὲ οὔσης τῆς ὀπώρας ἤδη καὶ πεπαινο-
μένων τῶν ἐπικειμένων καρπῶν τοῖς δένδροις.
ἄλλοι δὲ τούτων ἔτι κομψότεροι τέλος ἐνιαυτοῦ
ὑπέλαβον τὴν τελειοτάτην τῶν καρπῶν ἁπάντων
ἀκμὴν καὶ φθίσιν: ταῦτά τοι καὶ φθινούσης ἤδη
τῆς ὀπώρας ἄγουσι τὰς κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν νουμηνίας.
οἱ δὲ ἡμέτεροι προπάτορες ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ θειοτάτου
βασιλέως τοῦ Νόμα μειζόνως ἔτι τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον
σεβόμενοι τὰ μὲν τῆς χρείας ἀπέλυπον, ἅτε οἶμαι
φύσει θεῖοι καὶ περιττοὶ τὴν διάνοιαν, αὐτὸν δὲ
εἶδον τούτων τὸν αἴτιον καὶ ἄγειν ἔταξαν συμ-
φώνως ἐν τῇ παρούσῃ τῶν ὡρῶν τὴν νουμηνίαν,
ὁπότε ὁ βασιλεὺς “Ἥλιος αὖθις ἐπανάγει πρὸς
ἡμᾶς ἀφεὶς τῆς μεσημβρίας τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ ὥσπερ
4 ‘\ > > a
περὶ νύσσαν τὸν αἰγοκέρωτα κάμψας ἀπὸ τοῦ
νότου πρὸς τὸν βορρᾶν ἔρχεται μεταδώσων ἡμῖν
τῶν ἐπετείων ἀγαθῶν. ὅτι δὲ τοῦτο ἀκριβῶς
ἐκεῖνοι διανοηθέντες οὕτως ἐνεστήσαντο τὴν
ἐπέτειον νουμηνίαν, ἐνθένδ᾽ av τις κατανοήσειεν.
οὐ γὰρ οἶμαι καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν ὁ θεὸς τρέπεται, καὶ
ἣν δὲ τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐμφανὴς γίνεται χωρῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Β΄
1 ὥμαν Hertlein, Naber suggest, ἡμέραν MSS, cf. Epistle 444. ΐ
425 c.
426
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
adapted for work in the fields, when the earth bursts
into bloom and exults, when all the crops are just
beginning to sprout, and the sea begins to be safe
for sailing, and the disagreeable, gloomy winter puts
on a more cheerful aspect; others again award the
crown to the summer season,! since at that time
they can safely feel confidence about the yield of
the fruits, when the grains have already been
harvested and midsummer is now at its height, and
the fruits on the trees are ripening. _ Others again,
with still more subtlety, regard as the close of the
year the time when all the fruits are in their perfect
prime and decay has already set in. For this reason
they celebrate the annual festival of the New Year
in late autumn. But our forefathers, from the time
of the most divine king Numa, paid still greater
reverence to the god Helios. They ignored the
question of mere utility, I think, because they were
naturally religious and endowed with unusual in-
telligence ; but they saw that he is the cause of all
that is useful, and so they ordered the observance of
the New Year to correspond with the present season ;
that is to say when King Helios returns to us again,
and leaving the region furthest south and, rounding
Capricorn as though it were a goal-post, advances:
from the south to the north to give us our share of
the blessings of the year. And that our forefathers,
because they comprehended this correctly, thus estab-
lished the beginning of the year, one may perceive
from the following. For it was not, I think, the time
when the god turns, but the time when he becomes
visible to all men, as he travels from south to north,
1 The Attic year began with the summer solstice.
427
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
/ 5 Ἂ BA » ᾿ 4.
μεσημβρίας ἐς. τὰς ἄρκτους ἔταξαν οὗτοι τὴν
᾿ an a /
ἑορτήν. οὔπω μὲν yap ἣν αὐτοῖς ἡ τῶν κανόνων
‘A \ a
λεπτότης γνώριμος, ods ἐξηῦρον μὲν Χαλδαῖοι καὶ
n ΄
Αἰγύπτιοι, Ἵππαρχος δὲ καὶ ἸΤτολεμαῖος ἐτελειώ-
/ \ 2 / » /
σαντο, κρίνοντες δὲ αἰσθήσει τοῖς φαινομένοις
ἠκολούθουν.
Οὔ δὲ an \ \ a /
ὕτω δὲ ταῦτα Kal Tapa τῶν μεταγενεστέρων,
Ὁ Υ » δ , δ τἀ ΑΝ ,
ὡς ἔφην, ἔχοντα κατενοήθη. πρὸ τῆς νουμηνίας,
247 εὐ νῶν πρὶ a a ek n
εὐθέως μετὰ τὸν τελευταῖον τοῦ Κρόνου μῆνα,
a ς / \ / > a \
ποιοῦμεν Ἡλίῳ τὸν περιφανέστατον ἀγῶνα, τὴν
ἑορτὴν Ἡλίῳ καταφημίσαντες ἀνικήτῳ, μεθ᾽ ὃν
5. ΧΝ / a ς al \ ΝΜ a
οὐδὲν θέμις ὧν ὁ τελευταῖος μὴν ἔχει σκυθρωπῶν
/ 2 / » «Ψ > n /
μέν, ἀναγκαίων δ᾽ ὅμως, ἐπιτελεσθῆναι θεαμάτων,
ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἹΚρονίοις οὖσι τελευταίοις εὐθὺς συνά-
πτει κατὰ τὸν κύκλον τὰ “Ἡλίαια, ἃ δὴ πολλάκις
μοι δοῖεν οἱ βασιλεῖς ὑμνῆσαι καὶ ἐπιτελέσαι θεοί,
καὶ πρό γε τῶν ἄλλων αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ὅλων
a ’ὔ,
Ἥλιος, ὁ περὶ τὴν τἀγαθοῦ γόνιμον οὐσίαν ἐξ
> / \ / 2 / an a ω
ἀιδίου προελθὼν μέσος ἐν μέσοις τοῖς νοεροῖς θεοῖς,
an > \ , \ / / .
συνοχῆς TE αὑτους πληρώσας Kal κάλλους μυρίου
καὶ περιουσίας γονίμου καὶ τελείου νοῦ καὶ πάν-
» n 3 la) 5 / \ > n an
των ἀθρόως τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀχρόνως, Kal ἐν TO νῦν
ἐλλάμπων εἰς τὴν ἐμφανῆ μέσην τοῦ παντὸς
428
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
that they appointed for the festival. For still
unknown to them was the nicety of those laws
which the Chaldeans and Egyptians discovered, and
which Hipparchus! and Ptolemy? perfected: but
they judged simply by sense-perception, and were
limited to what they could actually see.
But the truth of these facts was recognised, as I
said, by a later generation. Before the beginning of
the year, at the end of the month which is called
_ after Kronos,? we celebrate in honour of Helios the
most splendid games, and we dedicate the festival
to the Invincible Sun. And after this it is not
lawful to perform any of the shows that belong to
the last month, gloomy as they are, though neces-
sary. But, in the cycle, immediately after the end
of the Kronia* follow the Heliaia. That festival
may the ruling gods grant me to praise and to
celebrate with sacrifice! And above all the others
may Helios himself, the King of the All, grant me
this, even he who from eternity has proceeded from
the generative substance of the Good: even he who
is midmost of the midmost intellectual gods ; who~
fills them with continuity and endless beauty and
superabundance of generative power and_ perfect
reason, yea with all blessings at once, and inde-
pendently of time! And now he illumines his own
1 A Greek astronomer who flourished in the middle of the |
second century B.c. His works are lost.
2 Claudius Ptolemy an astronomer at Alexandria 197--
151 A.D. 3 7.e. December.
4 The festival of Saturn, the Saturnalia, was celebrated by
the Latins at the close of December, and corresponds to our
Christmas holidays. Saturn was identified with the Greek
god Kronos, and Julian uses the Greek word for tie festival
in order to avoid, according to sophistic etiquette, a Latin
name,
429
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
> la) / Ψ > “ 5 ε 77 \
οὐρανοῦ φερομένην ἕδραν οἰκείαν ἐξ ἀιδίου, καὶ
peTadioovs τῷ φαινομένῳ παντὶ τοῦ νοητοῦ
΄Ζ Ν \ > \ ΄ /
κάλλους, τὸν δὲ οὐρανὸν σύμπαντα πληρώσας
an / an lal
τοσούτων θεῶν ὁπόσων αὐτὸς ἐν ἑαυτῷ νοερῶς
oN /
ἔχει, περὶ αὐτὸν ἀμερίστως πληθυνομένων καὶ
ς δῶ > an 7 > \ Ἰλλὰ \
EVOELOMS αὐτῷ συνημμένων, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
n /
τὸν ὑπὸ τὴν σελήνην τόπον διὰ τῆς ἀειγενεσίας
συνέχων καὶ τῶν ἐνδιδομένων ἐκ τοῦ κυκλικοῦ
1 κοινοῦ
σώματος ἀγαθῶν, ἐπιμελόμενος τοῦ τε
A > ΄, 7 O07 a ς 4
τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένους ἰδίᾳ τε τῆς ἡμετέρας
/ e/ 5 \ \ - 7 > > δί
πόλεως, ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἐξ ἀιδίου
ψυχὴν ὑπέστησεν, ὀπαδὸν ἀποφήνας αὑτοῦ.
n n / /
ταῦτά TE οὗν, ὅσα μικρῷ πρόσθεν ηὐξάμην, Soin,
\ a an , /
καὶ ἔτι κοινῇ μὲν TH πόλει τὴν ἐνδεχομένην ἀιδιό-
7 7] la) n 5
TNTA μετ᾽ εὐνοίας χορηγῶν φυλάττοι, ἡμῖν δὲ ἐπὶ
τοσοῦτον εὖ πρᾶξαι τά τε ἀνθρώπινα καὶ τὰ θεῖα
ὃ / 5,1} ὦ a an n \ \ >
-d0in, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον βιῶναι συγχωρεῖ, ζῆν δὲ καὶ ἐμπο-
λιτεύεσθαι τῷ βίῳ δοίη ἐφ᾽ ὅσον αὐτῷ τε ἐκείνῳ
f f 4 Ψ ι
, n , a an
φίλον ἡμῖν τε λώιον Kal τοῖς κοινοῖς συμφέρον
“Ῥωμαίων πράγμασιν.
Tatra cor, ὦ φίλε Σαλούστιε, κατὰ τὴν τριπλῆν
τοῦ θεοῦ δημιουργίαν ἐν τρισὶ μάλιστα νυξὶν ὡς
16 νὰ 2 θό a / \ /
οἷόν τε ἣν ἐπελθόντα μοι TH μνήμῃ Kal γράψαι
\ /
πρὸς σὲ ἐτόλμησα, ἐπεί σοι Kal TO πρότερον εἰς
\ / / a
τὰ Kpovia γεγραμμένον ἡμῖν οὐ παντάπασιν
1 rod τε Hertlein suggests, re τοῦ MSS.
430
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
visible abode, which from eternity moves as_ the
centre of the whole heavens, and bestows a share
of intelligible beauty on the whole visible world,
and fills the whole heavens with the same number
of gods as he contains in himself in intellectual
form. And without division they reveal themselves
in manifold form surrounding him, but they are
attached to him to form a unity. Aye, but also,
through his perpetual generation and the blessings
that he bestows from the heavenly bodies, he holds
together the region beneath the moon. For he
eares for the whole human race in ‘common, but
especially for my own city,! even as also he brought
into being my soul from eternity, and made it his
follower. All this, therefore, that 1 prayed for
a moment ago, may he grant, and further may
he, of his grace, endow my city as a whole with
eternal existence, so far as is possible, and protect
her ; and for myself personally, may he grant that, so
long as I am permitted to live, I may prosper in my
affairs both human and divine ; finally may he grant
me to live and serve the state with my life, so long
as is ‘pleasing to himself and well for me and
expedient for the Roman Empire!
This discourse, friend Sallust,? I composed in
three nights at most, in harmony with the three-fold
creative power of the god,’ as far as possible just as
it occurred to my memory: and I have ventured to
write it down and to dedicate it to you because
you thought my earlier work on the Kronia* was not
1 Rome. 2 See Introduction, p. 351.
5 For the threefold creative force cf. Proclus on Timaeus
94cp. Here Julian means that there are three modes of
creation exercised by Helios now in one, now in another, of
the three worlds ; οἵ, 135 B.o. 4 This work is lost.
431
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
>
ἀπόβλητον ἐφάνη. τελειοτέροις δ᾽ εἰ βούλει περὶ
al a J /
TOV αὐτῶν Kal μυστικωτέροις λόγοις ἐπιστῆσαι,
»Ἤ \ al 7 7
ἐντυχὼν τοῖς παρὰ τοῦ θείου γενομένοις ᾿Ιαμβλί-
You περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν τούτων συγγράμμασι τὸ τέλος
-“ an /
ἐκεῖσε τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης εὑρήσεις σοφίας. δοίη δ᾽
e / "H δὲ δ / \ \ > nr
ὁ μέγας “Ἥλιος μηδὲν ἔλαττόν pe τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ
“ fol /
γνῶναι, καὶ διδάξαι κοινῇ τε ἅπαντας, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς
/ > o/s ¢ / n / c
μανθάνειν ἀξίους. ἕως δέ μοι τοῦτο δίδωσιν ὁ
n 7] ἈΝ n n
θεός, κοινῇ θεραπεύωμεν τὸν τῷ θεῷ φίλον
nr , n
᾿Ιάμβλιχον, ὅθεν καὶ νῦν ὀλίγα ἐκ πολλῶν ἐπὶ
νοῦν ἐλθόντα διεληλύθαμεν. ἐκείνου δὲ εὖ οἶδα
€ > \ 5 “Ὁ 7 3 Ν > vA
ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐρεῖ TL τελειότερον, οὐδὲ εἰ πολλὰ πάνυ
προσταλαιπωρήσας καινοτομήσειεν: ἐκβήσεται
γάρ, ὡς εἰκός, τῆς ἀληθεστάτης τοῦ θεοῦ νοήσεως.
ἣν μὲν οὖν ἴσως μάταιον, εἰ διδασκαλίας χάριν
\ lal
ἐποιούμην τοὺς λόγους, avTov! μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνόν τι
> \o@ 52 / n n a
συγγράφειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὕμνον ἐθέλων διελθεῖν τοῦ θεοῦ
/
χαριστήριον ἐν τούτῳ τόπον ὑπελάμβανον τοῦ"
an an \ \
περὶ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτοῦ φράσαι κατὰ δύναμιν τὴν
ἐμήν, οὐ μάτην οἶμαι πεποιῆσθαι τοὺς λόγους
τούσδε, τὸ
/ a
Kad δύναμιν δ᾽ ἕρδειν ἱέρ᾽ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν ὃ
> > poe na na / > \ \ n >
οὐκ ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal TOV εὐ-
φημιῶν τῶν εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς ἀποδεχόμενος. εὔχομαι
,ὔ a n
οὖν τρίτον ἀντὶ τῆς προθυμίας μοι ταύτης εὐμενῆ
/ an © /
γενέσθαι tov βασιλέα τῶν ὅλων “Ἥλιον, καὶ
1 αὐτὸν Hertlein suggests, αὐτοῦ MSS.
* τοῦ Hertlein suggests, τὸ M, τῷ MSS..
3 Hesiod, Works and Days 336.
432
1
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
wholly worthless. But if you wish to meet with
a more complete and more mystical treatment of the
same theme, then read the writings of the inspired
Iamblichus on this subject,! and you will find there
the most consummate wisdom which man can achieve.
And may mighty Helios grant that I too may attain
to no less perfect knowledge of himself, and that I
may instruct all men, speaking generally, but
especially those who are worthy to learn. And so
long as Helios grants let us all in common revere
Iamblichus, the beloved of the gods. For he is the
source for what I have here set down, a few thoughts
from many, as they occurred to my mind. However
I know well that no one can utter anything more
perfect than he, nay not though he should labour
long at the task and say very much that is new.
For he will naturally diverge thereby from the
truest knowledge of the god. Therefore it would
probably have been a vain undertaking to compose
anything after Iamblichus on the same subject if
I had written this discourse for the sake of giving
instruction. But since I wished to compose a hymn
to express my gratitude to the god, I thought that
this was the best place in which to tell, to the best
of my power, of his essential nature. And so I think
that not in vain has this discourse been composed.
For the saying “ΤῸ the extent of your powers offer
sacrifice to the immortal gods,’ I apply not to
sacrifice only, but also to the praises that we offer to ,/
the gods. For the third time, therefore, I pray that |
Helios, the King of the All, may be gracious to me
1 2,6. his treatise On the Gods, which is not extant.
433
VOL. I. | ae
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, IV
δοῦναι βίον ἀγαθὸν καὶ τελειοτέραν φρόνησιν Kal
θεῖον νοῦν ἀπαλλαγήν τε τὴν εἱμαρμένην ἐκ τοῦ
βίου πρᾳοτάτην ἐν καιρῷ τῷ προσήκοντι, ἄνοδόν
τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὸ μετὰ τοῦτο καὶ ) μονὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ,
μάλιστα μὲν ἀΐδιον, εἰ δὲ τοῦτο μεῖζον εἴη τῶν
éuol βεβιωμένων, πολλὰς πάνυ καὶ πολυετεῖς
περιόδους.
434 νὰ
HYMN TO KING HELIOS
in recompense for this my zeal; and may he grant
me a virtuous life and more perfect wisdom and
inspired intelligence, and, when fate wills, the
gentlest exit that may be from life, at a fitting
hour; and that I may ascend to him thereafter and
abide with him, for ever if possible, but if that be
more than the actions of my life deserve, for many
periods of many years!
FF 2
γ᾽ | et ἷξ Ν δ
"νὼ ᾿ Me ey
} Beak Be
at; ae > :
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ete Τὰ τῳ v
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INTRODUCTION TO ORATION V
Tue cult of Phrygian Cybele the Mother of the
Gods, known to the Latin world as the Great
Mother, Magna Mater, was the first Oriental religion
adopted by the Romans. In the Fifth Oration, which
is, like the Fourth, a hymn, Julian describes the
entrance of the Goddess into Italy in the third
century B.c. In Greece she had been received long
before, but the more civilised Hellenes had not
welcomed, as did the Romans, the more barbarous
features of the cult, the mutilated priests, the Galli,
and the worship of Attis.1_ They preferred the less
emotional cult of the Syrian Adonis. In Athens the
Mother of the Gods was early identified with Gaia
the Earth Mother, and the two became inextricably
confused.?. But Julian, in this more Roman than
Greek, does not shrink from the Oriental conception
of Cybele as the lover of Attis, attended by eunuch
priests, or the frenzy of renunciation described ne ae
Catullus.2 But he was-first of all a Neo-Platonist,
_and the aim of this hyr A as of the Fourth< Oration is
‘to adapt to his philos, Ay a popular cult anti to give
| its Mysteries a philosoJhic interpretation. AS
1 For the Attis cult see Frazer, Attis, Adonis and Osiris ;
for the introduction of the worship of Cybele into Italy,
Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain.
2 See Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient
Athens, 3 Catullus 63.
439
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION V
The Mithraic religion, seeking to conciliate the
other cults of the empire, had from the first
associated with the sun-god the worship of the
Magna Mater, and Attis had been endowed with the
attributes of Mithras. Though Julian’s hymn is in
honour of Cybele he devotes more attention to Attis.
Originally the myth of Cybele symbolises the suc-
cession of the seasons; the disappearance of Attis
the sun-god is the coming of winter; his mutilation
is the barrenness of nature when the sun has
departed ; his restoration to Cybele is the renewal of
spring. In all this he is the counterpart of Per-
sephone among the Greeks and of Adonis in Syria.
Julian interprets the myth in connection with the
three worlds described in the Fourth Oration,
Cybele is a principle of the highest, the intelligible
world, the source of the intellectual gods. Attis
is not merely a sun-god: he is a principle of the |
second, the intellectual world, who descends to the
visible world in order to give it order and fruitful-
ness. Julian expresses the Neo-Platonic dread and
dislike of matter, of the variable, the plural and
unlimited. Cybele the intelligible principle would
fain have restrained Attis the embodiment of intelli-
gence from association with matter. His recall and
niutilation symbolise the triumph of unity over
multifarmity, of mind oves,atter. His restoration
to Cybele symbctises the «τὸ ‘ve of our souls from the
world of generation. ΟΝ ἢ
Julian follows Ρ]οὔϊπαβ οὐ Γεραγάϊηρ' the myths as
allegories to be interpreted by the philosopher and
15.1.7; 3.6.19; 1. 6 8; cf. Plato, Theaetetus 1520;
and Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris, 6 μῦθος. . . . λόγου τινὸς
ἔμφασίς ἐστιν ἀνακλῶντος em ἄλλα Thy διάνοιαν.
440
"ἀπ ee a ed
“ον Ὁ
ae 2
INTRODUCTION TO ORATION V
the theosophist. They are riddles to be solved, and
the paradoxical element in them is designed to turn
our minds to the hidden truth. For laymen the
myth is enough. Like all the Neo-Platonists he
sometimes uses phrases which imply human weak-
ness or chronological development for his divinities
and then withdraws those phrases, explaining that
they must be taken in another sense. His attitude
to myths is further defined in the Sixth! and Seventh
Orations. The Fifth Oration can hardly be under-
stood apart from the Fourth, and both must present
many difficulties to a reader who is unfamiliar with
Plotinus, Porphyry, the treatise On the Mysteries,
formerly attributed to Iamblichus, Sallust, On the
Gods and the World, and the extant treatises and
fragments of Iamblichus. Julian composed this
treatise at Pessinus in Phrygia, when he was on his
way to Persia, in 362
1 Cf. 206 p. Myths are eth toys which help children
through teething.
441
IOTAIANOT ΑΥ̓ΤΟΚΡΆΤΟΡΟΣ
ΕΙΣ THN MHTEPA TON OEQN
\
"Apa ye χρὴ φάναι καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτων; καὶ ὑπὲρ
a > 7, 7 \ ES b) om
TOV ἀρρήτων γράψομεν καὶ τὰ ἀνέξοιστα ἐξοί-
σομενὶ καὶ Ta ἀνεκλάλητα ἐκλαλήσομεν; τίς μὲν
o” Artis ἤτοι Γάλλος, τίς δὲ ἡ τῶν θεῶν Μήτηρ,
καὶ ὁ τῆς ἁγνείας ταυτησὶ τρόπος ὁποῖος, καὶ
προσέτι τοῦ χάριν οὑτοσὶ τοιοῦτος ἡμῖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς
/ \ ς Ν fal 3 7 ἷ
κατεδείχθη, παραδοθεὶς μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχαιοτάτων
Φρυγῶν, παραδεχθεὶς δὲ πρῶτον ὑφ᾽ ᾿λλήνων,
καὶ τούτων οὐ τῶν τυχόντων, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων,
” / “ \ a > A >
ἔργοις διδαχθέντων, ὅτι μὴ καλῶς ἐτώθασαν ἐπὶ
a a \ » A / 7 \ ;
τῷ τελοῦντι τὰ ὄργια τῆς Μητρὸς: λέγονται yap
οὗτοι περιυβρίσαι καὶ ἀπελάσαι τὸν Τάλλον ὡς
τὰ θεῖα καινοτομοῦντα, οὐ ξυνέντες ὁποῖόν τι τῆς
θεοῦ τὸ χρῆμα καὶ ὡς ἡ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τιμωμένη
Δηὼ καὶ Ῥέα καὶ Δημήτηρ. εἶτα μῆνις τὸ ἐν-
rn “a an \ 7 a / e \
τεῦθεν τῆς θεοῦ καὶ θεραπεία τῆς vidos. ἡ γὰρ
1 ἐξοίσομεν Cobet adds, ἀνέξοιστα καὶ MSS, Hertlein,
2 οὑτοσὶ Hertlein suggests, οὑτωσὶ MSS.
442
HYMN TO THE MOTHER
OF THE GODS
Oueur I to say something on this subject also?
And shall I write about things not to be spoken of
and divulge what ought not to be divulged? Shall
I utter the unutterable? Who is Attis! or Gallus,? ?
who is the Mother of the Gods,’ and what is the
manner of their ritual of purification? And further
why was it introduced in the beginning among us
Remaans? It was handed down by the Phrygians in
very ancient times, and was first taken over by
the Greeks, and not by any ordinary Greeks but
by Athenians who had learned by experience that
they did wrong to jeer at one who was celebrating
the Mysteries of the Mother. For it is said that
they wantonly insulted and drove out Gallus, on the
ground that he was introducing a new cult, because
they did not understand what sort of goddess they
had to do with, and that she was that very Deo
whom they worship, and Rhea and Demeter too.
Then followed the wrath of the goddess and the
1 The Phrygian god of vegetation who corresponds to the
Syrian Adonis. His name is said to mean ‘‘ father,” and he
is at once the lover and son of the Mother of the Gods.
His death and resurrection were celebrated in spring.
2 The generic name for the eunuch priests of Attis.
3 The Phrygian Cybele, the Asiatic goddess of fertility ;
the chief seat of her worship was Pessinus in Phrygia.
443
ae
THE ORATIONS Cr JULIAN, V
3 a a a . \ / a ὦ
ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς καλοῖς ἡγεμὼν γενομένη τοῖς “ EX-—
le) / a a
Anow, ἡ τοῦ ἸΠυθίου πρόμαντις θεοῦ, τὴν τῆς
Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν μῆνιν ἐκέλευσεν ἱλάσκεσθαι"
καὶ ἀνέστη, φασίν, ἐπὶ τούτῳ τὸ μητρῷον, οὗ τοῖς
᾿Αθηναίοις δημοσίᾳ πάντα ἐφυλάττετο τὰ γραμ-
η ημοσίς γραμ
a \ ὃ} \ ah ob Ve ow Ῥ -“ ’
ματεῖα. μετὰ δὴ τοὺς nvas αὐτὰ Ῥωμαῖοι
παρεδέξαντο, συμβουλεύσαντος καὶ αὐτοῖς τοῦ
/ » \ \ , / Μ
Πυθίου ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους πόλεμον ἄγειν
ἐκ Φρυγίας τὴν θεὸν σύμμαχον. καὶ οὐδὲν ἴσως
κωλύει προσθεῖναι μικρὰν ἱστορίαν ἐνταῦθα.
μαθόντες γὰρ τὸν χρησμὸν στέλλουσιν οἱ τῆς
a ς
θεοφιλοῦς οἰκήτορες Ῥώμης πρεσβείαν αἰτήσου-
σαν παρὰ τῶν Περγάμου βασιλέων, of τότε
ἐκράτουν τῆς Φρυγίας, καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν δὲ τῶν
Φρυγῶν τῆς θεοῦ τὸ ἁγιώτατον ἄγαλμα. λαβόν-
\ 9 \ ς \ / > / > /
τες δὲ ἦγον τὸν ἱερὸν φόρτον ἐνθέντες εὐρείᾳ
φορτίδι πλεῖν εὐπετῶς δυναμένη τὰ τοσαῦτα
πελάγη. περαιωθεῖσα δὲ Αἴγαιόν τε καὶ ᾿Ἰόνιον,
/
εἶτα περιπλεύσασα Σικελίαν τε Kal τὸ Τυρρηνὸν
, or \ 3 \ a / f.
πέλαγος ἐπὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Τύβριδος κατήγετο"
\ fal 5) n an / \ - 7
καὶ δῆμος ἐξεχεῖτο τῆς πόλεως σὺν τῇ γερουσίᾳ,
n val \
ὑπήντων γε μὴν πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερεῖς τε Kal
ἱέρειαι πᾶσαι καὶ πάντες ἐν κόσμῳ τῷ πρέποντι
κατὰ τὰ πάτρια, μετέωροι πρὸς τὴν ναῦν οὐριοδ-
fa) ? > /
ρομοῦσαν ἀποβλέποντες, Kal περὶ THY τρόπιν
1 μικρὰν Hertlein, μικρὸν Naber, who thinks ἱστορίαν a gloss,
cf. Oration vii. 276 C, μικρὸν ἱστορίαν MSS, μικρὸν ioroptas —
Reiske.
444
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
propitiation of her wrath. For the priestess of the
Pythian god who guided the Greeks in all noble
conduct, bade them propitiate the wrath of the
Mother of the Gods. And so, we are told, the
-Metroum was built, where the Athenians used to
keep all their state records.1 After the Greeks the
Romans took over the cult, when the Pythian god ,
had advised them in their turn to bring the goddess
from Phrygia as an ally for their war against the
Carthaginians.2 And perhaps there is no reason ἡ
why I should not insert here a brief account of what
happened. When they learned the response of the
oracle, the inhabitants of Rome, that city beloved
of the gods, sent an embassy to ask from the kings _
of Pergamon*® who then ruled over Phrygia and ,
from the Phrygians themselves the most holy statue? ᾿
of the goddess. And when they had received it
they brought back their most sacred freight, putting
it on a broad cargo-boat which could sail smoothly
over those wide seas. ‘Thus she crossed the Aegean ,
and Ionian Seas, and sailed round Sicily and over
the Etruscan Sea, and so entered the mouth of the
Tiber. And the people and the Senate with them
poured out of the city, and in front of all the others
there came to meet her all the priests and priestesses
in suitable attire according to their ancestral custom.
And in excited suspense they gazed at the ship as
she ran before a fair wind, and about her keel they
could discern the foaming wake as she cleft the
1 2,6. after the middle of the fifth century B.c.; before that
date the records were kept in the Acropolis.
2 In 204 B.0.; ef. Livy 29. 10 foll.; Silius Italicus 17. 1 foll.;
Ovid, Fasti 4. 255 foll. tells the legend and describes the
ritual of the cult. 3 The Attalids.
+ A black meteoric stone embodied the goddess of Pessinus.
445
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
amo KOT OUD TO ῥόθιον σχιζομένων τῶν κυμάτων"
εἶτα εἰσπλέουσαν ἐδεξιοῦντο τὴν ναῦν προσκυν-
οῦντες ἕκαστος ὡς ἔτυχε προσεστὼς πόρρωθεν. ἡ
δὲ ὥσπερ ἐνδείξασθαι τῷ Ῥωμαίων ἐθέλουσα
δήμῳ, ὅτι μὴ ξόανον ἄγουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς Φρυγίας
ἄψυχον, ἔχει δὲ ἄρα δύναμίν τίνα μείζω καὶ
θειοτέραν ὃ δὴ παρὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν λαβόντες
ἔφερον, ἐπειδὴ τοῦ Τύβριδος ἥψατο, τὴν ναῦν
ἵστησιν ὥσπερ ῥιξωθεῖσαν ἐξαίφνης κατὰ τοῦ
Τύβριδος. εἷλκον δὴ οὖν πρὸς ἀντίον τὸν ῥοῦν,
ἡ, δὲ οὐχ εἵπετο. as! βραχέσι δὲ ἐντετυ η-
κότες ὠθεῖν ἐπειρῶντο τὴν ναῦν, ἡ δὲ οὐκ εἶκεν
ὠθούντων. πᾶσα δὲ μηχανὴ προσήγετο τὸ ἐντεῦ-
θεν, ἡ δὲ οὐχ ἧττον ἀμετακίνητος Hr ὥστε
ἐμπίπτει κατὰ τῆς ἱερωμένης τὴν παναγεστάτην
ἱερωσύνην παρθένου δεινὴ καὶ ἄδικος ὑποψία, καὶ
τὴν Κλωδίαν ἠτιῶντο' τοῦτο γὰρ ὄνομα ἣν τῇ
σεμνῇ παρθένῳ. μὴ παντάπασιν ἄχραντον μηδὲ
καθαρὰν φυλάττειν ἑαυτὴν τῇ θεῷ: ὀργίζεσθαι
οὖν αὐτὴν καὶ μηνίειν ἐμφανῶς" ἐδόκει γὰρ ἤδη
τοῖς πᾶσιν εἶναι τὸ χρῆμα δαιμονιώτερον. ἡ δὲ
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αἰδοῦς ὑπεπίμηπλατο πρός τε τὸ
ὄνομα καὶ τὴν ὑποψίαν' οὕτω πάνυ πόρρω ἐτύγ-
χανε τῆς αἰσχρᾶς καὶ παρανόμου πράξεως. ἐπεὶ
- δὲ ἑώρα τὴν αἰτίαν ἤδη καθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς ἐξισχύουσαν,
περιελοῦσα τὴν ζώνην καὶ περιθεῖσα τῆς νεὼς
τοῖς ἄκροις, ὥσπερ ἐξ € ἐπιπνοίας τινὸς ἀποχωρεῖν
ἐκέλευεν ἅπαντας, εἶτα ἐδεῖτο τῆς θεοῦ μὴ περι-
ἐδεῖν αὐτὴν 5 ἀδίκοις ἐνεχομένην βλασφημίαις.
1 ὡς Petavius adds.
2 αὐτὴν Hertlein suggests, αὑτὴν MSS.
440
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
waves. And they greeted the ship as she sailed in
and adored her from afar, everyone where he hap-
pened to be standing. But the goddess, as though
she desired to show the Roman people that they .
were not bringing a lifeless image from Phrygia, but
that what they had received from the Phrygians and
were now bringing home possessed greater and more
divine powers than an image, stayed the ship directly
she touched the Tiber, and she was suddenly as
though rooted in mid-stream, So they tried to tow
her against the current, but she did not follow.
Then they tried to push her off, thinking they had
grounded on a shoal, but for all their efforts she did
not move. Next every possible device was brought
to bear, but in spite of all she remained immovable.
Thereupon a terrible and unjust suspicion fell on the ;
maiden who had been consecrated to the most sacred
office of priestess, and they began to accuse Claudia ! Ἶ
—for that was the name of that noble maiden ?— )
of not having kept herself stainless and pure for the
goddess; wherefore they said that the goddess was
angry and was plainly declaring her wrath. For by
this time the thing seemed to all to be supernatural.
Now at first she was filled with shame at the mere
name of the thing and the suspicion; so very far
was she from such shameless and lawless behaviour.
But when she saw that the charge against her was
gaining strength, she took off her girdle and fastened
it about the prow of the ship, and, like one divinely
inspired, bade all stand aside : and then she besought
the goddess not to suffer her to be thus implicated
1 Claudia, turritae rara ministra deae. ‘‘ Claudia thou
peerless priestess of the goddess with the embattled crown.”
—Propertius 4. 1]. 52. 2 A matron in other versions.
447
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
βοῶσα δὲ ὥσπερ τι κέλευσμα, φασί, ναυτικόν,
/ an ,
Δέσποινα Μῆτερ εἴπερ εἰμὶ σώφρων, ἕπου pot,
54 + \ \ a > Seek / > \
ἔφη. καὶ δὴ THY ναῦν οὐκ ἐκίνησε μόνον, ἀλλὰ
\ χά 5 τς \ \ \ δε «ὧς 7
καὶ εἵλκυσεν ἐπὶ πολὺ πρὸς τὸν ῥοῦν: καὶ δύο
“ e / » ς \ ad Φ ee 7
ταῦτα Ῥωμαίοις ἔδειξεν ἡ θεὸς οἶμαι κατ᾽ ἐκείνην
τὴν ἡμέραν. ὡς οὔτε μικροῦ τινος τίμιον ἀπὸ τῆς
/ ‘ fa}
Φρυγίας ἐπήγοντο φόρτον, ἀλλὰ τοῦ παντὸς
5 3 ς 3 ΄ n 3 bee
ἄξιον, οὔτε ὡς ἀνθρώπινον τοῦτον, ἀλλὰ ὄντως
θεῖον, οὔτε ἄψυχον γῆν, ἀλλὰ ἔμπνουν Te χρῆμα
καὶ δαιμόνιον. ν μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἔδειξεν αὐτοῖς
ς / “ / e la) “ 50.Χ 7
ἡ θεός: ἕτερον δέ, ὡς τῶν πολιτῶν οὐδὲ εἷς λάθοι
\ a
ἂν αὐτὴν χρηστὸς ἢ φαῦλος wb: κατωρθώθη
μέντοι καὶ ὁ πόλεμος αὐτίκα “Ῥωμαίοις πρὸς
Ἐἀρχώϑον να ὥστε τὸν τρίτον ὑπὲρ τῶν τειχῶν
vais μόνον Καρχηδόνος γενέσθαι.
ἃ μὲν οὖν τῆς ἱστορίας, εἰ καί τισιν ἀπίθανα
Ge καὶ φιλοσόφῳ προσήκειν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ θεολόγῳ,
λεγέσθω μὴ μεῖον, κοινῇ μὲν ὑπὸ πλείστων ἱστο-
ριογράφων ἀνωγραφόμενα, σωζόμενα δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ
n aA / -
χαλκῶν εἰκόνων ἐν τῇ κρατίστῃ καὶ θεοφιλεῖ
ς ΄ 7 > / “ / > /
Ρώμῃ. καίτοι με ov λέληθεν ὅτι φήσουσιν αὐτά
A / a Ὁ » / >
τινες TOV λίαν σοφῶν ὕθλους εἶναι γρᾳδίων οὐκ
a a 4
ἀνεκτούς. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ ταῖς πόλεσι πιστεύειν
μᾶλλον τὰ τοιαῦτα ἢ τουτοισὶ τοῖς κομψοῖς, ὧν
τὸ ψυχάριον δριμὺ μέν, ὑγιὲς δὲ οὐδὲ Ev βλέπει." |
ς Ν ΔΎ Ρ > a a) ἂν , > cp Αι A
Trép δὲ ὧν εἰπεῖν ἐπῆλθέ μοι Tap αὐτὸν ἄρτι
1 ἐπήγοντο Hertlein suggests, ἐπῆγον τὸν MSS.
2 Plato, Republic 519 a δριμὺ μὲν βλέπει τὸ ψυχάριον.
448
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS_
in unjust slanders. Next, as the story goes, she
cried aloud as though it were some nautical word of
command, “ O Goddess Mother, if I am pure soles 6-
me!” And lo, she not only made the ship move,
but even towed her for some distance up stream. 1
Two things, I think, the goddess showed the Romans
on that day: first that the freight they were bring-
ing from Phrygia had no small value, but was
priceless, and that this was no work of men’s hands
but truly divine, not lifeless clay but a thing pos-
sessed of life and divine powers. This, I say, was
one thing that the goddess showed them. And the
other was that no one of the citizens could be good ν'
or bad and she not know thereof. Moreover the
war of the Romans against the Carthaginians forth-
with took a favourable turn, so that the third war
was waged only for the walls of Carthage itself.!
s for this narrative, though some will think it
incredible and wholly unworthy of a philosopher or
a theologian, nevertheless let it here be related.
For besides the fact that it is commonly recorded by
most historians, it has been preserved too on bronze
statues in mighty Rome, beloved of the gods.2, And
yet I am well aware that some over-wise persons
will call it an old wives’ tale, not to be credited.
But for my part I would rather trust the traditions
of cities than those too clever people, whose puny τ
souls are keen-sighted enough, but never do they
see aught that is sound. a
I am told that on this same subject of which I am
1 In the Third Punic War, which began 149 B.c., Carthage
was sacked by the Romans under Scipio.
2 A relief in the Capitoline Museum shows Claudia in the
act of dragging the ship.
449
VOL. 1. G G
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
tal / : ‘
τὸν τῆς ἁγιστείας καιρόν, ἀκούω μὲν ἔγωγε καὶ
/ \ n lal
Πορφυρίῳ τινὰ πεφιλοσοφῆσθαι περὶ αὐτῶν, ov
\ / n
μὴν οἶδά γε, ov yap ἐνέτυχον, εἰ Kai συνενεχθῆναί,
Ὁ A
που συμβαίη τῷ λόγῳ. τὸν Γάλλον δὲ ἐγὼ του-
\ \ \ Vv ee. 7 > a a
τονὶ καὶ τὸν “Arti αὐτὸς οἴκοθεν ἐπινοῶ τοῦ
γονίμου καὶ δημιουργικοῦ νοῦ τὴν ἄχρι τῆς
¢ [τ n 7 >
ἐσχάτης ὕλης ἅπαντα γεννῶσαν οὐσίαν εἶναι,
ἔχουσάν τε ἐν ἑαυτῇ πάντας τοὺς λόγους καὶ τὰς
> 7 an φὰς 1 QA 2 ᾿ \ ΄ >
αἰτίας τῶν ἐνύλων εἰδῶν: οὐ yap δὴ πάντων ἐν
πᾶσι τὰ εἴδη, οὐδὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀνωτάτω καὶ πρώτοις
A ¢ eink
αἰτίοις τὰ τῶν ἐσχάτων Kal τελευταίων, μεθ᾽ ἃ
\ n
οὐδέν ἐστιν ἢ TO τῆς στερήσεως ὄνομα μετὰ ἀμυ-.
val > 7 > a \ An > n
Spas ἐπινοίας. οὐσῶν δὴ πολλῶν οὐσιῶν καὶ πολ-
λῶν πάνυ δημιουργῶν τοῦ τρίτου δημιουργοῦ, ὃς
n » ὧδ 5... ἡ \ , > / » \
τῶν ἐνύλων εἰδῶν τοὺς λόγους ἐξῃρημένους ἔχει καὶ
a \ / / n
συνεχεῖς TAS αἰτίας, ἡ τελευταία Kal μέχρι γῆς
, an / an
ὑπὸ περιουσίας τοῦ γονίμου διὰ THs ἄνωθεν παρὰ
A / 7 ς
τῶν ἄστρων καθήκουσα φύσις ὁ ζητούμενός ἐστιν
x \ . tal
Artis. tows δὲ ὑπὲρ οὗ λέγω χρὴ διαλαβεῖν
d , /
σαφέστερον. εἶναί τι λέγομεν ὕλην, ἀλλὰ καὶ
+ 3 > ἣν , > / 2 F
ἔνυλον εἶδος. ἀλλὰ τούτων εἰ μή τις αἰτία
προτέτακται, λανθάνοιμεν ἂν ἑαυτοὺς εἰσάγοντες
\ 3 7 δό > an \ a >
τὴν ᾿πικούρειον δόξαν. apyaiv yap δυοῖν εἰ
/ 7 Η Ν Ξ
μηδέν ἐστι πρεσβύτερον, αὐτόματός τις αὐτὰς
\ \ 4 / δ > Ε] eae ᾿
φορὰ καὶ τύχη συνεκλήρωσεν. ἀλλ᾽ ὁρῶμεν,
450
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
impelled to speak at the very season of these sacred
rites, Porphyry too has written a philosophic treatise.
But since I have never met with it I do not know
whether at any point it may chance to-agree with my
discourse. But him whom. I call Gallus or Attis
1 discern of my own knowledge to be theSibstance
‘of generative and creative Mind which engenders \
all things down to the lowest plane of matter,! and
comprehends in itself all the concepts and causes
of the forms that are embodied in matter. For
truly the forms of all things are not in all things,
and in the highest and first causes we do not find
the forms of the lowest and last, after which there is
nothing save privation 2 coupled with a dim idea. ,
Now there are many substances and very mee
creative gods, but the nature of the e third. creator,?
who contains in himself the 56] arate concepts
of -theforms™that™ are embodied. ige-matter and
also the connected chain of causes I mean that:
nature which is last in order, and through its super-—
abundance of generative power descends even unto
our earth through the upper region εν the stars,—
(this is he whom we seek, even Attis#@But perhaps
[1 ought to distinguish more clearly’what I mean.
\We assert that matter exists and also form embodie
jin matter. But if no cause be assigned prior to
r< these two, we should be introducing, unconsciously,
e Epicurean doctrine. For if there be nothing o
igher order than these two principles, then a spon-
taneous motion and chance brought them together.
1 7.e. the world of sense-perception.
᾿Ξ Plotinus 1. 8. 4 called matter ‘‘the privation of the
Good,” στέρησις ἀγαθοῦ.
3 Helios ; cf. Oration 4. 140 A. Attis is here identified
with the light of the sun.
451
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
\ / > / A e =| /
φησὶ ἸΠ]εριπατητικός τις ἀγχίνους ὥσπερ ὁ Ἐέναρ- B
χος, τούτων αἴτιον ὃν τὸ πέμπτον καὶ κυκλικὸν
σῶμα. γελοῖος δὲ καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης ὑπὲρ τούτων
lal a «
ζητῶν τε καὶ πολυπραγμονῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ
/ > / n \ e a /
Θεόφραστος: ἠγνόησε γοῦν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φωνήν.
[12 \ > \ > A > 7 Ν
ὥσπερ γὰρ εἰς τὴν ἀσώματον οὐσίαν ἐλθὼν καὶ
n \ af,
νοητὴν ἔστη μὴ πολυπραγμονῶν τὴν αἰτίαν,
a n \
ἀλλὰ φὰς οὕτω ταῦτα πεφυκέναι" χρῆν δὲ δή-
πουθεν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πέμπτου σώματος τὸ πεφυκέ-
vA 4 "4 nn rv
vat ταύτῃ λαμβάνοντα μηκέτι ζητεῖν τὰς αἰτίας,
¢ \ , Be * ᾽ a \ \ \ Ν Ν
ἵστασθαι δὲ ἐπὶ αὐτῶν καὶ μὴ πρὸς τὸ νοητὸν
/
ἐκπίπτειν ὃν μὲν οὐδὲν φύσει καθ᾽ ἑαυτό, ἔχον δὲ ©
Υ̓ \ ς / a \ > \ /
ἄλλως κενὴν ὑπόνοιαν. τοιαῦτα yap ἐγὼ μέμνη-
ἴω = ΄, / 22 , “9 Ν 3
μαι τοῦ Ἐξενάρχου λέγοντος ἀκηκοώς. εἰ μὲν οὖν
> an x \ a b] - » ral ΕΙΣ > Kd
ὀρθῶς ἢ μὴ ταῦτα ἐκεῖνος ἐδ; τοῖς ἄγαν ἐφείσθω
Περιπατητικοῖς ὀνυχίζειν,᾽ ὅτε δὲ οὐ προσηνῶς
> \ / n 7 \ Ν >
ἐμοὶ παντί που δῆλον, ὅπου ye καὶ τὰς ᾿Αριστο-
τελικὰς ὑποθέσεις ἐνδεεστέρως ὄχειν ὑπολαμ-
, 2 / ee 3 ee a /
βάνω, εἰ μή τις αὐτὰς és ταὐτὸ τοῖς Πλάτωνος
ἄγοι, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ταῖς ἐκ θεῶν δεδομέναις D
/
προφητείαις."
᾿ Ἐκεῖνο δὲ ἴσως ἄξιον πυθέσθαι, πῶς τὸ κυκλι-
“ /
κὸν σῶμα δύναται τὰς ἀσωμάτους ἔχειν αἰτίας
τῶν ἐνύλων εἰδῶν. ὅτι μὲν γὰρ δίχα τούτων
452 oe
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
« But,” says some acute Peripatetic like Xenarchus,
“we see that the cause of these is the fifth or cyclic
substance. Aristotle is absurd when he investigates 4
and discusses these matters, and Theophrastus like-
wise. At any rate he overlooked the implications of a
well-known utterance of his. For just as when he came
to incorporeal and intelligible substance he stopped
short and did not inquire into its cause, and merely
asserted that this is what it is by nature; surely in the
case of the fifth substance also he ought to have as-
sumed that its nature is to be thus; and he ought not
to have gone on to search for causes, but should have
stopped at these, and not fallen back on the intelli-
gible, which has no independent existence by itself,
and in any case represents a bare supposition.”” This
is the sort of thing that Xenarchus says, as I remem-
ber to have heard. Now whether what he says is
correct or not, let us leave to the extreme Peripatetics
to refine upon. But that his view is not agreeable to
me is, I think, clear to everyone. For I hold that the
theories of Aristotle himself are Incomplete unless
they are brought into harmony with those of Plato! ‘yf
or_rather_we_must make thesealse-agree—with—the
oracles that_have been vouchsafed to us_by the gods.
But this it is perhaps worth while to inquire, how
the cyclic substance? can contain the incorporeal
causes of the forms that are embodied in matter.
(ere here sums up the tendency of the philosophy of
h
and
is age. The Peripatetics had been merged in the Platonist
Neo-Platonists, and Themistius the Aristotelian
commentator often speaks of the reconciliation, in contem
#*porary philosophy, of Plato and Aristotle; cf. 285 ο, 236,
66c. Julian, following the example of Iamblichus, would
orce them into agreement; but the final appeal was to
revealed religion. * 2,6. aether, the fifth substance.
453
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
ς A \ / > 3 7 4 /
ὑποστῆναι τὴν γένεσιν οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, πρόδηλόν
ἐστί που καὶ σαφές. τοῦ χάριν γάρ ἐστι το-.
al \ / / \ » \ nm
σαῦτα τὰ γιγνόμενα; πόθεν δὲ ἄρρεν Kal θῆλυ;
ῇ \ ς , a » > ς /
πόθεν δὲ ἡ κατὰ γένος τῶν ὄντων ἐν ὡρισμέ-
yy 4 > / 3 “ ͵7
vous εἴδεσι διαφορά, εἰ μή τινες εἶεν προῦπάρ-
“ rn * /
χοντες καὶ προὐφεστῶτες! λόγοι αἰτίαι τε ἐν
/ / “᾿ “ aA
παραδείγματος λόγῳ προὔφεστῶσαι; πρὸς as
ὑπ ᾽ , » ΄ \ »
εἴπερ ἀμβλυώττομεν, ἔτι καθαιρώμεθα τὰ ὄμματα
» n \ \ lal Ἂς,
τῆς ψυχῆς. κάθαρσις δὲ ὀρθὴ στραφῆναι πρὸς
ἑαυτὸν καὶ κατανοῆσαι, πῶς μὲν ἡ ψυχὴ, καὶ
a) aft a
ὁ ἔνυλος νοῦς ὥσπερ ἐκμαγεῖόν TL τῶν ἐνύλων
᾽ n \ > / > a A 3 / b] a
εἰδῶν Kal εἰκών ἐστιν. ἕν yap οὐδέν ἐστι τῶν
’ fa) \
σωμάτων ἢ τῶν περὶ TA σώματα γινομένων TE
\ / > ΄, iG \ ,
καὶ θεωρουμένων ἀσωμάτων, οὗ τὴν φαντασίαν
e a > 7 al 3 / “ ”
ὁ νοῦς ov δύναται λαβεῖν ἀσωμάτως, ὅπερ οὔ-
ποτ᾽ ἂν ἐποίησεν, εἰ μή τι ξυγγενὲς εἶχεν αὐτοῖς
n > /
φύσει. ταῦτά τοι καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης τὴν ψυχὴν
, IQA ay \ > > id ? \
τόπον εἰδὼν ἔφη, πλὴν οὐκ ἐνεργείᾳ, ἀλλὰ
/ \ \ 9 / | \ \
δυνάμει. τὴν μὲν οὖν τοιαύτην ψυχὴν καὶ τὴν
ἐπεστραμμένην πρὸς τὸ σῶμα δυνάμει ταῦτα
ἔχειν ἀναγκαῖον" εἰ δέ τις ἄσχετος εἴη καὶ ἀμυγὴς
»» \ / 3 , / / “YA
ταύτῃ, τοὺς λόγους οὐκέτι δυνάμει, πάντας δὲ
1 προύὔφεστῶτες Hertlein suggests, cf. 165 Ὁ, προεστῶτες
MSS
454
B
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
For that, apart from these causes, it is not possible
for generation to take place is, 1 think, clear and
manifest. For why are there so many kinds of
generated things? Whence arise masculine and
feminine? {Whence the distinguishing character-
istics of things according to their species in well-
defined types, if there are not pre-existing and pre-
established concepts, and causes which existed before-
hand to serve as a pattern ? nd if we discern these
causes but dimly, let us still further purify the eyes
of the soul. And the right kind of purification is
to turn our gaze inwards and to observe how the
soul and embodied Mind _ are.a.sort..of mould ? and
likenéss of the forms that are embodied in matter.
For in the” case of the corporeal, or of things that
though incorporeal come into being and are to be
studied in connection with the corporeal, there is no
single thing whose mental image the mind cannot
grasp independently of the corporeal. But this_ it
could not have done if it did not possess something
naturally akin to the incorporeal forms. Indeed it is
for this reason that Aristotle himself called the soul
the “place of the forms,”? only he said that the
forms are there not actually but potentially. Now
a soul of this sort, that is allied with matter, must
needs possess these forms potentially only, but a
soul that should be independent and unmixed. -in
this way we must believe would contain all the
1 2,6. the causes of the forms that 816 embodied in matter
have a prior existence as Ideas. °
2 An echo of Plato, Theaetetus 191 c, 1964; Timaeus 50 c.
3 De Anima 3. 4. 4294; Aristotle quotes the phrase with
approval and evidently attributes it to Plato; the precise
expression is not to be found in Plato, though in Parmenides
132 8 he says that the Ideas are ‘‘ in our souls.”
455
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
ὑπάρχειν ἐνεργείᾳ νομιστέον. χάβωμεν δὲ αὐτὰ
σαφέστερον διὰ τοῦ παραδείγματος, ᾧ καὶ
Πλάτων ἐν τῷ “Σοφιστῇ πρὸς ἕτερον μὲν λόγον,
ἐχρήσατο δ᾽ οὖν ὅμως. τὸ παράδειγμα, δὲ οὐκ
εἰς ἀπόδειξιν φέρω τοῦ agony καὶ yap οὐδὲ
ἀποδείξει χρὴ λαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιβολῇ μόνῃ,
περὶ γὰρ τῶν πρώτων αἰτιῶν ἐστιν ἢ τῶν γε ὁμο-
στοίχων τοῖς πρώτοις, εἴπερ ἡμῖν ἐστιν, ὥσπερ
οὖν ἄξιον νομίζειν, καὶ ὁ "Artis Beds.) τί δὲ καὶ
ποῖόν ἐστι τὸ παράδειγμα; φησί" που ἸΠλάτων,
τῶν περὶ τὴν μίμησιν διατριβόντων εἰ μὲν ἐθέλοι
τίς μιμεῖσθαι, ὥστε καθυφεστάναι τὰ μιμητά,
ἐργώδη τε εἶναι καὶ χαλεπὴν καὶ νὴ Δία γε
τοῦ ἀδυνάτου πλησίον μᾶλλον, εὔκολον δὲ καὶ
ῥᾳδίαν καὶ σφόδρα δυνατὴν τὴν διὰ τοῦ δοκεῖν
τὰ ὄντα μιμουμένην. ὅταν οὖν τὸ κάτοπτρον
λαβόντες περιφέρωμεν ἐκ πάντων τῶν ὄντων
ῥᾳδίως ἀπομαξάμενοι, δείκνυμεν ἑκάστου τοὺς
τύπους. ἐκ τούτου τοῦ παραδείγματος ἐπὶ τὸ
εἰρημένον μεταβιβάσωμεν τὸ “ὁμοίωμα, ἵν᾽ ἢ τὸ
μὲν κάτοπτρον ὁ λεγόμενος ὑπὸ ᾿Αριστοτέλους
δυνάμει τόπος εἰδῶν.
Αὐτὰ δὲ χρὴ τὰ εἴδη πρότερον ὑφεστάναι
πάντως ἐνεργείᾳ τοῦ δυνάμει. τῆς τοίνυν ἐν
ἡμῖν “Ψυχῆς, ὡς καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλει δοκεῖ, δυνάμει
τῶν ὄντων ἐχούσης τὰ εἴδη, ποῦ πρῶτον ἐνεργείᾳ
θησόμεθα ταῦτα; πότερον ἐν τοῖς ἐνύλοις; GAN
ἔστι γε ταῦτα φανερῶς τὰ τελευταῖα. λείπεται
1 233 Ὁ, 2 αὐτόν Hertlein suggests, αὐτό MSS.
3 Sophist 235 4; cf. Republic 596 Ὁ.
456
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
concepts, not potentially but actually. Let us make
this clearer by means of the example which Plato
himself employed in the Sophist, with reference
certainly to another theory, but still he did employ
it. And I bring forward the illustration, not to
prove my argument; for one must not try to
grasp it by demonstration, but only by appre-
hension. For it deals with the first causes, or at
least those that rank with the first, if indeed,
as it is right to believe, we must regard Attis
also as a god. What then, and of what sort
is this illustration? Plato says ‘that, if any man
whose profession is imitation desire to imitate in such
a way that the original is exactly reproduced, this
method of imitation is troublesome and difficult,
and, by Zeus, borders on the impossible ; but pleasant
and easy and quite possible is the method which
only seems to imitate real things. For instance,
when we take up a mirror and turn it round we
easily get an impression of all objects, and show the
general outline of every single thing. From this
example let us go back to the analogy I spoke of,
and let the mirror stand for what Aristotle calls the
“place of the forms” potentially.
Now the forms themselves must certainly subsist
actually before they subsist potentially. If, there-
fore, the soul in us, as Aristotle himself believed,
contains potentially the forms of existing things,
where shall we place the forms in that previous
state of actuality? Shall it be in material things ?
No, for the forms that are in them are evidently the
last and lowest. Therefore it only remains to search
457
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
A \ δ 3.- δ “-- 3 ,ὔ
δὴ λοιπὸν ἀύλους αἰτίας ζητεῖν ἐνεργείᾳ προτε-
ταγμένας τῶν ἐνύλων, αἷς παρυποστᾶσαν κα
συμπροελθοῦσαν ἡμῶν τὴν ψυχὴν δέχεσθαι μὲν
ἐκεῖθεν, ὥσπερ ἐξ ὄντων τινῶν τὰ ἔσοπτρα, τοὺς
τῶν εἰδῶν ἀναγκαῖον λόγους, ἐνδιδόναι δὲ διὰ
τῆς φύσεως τῇ TE ὕλῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐνύλοις τουτοισὶ
, “ \ \ ς Ψ, » \ bd
σώμασιν. OTL μὲν yap ἡ φύσις ἐστὶ δημιουργὸς
τῶν σωμάτων ἴσμεν, ὡς ὅλη τις οὖσα τοῦ παντός,
\ > Ψ ΜΡ 4Φ / “Ὁ 9 /
δὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἑνὸς ἑκάστου τῶν ἐν μέρει,
.
πρόδηλόν ἐστί που καὶ σαφές, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ φύσις
> 7 / , ἣν ς a ¢€ \ ς \
ἐνεργείᾳ δίχα φαντασίας ἐν ἡμῖν, ἡ δὲ ὑπὲρ
7] }
ταύτης ψυχὴ καὶ τὴν φαντασίαν προσείληφεν.
> / ς 4 \ κὰ > » \
εἰ τοίνυν ἡ φύσις καὶ ὧν οὐκ ἔχει τὴν φαντα-
/ ΕΝ Ὁ ς lal Ἁ 3. ah »
σίαν ἔχειν ὅμως ὁμολογεῖται τὴν αἰτίαν, ἀνθ᾽
Ὡ sti \ a ΡΣ ἢν a a7 Ος fa oy \
ὅτου πρὸς θεῶν οὐχὶ τοῦτο αὐτὸ μᾶλλον ETL καὶ
πρεσβύτερον τῇ ψυχῇ δώσομεν, ὅπου καὶ φαν-
ταστικῶς αὐτὸ γιγνώσκομεν ἤδη καὶ λόγῳ κατα-
7 Φ / “ > \ / . (ee.
λαμβάνομεν; εἶτα Tis οὕτως ἐστὶ φιλόνεικος, ὡς
a / \ ς / ς a \ HT Of
τῇ φύσει μὲν ὑπάρχειν ὁμολογεῖν τοὺς ἐνύλους.
> \ \ / \ \ \ Lee.
λόγους, εἰ Kal μὴ πάντας Kal κατὰ TO αὐτὸ
ἐνεργείᾳ, ἀλλὰ δυνάμει γε πάντας, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ
rn - a , ν
μὴ δοῦναι τοῦτο αὐτό; οὐκοῦν εἰ δυνάμει μὲν
> A \ 2 9 7, \ ” ὃ , ;
ἐν τῇ φύσει καὶ οὐκ ἐνεργείᾳ τὰ εἴδη, δυνάμει
δὲ » “» ΝᾺ n “ θ , \ ὃ
é ἔτε καὶ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ καθαρώτερον καὶ δια-
458
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
for immaterial causes which exist in actuality prior
to and of a higher order than the causes that. are
embodied in matter. And our souls must subsist
in dependence on these and come forth together
with them, and so receive from them the concepts of
the forms, as mirrors show the reflections of things ;
and then with the aid of nature it bestows them on
matter and on these material bodies of our world.
For we know that nature is the creator of bodies,
universal nature in some sort of the All; while that
the individual nature of each is the creator of par-
ticulars is plainly evident. But nature exists in us in
actuality without a mental image, whereas the soul,
which is superior to nature, possesses a mental
image besides. “If therefore we admit that nature
contains in herself the cause of things of which she
has however no mental image, why, in heaven’s
name, are we not to assign to the soul these same
forms, only in a still higher degree, and with priority
over nature, seeing that it is in the soul that we re-
cognise the forms by means of mental images, and
comprehend them by means of the concept? Who
then is so contentious as to admit on the one hand that
the concepts embodied in matter exist in nature—
even though not all and equally in actuality, yet all
potentially—while on the other hand he refuses to
recognise that the same is true of the soul? If therefore
the forms exist in nature potentially, but not actually,
and if also they exist potentially in the soul,! only in
a still purer sense and more completely separated,
so that they can be comprehended and recognised ;
! For the superiority of the soul to nature cf. De Mysleriis
8. 7. 270; and for the theory that the soul gives form to
matter, Plotinus 4. 3. 20.
499
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
κεκριμένως μᾶλλον, ὥστε δὴ Kal καταλαμβά-
νεσθαι καὶ γινώσκεσθαι, ἐνεργείᾳ δὲ οὐδαμοῦ"
πόθεν ἀναρτήσομεν τῆς ἀειγενεσίας τὰ πείσματα;
ποῦ δὲ ἑδράσομεν τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀιδιότητο :
κόσμου λόγους; τὸ γάρ τοὶ κυκλικὸν σῶμα ἐξ
ὑποκειμένου καὶ εἴδους ἐστίν. ἀνάγκη δὴ οὖν,
εἰ καὶ μήποτε ἐνεργείᾳ ταῦτα δίχα ἀλλήλων,
ἀλλὰ ταῖς γε ἐπινοίαις ἐκεῖνα πρῶτα ὑπάρχοντα.
εἶναί τε καὶ νομίζεσθαι πρεσβύτερα. οὐκοῦν
ἐπειδὴ δέδοταί τις καὶ τῶν ἐνύλων εἰδῶν αἰτία,
προηγουμένη παντελῶς ἄυλος ὑπὸ τὸν τρίτον
δημιουργόν, ὃς ἡμῖν οὐ τούτων μόνον ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ,
καὶ τοῦ φαινομένου καὶ πέμπτου" σώματος πατὴρ
καὶ δεσπότης" ἀποδιελόντες ἐκείνου τὸν ἼΑττιν,
τὴν ἄχρι τῆς ὕλης καταβαίνουσαν αἰτίαν, καὶ
θεὸν γόνιμον "Arr εἶναι καὶ Γάλλον πεπιστεύ-
καμεν, ὃν δή φησιν ὁ μῦθος ἀνθῆσαι μὲν ἐκτε-
θέντα παρὰ Γάλλου ποταμοῦ ταῖς δίναις, εἶτα
καλὸν φανέντα καὶ μέγαν ,ἀγαπηθῆναι παρὰ
τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν. τὴν δὲ τά τε ἄλλα
πᾶντα ἐπιτρέψαι αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν ἀστερωτὸν περι-
θεῖναι πῖλον. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ τὴν κορυφὴν σκέπει ΤΩΝ,
ἼΑττιδος ὁ “φαινόμενος οὐρανὸς οὑτοσί, τὸν Γάλ-
λον ποταμὸν ἄρα μή ποτε χρὴ τὸν γαλαξίαν
αἰνίττεσθαι " κύκλον; ἐνταῦθα γάρ φασι i 3
σθαι τὸ παθητὸν σῶμα πρὸς τὴν ἀπαθῆ τοῦ
ve
1 περιθεῖναι Hertlein suggests, cf. Sallust, On the Gods asi .
the World 249, τὸν dorepwrdy αὐτῷ περιθεῖναι πῖλον : ἐπιθεῖναι,
MSS. 4
2. αἰνίττεσθαι Hertlein suggests, cf. Sallust 250 τὸν yadatiay
αἰνίττεται κύκλον": μαντεύεσθαι MSS.
460
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
but yet exist in actuality nowhere at all; to what,
[ ask, shall we hang the chain of perpetual genera-
tion, and on what shall we base our theories of the
imperishability of the universe? For the cyclic
substance ! itself is composed of matter and form. It
must therefore follow that, even though in actuality
these two, matter and form, are never separate from
one another, yet for our intelligence the forms must
_have prior existence and be regarded as of a higher
order. Accordingly, since for the forms embodied
in matter a wholly immaterial cause has been as-
signed, which leads these forms under the hand of
the third creator ?—who for us is the lord and father
not only of these forms but also of the visible fifth
substance—from that creator we distinguish Attis,
the cause which descends even unto matter, and we
believe that Attis or Gallus is a god of generative
powers. Of him the myth relates ὙΠ > atter being ἢ
osed at birth near the eddying stream of the
river Gallus, he grew up like a flower, and when he
had grown to be fair and tall, he was beloved by the
Mother o ΓΟ Saad. And she entrusted all things
to ‘him, and moreover set on his head the starry cap.
But if our visible sky covers the crown of Attis,
must one not interpret the river Gallus as the,Milky
Way? For it is there, they say, that the substance
ΜΝ is subject to change mingles with the passion-
Pend. τι yh
)
1 7.e. the fifth substance.
5. Helios; cf. 161p. The whole passage implies the
identification of Attis with nature, and of the world-soul
with Helios ; cf. 162 4 where Attis is called ‘‘ Nature, dees.
δ cf. 170», 168¢; Sallust, On the Gods and the World
4. 16. 1.
* ef. 1714; Sallust also identifies Gallus with the Milky |
Way, 4. 14. 25,
461
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
- “ / a 4 b] 7]
πέμπτου κυκλοφορίαν. ἄχρι τοι τούτων ἐπέτρε-
ψὲεν ἡ Μήτηρ τῶν θεῶν σκιρτᾶν τε καὶ χορεύειν
τῷ καλῷ τούτῳ καὶ ταῖς ἡλιακαῖς ἀκτῖσιν
« vor? Ν
ἐμφερεῖ τῷ voep@ θεῷ, τῷ "Αττιδι. ὁ δὲ ἐπειδὴ
προϊὼν ἦλθεν ἄχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων, ὁ μῦθος αὐτὸν
εἰς τὸ ἄντρον 1 κατελθεῖν ἔφη καὶ συγγενέσθαι τῇ
νύμφῃ, τὸ δίυγρον. αἰνιττόμενος. τῆς ὕλης" καὶ
οὐδὲ τὴν ὕλην αὐτὴν νῦν ἔφη, τὴν τελευταίαν δὲ
αἰτίαν ἀσώματον, ἣ τῆς ὕλης προὐφέστηκε.“
λέγεταί τοι καὶ πρὸς Ἡρακλείτου ὃ
ψυχῇσιν θάνατος ὑγρῇσι γενέσθαι"
τοῦτον οὖν τὸν Γάλλον, τὸν νοερὸν θεόν, τὸν τῶν
ἐνύλων καὶ ὑπὸ σελήνην εἰδῶν συνοχέα, τῇ προτε-
ταγμένῃ τῆς ὕλης αἰτίᾳ συνιόντα, συνιόντα δὲ οὐχ
ὡς ἄλλον ἄχλῃ, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον αὐτὸ εἰς ἑαυτὸ * λέγο-
μεν ἢ ὑποφερόμενον.
Τίς οὖν ἡ Μήτηρ τῶν θεῶν; ἡ τῶν κυβερνώντων
τοὺς ἐμφανεῖς νοερῶν καὶ δημιουργῶν θεῶν.
πηγή, ἡ καὶ τεκοῦσα καὶ συνοικοῦσα τῷ “μεγάλῳ
Au θεὸς ὑποστᾶσα μεγάλη μετὰ τὸν μέγαν καὶ
σὺν τῷ μεγάλῳ δημιουργῷ, ἡ πάσης “μὲν κυρία
ζωῆς, πάσης δὲ γενέσεως αἰτία, ἡ ῥᾷστα μὲν
ἐπιτελοῦσα τὰ ποιούμενα, γεννῶσα δὲ δίχα. πά-
θους καὶ δημιουργοῦσα τὰ ὄντα μετὰ τοῦ πατρός"
αὕτη καὶ παρθένὸς a ἀμήτωρ καὶ Διὸς σύνθωκος καὶ
μήτηρ θεῶν ὄντως οὖσα πάντων. τῶν γὰρ νοητῶν
1 ef. Porphyry, On the Cave of the mal 7; and ee
Republic 5144. ;
2 προῦὔφέστηκε Hertlein suggests, προέστηκε MSS.
: i: 36, Diels.
4 ἑαυτὸ Shorey suggests, τοῦτο Hertlein, MSS.
> χέγομεν Petavius suggests, lacuna Hertlein, MSS.
462
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE oe
less revolving sphere of the fifth substance. Only
as far as this did the Mother of the Gods permit
this fair intellectual god Attis, who resembles the
sun’s rays, to leap and dance. But when he passed
beyond this limit and came even to the lowest —
_ region, the myth said that he had descended into-
the cave, and had’ wedded the nymph. And the
nymph is to be interpreted as the dampness ὁ of”
m 5; though the myth does not here mean
matter itself, but the lowest immaterial cause. which
subsists prior to matter. ~ Indeed Heracleitus also
ayer tents death to souls to become wet.” We
mean therefore that this Gallus, the intellectual god,
the connecting link between forms embodied in
matter beneath the region of the moon, is united
with the cause that is set_over matter, but not in
the sense that one Sex is sity gaia another, but
like an element that is gathered to itself.
Who then is the Mother of the Gods? She is
the source of the intellectual + and creative gods,.who
in their turn, guide the visible gods: she is both the )
mother and the spousé of mighty Zeus; she came
into being next to and together with the great
creator; she is in control of every form of life, and
the cause of all generation; she easily brings to
perfection all things that are made; without pain
she brings to birth, and with the father’s? aid creates
all things that are; she is the motherless maiden,’ |
enthroned at the side of Zeus, and in very truth is(
the Mother of all the Gods. For having received ‘
1 ef. 170 p, 179 D. 2 4,6. Zeus.
8 Hence she is the counterpart of Athene, cf. 179 a.
Athene is Forethought among the intellectual gods ; Cybele
is Forethought among the intelligible gods and therefore
superior to Athene ; οὗ, 180.
463
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
¢ / 1 a 4 4 \ 2
ὑφεῤκοδμνναε sees δοξαμενη eine ἈΝΑ
/ Ὁ nr cal
αἰτίας ἐν ἑαυτῇ πηγὴ τοῖς voEpois ἐγένετο. ταύτην
\ \ \ 3 \ Υ͂ ἀρ \ ς fol
δὴ τὴν θεὸν οὖσαν Kal πρόνοιαν ἔρως μὲν ὑπῆλθεν
ἀπαθὴς "Λττιδος: ἐθεχούσια γὰρ αὐτῇ καὶ κατὰ
, > > \ » / » \ ‘
γνώμην ἐστὶν ov τὰ ἔνυλα μόνον εἴδη, πολὺ δὲ
, \ 7 ” \ \ \ /
πλέον τὰ τούτων αἴτια. τὴν δὴ τὰ γινόμενα καὶ
φθειρόμενα σώζουσαν προμήθειαν ἐρᾶν ὁ μῦθος
ἔφη τῆς δημιουργικῆς τούτων αἰτίας καὶ γονίμου,
καὶ κελεύειν μὲν αὐτὴν ἐν τῷ νοητῷ τίκτειν
μᾶλλον καὶ βούλεσθαι μὲν 5 πρὸς ἑαυτὴν ἐπε-
στράφθαι καὶ συνοικεῖν, ἐπίταγμα δὲ ποιεῖσθαι,
ὃ \ a ΕΝ ὩΦ \ Ν e δὲ . /
μηδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ἅμα μὲν TO EVOELOES σωτήριον
διώκουσαν, ἅμα δὲ φεύγουσαν τὸ πρὸς τὴν ὕλην,
νεῦσαν" πρὸς ἑαυτήν τε βλέπειν ἐκέλευσεν, οὖσαν
πηγὴν μὲν τῶν δημιουργικῶν θεῶν, οὐ καθελκο-
/ δὲ > \ / ὑδὲ θ / Ὁ
μένην δὲ εἰς τὴν γένεσιν οὐδὲ θελγομένην: οὕτω
ΧΕ ον ς 7 " \ , 4 ..2
yap ἔμελλεν ὁ μέγας “AtTis καὶ κρείττων * εἶναι
δημιουργός, ἐπείπερ ἐν πᾶσιν ἡ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον
a n \ \
ἐπιστροφὴ μᾶλλόν ἐστι δραστήριος τῆς πρὸς TO
χεῖρον νεύσεως. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ πέμπτον σῶμα τούτῳ
an a \ 4
δημιουργικώτερόν ἐστι τῶν τῇδε καὶ θειότερον,
an a 2 , \ \ 4 > /
τῷ μᾶλλον ἐστράφθαι πρὸς τοὺς θεούς, ἐπεί τοι
la = nan / an
TO σῶμα, κἂν αἰθέρος ἡ τοῦ καθαρωτάτου, ψυχῆς
, n , / ς
ἀχράντου καὶ καθαρᾶς, ὁποίαν τὴν Ἡρακλέους ὁ
" > A cal
δημιουργὸς ἐξέπεμψεν, οὐδεὶς ἂν εἰπεῖν κρεῖττον
1 re Hertlein suggests. 2 ras Hertlein suggests,
3 μὲν Hertlein suggests, ye MSS.
4 κρείττων Hertlein suggests, κρεῖττον MSS.
464
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
into herself the causes of all the gods, both intelli-
gible and supra-mundane, she became the source of
the intellectual gods. Now this goddess, who is also _
Forethought, was inspired with a passionless love for ἢ
Attis. For not only the forms embodied in matter,
but to a still greater degree the causes of those
forms, voluntarily serve her and obey her will.
Accordingly the myth relates the following: that
she who is the Providence who preserves all that is
subject to generation and decay, loved their creative
and generative cause, and commanded that cause to .
beget offspring rather in the intelligible region; and
she desired that it should turn towards herself and
dwell with her, but condemned it to dwell with no
other thing. For only thus would that creative cause
strive towards the uniformity that preserves it, and at
the same time would avoid that which inclines towards
matter. And she bade that cause look towards her,
who is the source of the creative gods, and not be
dragged down or allured into generation. For in
this way was mighty Attis destined to be an even
mightier creation, seeing that in all things the con-
version to what is higher produces more power to
effect than the inclination to what is lower. And
the fifth substance itself is more creative and more
divine than the elements of our earth, for this
reason, that it is more nearly connected with the
gods. Not that anyone, surely, would venture to
assert that any substance, even if it be composed of
the purest aether, is superior to soul undefiled and
pure, that of Heracles for instance, as it was
when the creator sent it to earth. For that soul
465
VOL, 1. H H
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
τολμήσειε. τότε μέντοι ἣν TE καὶ ἐδόκει μᾶλλον 1
δραστήριος, ἢ ὅτε! αὑτὴν ἔδωκεν ἐκείνη σώματι.
ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτῷ νῦν Ἡρακλεῖ ὅλῳ πρὸς ὅλον κε-
χωρηκότι τὸν πατέρα ῥάων ἡ τούτων ἐπιμέλεια
καθέστηκεν ἢ πρότερον ἣν, ὅτε ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις
σαρκία φορῶν ἐστρέφετο. οὕτως ἐν πᾶσι δρα-
στήριος μᾶλλον ἡ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον ἀπόστασις
τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον στροφῆς. ὃ δὴ βουλόμενος ὁ
μῦθος διδάξαι παραινέσαι φησὶ τὴν Μητέρα τῶν
errs = Se Re
ἢ
\
!
]
Bit
.
!
|
.
θεῶν. τῷ "Αττιδι θεραπεύειν αὑτὴν καὶ μήτε
5 ta) / >. + e \ nan BA
ἀποχωρεῖν μήτε ἐρᾶν ἄλλης. ὁ δὲ προῆλθεν ἄχρι
[οὶ bd 7 “ 4 ¥; > \ se a
τῶν ἐσχάτων τῆς ὕλης κατελθών. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐχρῆν
παύσασθαί ποτε καὶ στῆναι τὴν ἀπειρίαν,
Κορύβας μὲν ὁ μέγας Ἥλιος, ὁ σύνθρονος
τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ συνδημιουργῶν αὐτῇ τὰ πάντα
καὶ συμπρομηθούμενος καὶ οὐδὲν πράττων
αὐτῆς δίχα, πείθει τὸν λέοντα μηνυτὴν γενέ-
7] Ν e 7 Ὑ / > / ‘
σθαι. τίς δὲ ὁ λέων; αἴθωνα δήπουθεν ἀκούομεν
αὐτόν, αἰτίαν τοίνυν τὴν προὐφεστῶσαν" τοῦ
θερμοῦ καὶ πυρώδους, ἣ πολεμήσειν ἔμελλε CO
τῇ νύμφῃ καὶ ζηλοτυπήσειν αὐτὴν τῆς πρὸς τὸν
ov / " τῶ, Cea) , ς /
Artw κοινωνίας" εἴρηται δὲ ἡμῖν τίς ἡ νύμφη"
n \3 a / cal v ¢ : :
τῇ δὲ δημιουργικῇ προμηθείᾳ τῶν ὄντων ὑπουρ-
a an a \ “ Yh ¢
γῆσαί φησιν ὁ μῦθος, δηλαδὴ τῇ Μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν"
ἢ ὅτε Shorey, ὅτε Hertlein, MSS.
προὔφεστῶσαν Hertlein suggests, προεστῷσαν MSS.
τῇ δὲ Hertlein suggests, τῇ MSS.
4 φησιν ὃ μῦθος Hertlein suggests, φησι MSS.
406
1
‘2
3
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
of his both seemed to be and was more effective than
after it had bestowed itself on a body. Since even
Heracles, now that he has returned, one and indivi-
sible, to his father one and indivisible, more easily
controls his own province than formerly when he
wore the garment of flesh and walked among men.
And this shows that in all things the conversion to
the higher is more effective than the propensity to.
- the lower. This is what the myth aims to teach us ?
_ when it says that the Mother of the Gods exhorted ἡ
Attis not to leave her or to love another. | But he
went further, and descended even to the lowest
limits of matter. Since, however, it was necessary
that his limitless course should cease and halt at
last, mighty Helios.the Corybant,! who shares the
ther’s throne and .withher creates all things,
with her has rovidence, for~all—things; and apart 2.
from hér does nothing, persuaded the Lion? to (
reveal the matter. And who is the Lion? Verily
we are told that he is flame-coloured.’ He is, there-
fore, the cause that subsists prior to the hot and “
fiery, | and “it~was his task τὸ “contend” against the .
nymph and to be jealous of her union with Attis.~
(And who the nymph is, I have said.) And the
myth says that the Lion serves the creative Provi- /
dence of the world, which evidently means the
1 The Corybantes were the Phrygian priests of Cybele,
who at Rome were called Galli.
2 The Asiatic deities, especially Cybele, are often repre-
sented holding lions, or in cars drawn by them. cf. Catullus
63. 76, juncta juga resolvens Cybele leonibus, ‘‘ Cybele
unharnessed her team of lions”; she sends a lion in pursuit
of Attis, οἵ. 1688; Porphyry, On the Cave of the Nymph
3. 2. 287 calls the sign of the lion ‘‘ the dwelling of Helios.”
3 Iliad 10, 23 λέοντος αἴθωνος.
467
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
εἶτα φωράσαντα Kai μηνυτὴν γενόμενον αἴτιον
γενέσθαι τῷ νεανίσκῳ τῆς ἐκτομῆς. ἡ δὲ ἐκτομὴ
τίς; ἐποχὴ τῆς ἀπειρίας" ἔστη γὰρ δὴ τὰ τῆς
γενέσεως ἐν ὡρισμένοις τοῖς εἴδεσιν ὑπὸ τῆς
δημιουργικῆς ἐπισχεθέντα προμηθείας, οὐκ ἄνευ
τῆς τοῦ Αττιδος λεγομένης παραφροσύνης, ἣ τὸ
μέτριον ἐξισταμένη καὶ ὑπερβαίνουσα καὶ διὰ
τοῦτο ὥσπερ ἐξασθενοῦσα καὶ οὐκέθ᾽ αὑτῆς εἶναι
δυναμένη" ὃ δὴ περὶ τὴν τελευταίαν ὑποστῆναι
τῶν θεῶν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἄλογον. σκόπει οὖν ἀναλ-
λοίωτον κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀλλοίωσιν τὸ πέμπτον
θεώμενος σῶμα περὶ τοὺς φωτισμοὺς τῆς σελήνης,
ἵνα λοιπὸν ὁ συνεχῶς γυγνόμενός τε καὶ ἀπολλύ-
μενος κόσμος γειτνιᾷ τῷ πέμπτῳ σώματι. περὶ
τοὺς φωτισμοὺς αὐτῆς ἀλλοίωσίν τινα καὶ πάθη
συμπίπτοντα θεωροῦμεν. οὐκ ἄτοπον οὖν καὶ
τὸν "Arti τοῦτον ἡμίθεόν τινα εἶναι βούλεται
γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὁ μῦθος τοῦτο: μᾶλλον δὲ θεὸν μὲν
τῷ παντί: πρόεισί τε γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ τρίτου δημιουρ-
γοῦ καὶ ἐπανάγεται πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν Μητέρα τῶν
θεῶν μετὰ τὴν ἐκτομήν: ἐπεὶ δὲ ὅλως ῥέπειν καὶ
νεύειν εἰς τὴν ὕλην δοκεῖ, θεῶν μὲν ἔσχατον,
ἔξαρχον δὲ τῶν θείων γενῶν ἁπάντων οὐκ ἂν
ἁμάρτοι τις αὐτὸν ὑπολαβών. ἡμίθεον δὲ διὰ
τοῦτο ὁ μῦθός φησι, τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ἀτρέπτους
αὐτοῦ θεοὺς ἐνδεικνύμενος διαφοράν. » δορυφο-
ροῦσι γὰρ αὐτὸν παρὰ τῆς Μητρὸς δοθέντες of
Κορύβαντες, αἱ τρεῖς ἀρχικαὶ τῶν μετὰ θεοὺς
κρεισσόνων γενῶν ὑποστάσεις. ἄρχει δὲ καὶ τῶν
1 A finite verb 6.4. φαίνεται is needed to complete the
construction. 2 καὶ Friederich, πέπεικε Hertlein, MSS.
468
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS {
Mother of the Gods. Then it says that by detecting
and revealing the truth, he caused the youth’s
castration. What is the meaning of this castra-
tion? It is the checking of the unlimited. For now
was generation confined within definite forms zr
checked by creative Providence. And this would
not have happened without the so-called madness
of Attis, which overstepped and _ transgressed
due measure, and thereby made him become weak
so that he had no control over himself. And it is not
surprising that this should come to pass, when we
have to do with the cause that ranks lowest among
the gods. For consider the fifth substance, which is
subject to no change of any sort, in the region of the
light of the moon: I mean where our world of con-
tinuous generation and decay borders on the fifth sub-
stance. / We perceive that in the region of her light
it seems to undergo certain alterations and to be
affected by external influences. Therefore it is not
contradictory to suppose that our Attis also is a sort of
demigod—for that is actually the meaning of the
myth—or rather for the universe he is wholly god, for
he proceeds from the third creator, and after his castra-
tion is led upwards again to the Mother of the Gods.
But though he seems to lean and incline towards
matter, one would not be mistaken in supposing that,
though he is the lowest in order of the gods, never-
theless he is the leader of all the tribes of divine
beings. But the myth calls him a demigod to
indicate the difference between him and the un- ἢ
changing gods. He is attended by the Corybants ἡ
who are assigned to him by the Mother; they are
the three leading personalities of the higher races !
1 ef. Oration 4. 1450,
f*
469
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
λεόντων, of τὴν ἔνθερμον οὐσίαν Kal πυρώδη
Τὰ s \ a n 267 L
κατανειμάμενοι μετὰ TOD σφῶν ἐξάρχου λέοντος
αἴτιοι τῷ πυρὶ μὲν πρώτως, διὰ δὲ τῆς ἐνθένδε
θερμότητος ἐνεργείας τε κινητικῆς αἴτιοι καὶ τοῖς
» . ae Ny / / \ \ > Ὁ
ἄλλοις εἰσὶ σωτηρίας" περίκειται δὲ τὸν οὐρανὸν
ἀντὶ τιάρας, ἐκεῖθεν ὥσπερ ἐπὶ γῆν ὁρμώμενος.
Οὗτος ὁ μέγας ἡμῖν θεὸς "Artis ἐστίν: αὗται
τοῦ βασιλέως "Αττιδος at θρηνούμεναι τέως
φυγαὶ καὶ κρύψεις καὶ ἀφανισμοὶ καὶ αἱ δύσεις
αἱ κατὰ τὸ ἄντρον. τεκμήρια δὲ ἔστω μοι τούτου
ς , 3 Ξ 7 7 : ΄ \
ὁ χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ γίνεται. τέμνεσθαι yap φασι τὸ
«NX ΄ 2 ἃ Cre ah cw 2 \
ἱερὸν δένδρον καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέραν ὁ ἥλιος ἐπὶ TO ἄκρον
n > Alt Te a a SQ? ten
τῆς ἰσημερινῆς ἁψῖδος ἔρχεται" εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς περισαλ-
ll \
πισμὸς παραλαμβάνεται: τῇ τρίτῃ δὲ τέμνεται
τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ ἀπόρρητον θέρος τοῦ θεοῦ Γάλλου"
+ ay: 4 ¢ / / \ eh / Ὁ ί \
ἐπὶ τούτοις ‘IAdpia, φασί, καὶ ἑορταί. ὅτι μὲν
5 , ? \ a ᾽ 7, 4
οὖν στάσις ἐστὶ τῆς ἀπειρίας ἡ θρυλουμένη
παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐκτομή, πρόδηλον ἐξ ὧν
ἡνίκα ὁ μέγας “Ἥλιος τοῦ ἰσημερινοῦ ψαύσας
er. ψΨ χὰ ε , ΡΣ Υδ ες
κύκλου, ἵνα τὸ μάλιστα ὡρισμένον ἐστί: τὸ μὲν
NEES ἐν ¢ s eter aed Sige: eat " ,
γὰρ ἴσον ὡρισμένον ἐστί, τὸ ᾿δὲ ἄνίσον ἄπειρόν
Ἂν 3 / \ \ , ΔῈ ΠΑΝ μου *
τε καὶ ἀδιεξίτητον: κατὰ τὸν λόγον αὐτίκα τὸ
δένδρον τέμνεται" εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς γίνεται τὰ λοιπά, τὰ
1 A finite verb is needed to complete the construction.
For the anacoluthon οὗ, 167 Ὁ.
470
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
that are next in order to the gods. Also Attis rules
over the lions, who together with the Lion, who is
their Teadérs"have chosen for themselves hot and
fiery substance, and so are, first and foremost, the
cause of fire. And through the heat derived .from
fire they are the causes of motive force and of pre-
servation for all other things that“exist. And Attis
encircles the heavens liké “atiara,; “and thence sets
out as though to descend to earth. ,
This, then, is our mighty god Attis. This explains >
his once lamented flight and concealment and disap- *
pearance and descent into the cave. In proof of
this let me cite the time of year at which it happens.
For we are told that the sacred tree ! is felled on the
day when the sun reaches the height of the equinox.”
Thereupon the trumpets are sounded.* / And on the
third day the sacred and unspeakable member of the
god Gallus is severed.4 Next comes, they say, the -
Hilaria® and the festival. And that this castration, >
so much discussed by the crowd, is really the halting -
of his unlimited course, is evident from what happens
directly mighty Helios touches the cycle of the
equinox, where the bounds are most clearly defined.
(For the even is bounded, but the uneven is without
bounds, and there is no way through or out of it.) |
At that time then, precisely, according to the account
we have, the sacred tree is felled. / Thereupon, in
1 A pine sacred to Attis was felled on March 22nd; ef.
Frazer, Attis, Adonis and Osiris, Ρ. 222.
2 ef. 17l c, 1754. ® March 23rd.
4 March 24th was the date of the castration of the
Galli, the priests of Attis.
δ᾽ On March 25th the resurrection of Attis and the freeing
of our souls from generation (γένεσι5) was celebrated by the
feast of the Hilaria.
471
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
μὲν διὰ τοὺς μυστικοὺς καὶ κρυφίους θεσμούς, τὰ
δὲ καὶ διὰ! ῥηθῆναι πᾶσι δυναμένους. ἡ δὲ
ἐκτομὴ τοῦ “δένδρου, τοῦτο δὲ τῇ μὲν ἱστορίᾳ
προσήκει τῇ περὶ tov Τάλλον, οὐδὲν δὲ τοῖς
μυστηρίοις, οἷς παραλαμβάνεται, διδασκόντων
ἡμᾶς οἶμαι τῶν θεῶν συμβολικῶς, ὅτι χρὴ τὸ
κάλλιστον ἐκ γῆς δρεψαμένους, ἀρετὴν μετὰ
εὐσεβείας, ἀπενεγκεῖν τῇ θεῷ, σύμβολον τῆς
ἐνταῦθα χρηστῆς πολιτείας ἐσόμενον. τὸ γά
τοι δένδρον ἐκ γῆς μὲν φύεται, σπεύδει δὲ
ὥσπερ εἰς τὸν αἰθέρα καὶ ἰδεῖν τέ ἐστι καλὸν καὶ
σκιὰν παρασχεῖν ἐν πνίγει, ἤδη δὲ καὶ καρπὸν
ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ προβαλεῖν. καὶ χαρίσασθαι" οὕτως
αὐτῷ πολύ τί γε τοῦ γονίμου περίεστιν. ἡμῖν
οὖν ὁ θεσμὸς “παρακελεύεται, τοῖς φύσει μὲν
οὐρανίοις, εἰς γῆν δὲ ἐνεχθεῖσιν, ἀρετὴν μετὰ εὐσε-
βείας ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν τῇ γῇ πολιτείας ἀμησαμένους
παρὰ τὴν προγονικὴν καὶ ξωογόνον σπεύδειν θεόν.
Εὐθὺς οὖν ἡ σάλπιγξ μετὰ τὴν ἐκτομὴν
ἐνδίδωσι τὸ ἀνακλητικὸν τῷ ᾿Αττιδὶ καὶ τοῖς
ὅσοι ποτὲ οὐρανόθεν ἔπτημεν εἰς τὴν γῆν καὶ
ἐπέσομεν. μετὰ δὴ τὸ σύμβολον τοῦτο, ὅτε ὁ
βασιλεὺς “Artis ἵστησι τὴν ἀπειρίαν διὰ τῆς
ἐκτομῆς, ἡμῖν οἱ θεοὶ κελεύουσιν ἐκτέμνειν καὶ
αὐτοῖς τὴν ἐν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς ἀπειρίαν καὶ μιμεῖσθαι
τοὺς ἡγεμόνας," ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ ὡρισμένον καὶ ἑνοειδὲς καί,
εἴπτερ οἷόν τέ ἐστιν, αὐτὸ τὸ ἕν ἀνατρέχειν' οὗπερ
γενομένου πάντως ἕπεσθαι χρὴ τὰ ᾿Ἰλάρια. τί
γὰρ εὐθυμότερον, τί δὲ ἱλαρώτερον γένοιτο ἂν
ψυχῆς ἀπειρίαν μὲν καὶ γένεσιν καὶ τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ
1 καὶ διὰ Hertlein suggests, καὶ MSS.
2 ἡγεμόνας Shorey, cf. 170 A, B, ἡμῶν Hertlein, M&S.
472
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
their proper order, all the other ceremonies take
place. Some of them are celebrated with the secret
ritual of the Mysteries, but others by a- ritual that
can be told to all. For instance, the cutting of the
tree belongs to the story of Gallus and not to the
Mysteries at all, but it has been taken over by them,
I think because the gods wished to teach us, in
symbolic fashion, that we must pluck the fairest
fruits from the earth, namely, virtue and piety, and /
offer them to the goddess to be the symbol of our
well-ordered constitution here on earth./ For the
tree grows from the soil, but it strives upwards as
though to reach the upper air, and it is fair to be-
hold and gives us shade in the heat, and casts before
us and bestows on us its fruits as a boon; such is its |
superabundance of generative life. Accordingly the ¢
ritual enjoins on us, who by nature belong to the ¢
heavens but have fallen to earth, to reap the harvest °
of our constitution here on earth, namely, virtue and «
piety, and then strive upwards to the goddess of
our forefathers, to her who is the principle of all
life.
Therefore, immediately after the castration, the
trumpet sounds the recall for Attis and for all of us
who once flew down from heaven and fell to earth.
And after this signal, when King Attis stays his
limitless course by his castration, the god bids us
also root out the unlimited in ourselves and imitate
the gods our leaders and hasten back to the defined
and uniform, and, if it be possible, to the One itself.
/ After this, the Hilaria must by all means follow.
For what could be more blessed, what more joyful
than a soul which has escaped from limitlessness
473
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
. \
κλύδωνα διαφυγούσης, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτοὺς
}] / δι Ὁ x Ν ” ” -“
ἀναχθείσης; ὧν ἕνα καὶ τὸν Λττιν ὄντα περιεῖ-
an lal lal »Ἤ /
dev οὐδαμῶς ἡ τῶν θεῶν Μήτηρ βαδίζόντα πρόσω
πλέον ἢ χρῆν, πρὸς ἑαυτὴν δὲ ἐπέστρεψε, στῆσαι
τὴν ἀπειρίαν προστάξασα. —
Καὶ μή τις ὑπολάβῃ με λέγειν, ὡς ταῦτα
ἐπράχθη ποτὲ καὶ γέγονεν, ὥσπερ οὐκ εἰδότων
τῶν θεῶν αὐτῶν, ὅ, τι ποιήσουσιν, ἢ τὰ σφῶν
5 n c / / > φ ΐ
αὐτῶν ἁμαρτήματα διορθουμένων. ἀλλὰ οἱ πα-
λαιοὶ τῶν ὄντων ἀεὶ τὰς αἰτίας, ἤτοι τῶν θεῶν
ὑφηγουμένων ἢ κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διερευνώμενοι,
, Ore ae ? tal la) ¢ 4) ς ,
βέλτιον δὲ ἴσως εἰπεῖν ζητοῦντες ὑφ᾽ ἡγεμόσι
τοῖς θεοῖς, ἔπειτα εὑρόντες ἐσκέπασαν αὐτὰς ἢ
μύθοις παραδόξοις, ἵνα διὰ τοῦ παραδόξου καὶ
5 / \ / \ + ἂν δι \
ἀπεμφαίνοντος τὸ πλάσμα φωραθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν
/ ς “- a > / / lal \
ζήτησιν ἡμᾶς τῆς ἀληθείας προτρέψῃ, τοῖς μὲν
ἰδιώταις ἀρκούσης οἶμαι τῆς ἀλόγου καὶ διὰ τῶν
ig , > / a \ a
συμβόλων μόνων ὠφελείας, τοῖς δὲ περιττοῖς
\ \ / ef / > / , /
Kata THY φρονησιν οὕτως μόνως ἐσομένης ὠφελι-
“ Ν “Ὁ > / » > 4
μου τῆς περὶ θεῶν ἀληθείας, εἴ τις ἐξετάζων
» ἊΝ ξυ 2 Le , a a e \ ΄ \
αὐτὴν ὑφ᾽ ἡγεμόσι τοῖς θεοῖς εὕροι καὶ λάβοι, διὰ
μὲν τῶν αἰνυγμάτων ὑπομνησθείς, ὅτι χρή τι περὶ
2 κα a > 7 \ “ a an
αὐτῶν ζητεῖν, és τέλος δὲ Kal ὥσπερ κορυφὴν TOD
A /
πράγματος διὰ τῆς σκέψεως εὑρὼν πορευθείη, οὐκ
' αὐτὰς Hertlein suggests, αὐτὰ MSS,
474
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
and generation and inward storm, and has been
translated up to the very gods? And Attis himself
was such a one, and the Mother of the Gods by no ©
means allowed him to advance unregarded further ἡ
than was permitted : nay, she made him turn towards
herself, and commanded him to set a limit to his
limitless course.
— But let no one suppose my meaning to be that
this was ever done or happened in a way that
implies that the gods themselves are ignorant of
what they intend to do, or that they have to correct
their own errors. But our ancestors in every case
tried to trace the original meanings of things,
whether with the guidance of the gods or inde-
pendently—-though perhaps it would be better to
say that they sought for them under the leadership
of the gods—then when they had discovered those_-*
meanings they clothed them in paradoxical myths. |,
This was in order that, by means of the paradox and Ὁ
the incongruity, the fiction might be detected and
we might be induced to search out the truth. Now.
I think ordinary men derive benefit enough from the>
irrational myth which instructs them through symbols «
alone. But those who are more highly endowed
with wisdom will find the truth about the gods
helpful ; though only on condition that such a man
examine and discover and comprehend it under the
leadership of the gods, and if by such riddles as
these he is reminded that he must search out their
meaning, and so attains to the goal and summit of
his quest! through his own researches ; he must not
1 169 p-170 ὁ is a digression on the value of myths, which
the wise man is not to accept without an allegorising
interpretation ; cf. Oration 7. 216 c.
475
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
αἰδοῖ καὶ πίστει μᾶλλον ἀλλοτρίας δόξης ἢ τῇ
σφετέρᾳ κατὰ νοῦν ἐνεργείᾳ.
7] 7
Τί οὖν εἶναί φαμεν, ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ; κατανοή-
a \
σαντες ἄχρι TOU πέμπτου σώματος οὐ TO νοητὸν
/ > \ \ \ / rn , n
μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal τὰ φαινόμενα ταῦτα σώματα τῆς
fal ,ὔ
ἀπαθοῦς ὄντα καὶ θείας μερίδος, ἄχρι τούτου
a an ,ὔ a
θεοὺς ἐνόμισαν ἀκραιφνεῖς εἶναι: τῇ γονίμῳ δὲ TOV
n ᾽ fal a Ζ
θεῶν οὐσίᾳ-τῶν τῇδε παρυποστάντων, ἐξ ἀιδίου
n - val > fal
συμπροελθούσης τῆς ὕλης τοῖς θεοῖς, Tap αὐτῶν
δὲ καὶ δ αὐτῶν διὰ τὸ ὑπέρπληρες αὐτῶν τῆς
γονίμου καὶ δημιουργικῆς αἰτίας ἡ τῶν ὄντων
a a Υ͂
προμήθεια συνουσιωμένη τοῖς θεοῖς ἐξ ἀιδίου, καὶ
΄ \ 9 A a / \ \ a
σύνθωκος μὲν οὖσα τῷ βασιλεῖ Διί, πηγὴ δὲ τῶν
νοερῶν θεῶν, καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν ἄξωον καὶ ἄγονον
καὶ σκύβαλον καὶ τῶν ὄντων, οἷον ἂν εἴποι τίς,
ἀποκάθαρμα καὶ τρύγα καὶ ὑποσταθμὴν διὰ τῆς
/ a a
τελευταίας aitias! τῶν θεῶν, eis ἣν ai πάντων
7 a a fal
οὐσίαι τῶν θεῶν ἀποτελευτῶσιν, ἐκόσμησέ TE
\ a
καὶ διωρθώσατο καὶ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον μετέ-
στησεν.
ς \ Ν φ ” \ / r
O yap” Artis οὗτος ἔχων τὴν κατάστικτον τοῖς
BU 4 » “ ΤΕ / a a
ἄστροις τιάραν εὔδηλον ὅτι τὰς πάντων τῶν θεῶν
> \ > a / ς 7 7 >
εἰς τὸν ἐμφανῆ κόσμον ὁρωμένας λήξεις ἀρχὰς
an n / a
ἐποιήσατο τῆς ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείας: ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ TO
\ > \ \ \ iy bd 4
μὲν ἀκραιφνὲς καὶ καθαρὸν ἣν ἄχρι γαλαξίου"
a ,
περὶ τοῦτον δὲ ἤδη τὸν τόπον μιγνυμένου πρὸς TO
1 τελευταίας αἰτίας Hertlein suggests, τελευταίας MSS.
416
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
be modest and put faith in the opinions of others
rather than in his own mental powers.
What shall 1 say now by way of summary?
Because men observed that, as far as the fifth
substance, not only the intelligible world but also
the visible bodies of our world must be classed as
unaffected by externals and divine, they believed
that, as far as the fifth substance, the gods are
uncompounded. And when by means of that genera-
tive substance the visible gods came into being,
and, from everlasting, matter was produced along
with those gods, from them and through their
agency, by reason of the superabundance in them
of the generative and creative principle ; then the
Providence of the world, she who from everlasting is
of the same essential nature as the gods, she who is
enthroned by the side of King Zeus, and moreover
is the source of the intellectual gods, set in order
and corrected and changed for the better all that
seemed lifeless and barren, the refuse and so to
speak offscourings of things, their dregs and sedi-
ment: and this she did by means of the last cause!
derived from the gods, in which the substances of all
the gods come to an end.
For it is evident that Attis of whom I speak, who \
wears the tiara set with stars, took for the founda- |
tion of his own dominion the functions of every go
as we see them applied to the visible world. And |
in his case all is undefiled and pure as far as the
Milky Way. But, at this very point, that which
1 In 167 D Attis was identified with the light of the moon ;
οἵ. Oration 4. 1504; where the moon is called the lowest of
the spheres, who gives form to the world of matter that lies
below her ; cf. Sallust, On the Gods and the World 4. 14. 23;
where Attis is called the creator of our world,
, 477
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V εἰ
ἀπαθὲς τοῦ παθητοῦ καὶ τῆς ὕλης παρυφιστα-
a \ ‘
μένης ἐκεῖθεν, ἡ πρὸς ταύτην κοινωνία κατάβασίς
ἐστιν εἰς τὸ ἄντρον, οὐκ ἀκουσίως μὲν γενο-
μένη τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ τῇ τούτων. Μητρί, λεγομένη
\ > / / = \ > /
δὲ ἀκουσίως γενέσθαι. φύσει yap ἐν κρείττονι
\ \ 4 > > an a, ' / I
τοὺς θεοὺς ὄντας οὐκ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ τάδε καθέλκειν
/ \ \ n a
ἐθέλει τὰ βελτίω, ἀλλὰ Sia τῆς TOV κρειττόνων
συγκαταβάσεως καὶ ταῦτα ἀνάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀμεί-
vova καὶ θεοφιλεστέραν λῆξιν. οὕτω ToL καὶ
piete ἡ > 7 \ \ > \
τὸν Arti ov κατεχθραίνουσα μετὰ τὴν ἐκτομὴν
id / / 2 \ > a \ > /
ἡ Μήτηρ λέγεται, ἀλλὰ ἀγανακτεῖ μὲν οὐκέτι,
ἀγανακτοῦσα δὲ λέγεται διὰ τὴν συγκατάβασιν,
ὅτι κρείττων ὧν καὶ θεὸς ἔδωκεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ κατα-
δεεστέρῳ' στήσαντα δὲ αὐτὸν τῆς ἀπειρίας τὴν
/ nr
πρόοδον Kal TO ἀκόσμητον τοῦτο κοσμήσαντα διὰ
τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἰσημερινὸν κύκλον συμπαθείας, ἵνα
e / 7 an ς / 7 \ ,
ὁ μέγας “Ἥλιος τῆς ὡρισμένης κινήσεως TO τελειό-
τατον κυβερνᾷ μέτρον, ἐπανάγει πρὸς ἑαυτὴν ἡ
‘ 3 “ a \ 4 > e¢ a
θεὸς ἀσμένως, μᾶλλον δὲ ἔχει παρ᾽ ἑαυτῇ. καὶ
; a a : ae.
οὐδέποτε γέγονεν, OTE μὴ ταῦτα τοῦτον εἶχε TOV
/ [τὰ an » 2 Ψ.: ἘΝ \ wv Da \
τρόπον, ὅνπερ νῦν ἔχει, GAN ἀεὶ μὲν ᾿Αττις ἐστὶν
ὑπουργὸς τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ ἡνίοχος, ἀεὶ δὲ ὀργᾷ εἰ
ypyos τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ ἡνίοχος, ἀεὶ δὲ ὀργᾷ εἰς
7
τὴν γένεσιν, ἀεὶ δὲ ἀποτέμνεται τὴν ἀπειρίαν
διὰ τῆς ὡρισμένης τῶν εἰδῶν αἰτίας. ἐπαναγό-
δὲ “ 2 a fa) » / DO / :
μενος δὲ ὥσπερ ἐκ γῆς TOV ἀρχαίων αὖθις λέγεται
δυναστεύειν σκήπτρων, ἐκπεσὼν μὲν αὐτῶν οὐ-
478
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
is troubled by passion begins to mingle with the
passionless, and from that union matter begins to
subsist. And so the association of Attis with matter
is the descent into the cave, nor did this take place >
against the will of the gods and the Mother of the \
Gods, though the myth says that it was against their
will. For by their nature the gods dwell in a higher /
world, and the higher powers do not desire to drag ’
them hence down to our world: rather through the
condescension of the higher they desire to lead the
things of our earth upwards to a higher plane more
favoured by the gods. And in fact. the myth does
not say that the Mother of the Gods was hostile to ἡ
Attis after. his castration: but it says that though >
she is no longer angry, she was angry at the time on ἡ
account of his condescension, in that he who was a
higher being and a god had given himself to that
which was inferior. But when, after staying his’
limitless progress, he has set in order the chaos of
‘our world through his sympathy with the cycle of
the equinox, where mighty Helios controls the most
perfect symmetry of his motion within due limits,
then the goddess gladly leads him upwards to herself;
or rather keeps him’by her side. And never did
this happen save in the manner that it happens
now ; but forever is Attis the servant and charioteer
of the Mother ; forever he yearns passionately towards
generation ; and forever he cuts short his. unlimited
course through the cause whose limits are fixed, even
the cause of the forms. In like manner the myth says
that he is led upwards as though from our earth, and
again resumes his ancient sceptre and dominion :
not that he ever lost it, or ever loses it now,
but the myth says that he lost it on account of
479
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
δαμῶς οὐδὲ ἐκπίπτων, ἐκπεσεῖν δὲ αὐτῶν λεγό-
μενος διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ παθητὸν σύμμιξιν.
᾿Αλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνο ἴσως ἄξιον προσαπορῆσαι" διττῆς
γὰρ οὔσης τῆς ἰσημερίας, οὐ τὴν ἐν ταῖς χηλαῖς,
τὴν δὲ ἐν τῷ κριῷ προτιμῶσι. τίς οὖν αἰτία
τούτου, φανερὸν δήπουθεν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡμῖν ὃ
ἥλιος ἄρχεται τότε πλησιάζειν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰσημερίας,
αὐξομένης οἶμαι τῆς ἡμέρας, ἔδοξεν οὗτος ὁ καιρὸς
ἁρμοδιώτερος. ἔξω γὰρ τῆς αἰτίας, ἥ φησι τοῖς
θεοῖς εἶναι τὸ φῶς σύνδρομον, ἔχειν οἰκείως πισ-
τευτέον τοῖς ἀφεθῆναι τῆς γενέσεως σπεύδουσι
τὰς ἀναγωγοὺς ἀκτῖνας ἡλίου. σκόπει δὲ ἐναρ-
γῶς" ἕλκει μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς πᾶντα καὶ προκα-
λεῖταιῖ καὶ βλαστάνειν ποιεῖ τῇ ζωπυρίδι καὶ
θαυμαστῇ θέρμῃ, διακρίνων οἶμαι πρὸς ἄκραν
λεπτότητα τὰ σώματα, καὶ τὰ φύσει φερόμενα
κάτω κουφίζει. τὰ δὴ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἀφανῶν
αὐτοῦ δυνάμεων ποιητέον τεκμήρια. ὁ γὰρ ἐν
τοῖς σώμασι διὰ τῆς σωματοειδοῦς θέρμης οὕτω
τοῦτο ἀπεργαζόμενος. πῶς οὐ διὰ τῆς ἀφανοῦς καὶ
ἀσωμάτου πάντη καὶ θείας καὶ καθαρᾶς ἐν ταῖς
ἀκτῖσιν ἱδρυμένης οὐσίας ἕλξει καὶ ἀνάξει, τὰς
εὐτυχεῖς ψυχάς; οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ “πέφηνεν οἰκεῖον
μὲν τοῖς θεοῖς τὸ φῶς τοῦτο καὶ τοῖς ἀναχθῆναι
σπεύδουσιν, αὔξεται δὲ ἐν τῷ Tap ἡμῖν κόσμῳ
τὸ τοιοῦτον, ὥστε εἶναι τὴν ἡμέραν μείζω τῆς
νυκτός, Ἡλίου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιπορεύεσθαι τὸν
κριὸν ἀρξαμένου: δέδεικται δὴ Kal? ἀναγωγὸν
1 προκαλεῖται Hertlein suggests, προσκαλεῖται MSS,
2 δὴ καὶ Hertlein suggests, δὲ καὶ V, καὶ MSS.
480
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
his union with that which is subject to passion and
change.
But perhaps it is worth while to raise the following
question also. There are two equinoxes, but men
pay more honour to the equinox in the sign of Capri-
corn than to that in the sign of Cancer.! Surely the
reason for this is evident. Since the sun begins to
approach us immediately after the spring equinox,—
for I need not say that then the days begin to
lengthen,—this seemed the more agreeable season.
For apart from the explanation which says that light
accompanies the gods, we must believe that the
uplifting rays? of the sun are nearly akin to those
who yearn to be set free from generation. Consider
it clearly : the sun, by his vivifying and marvellous
heat, draws up all things from the earth and calls
them forth and makes them grow ; and he separates,
I think, all corporeal things to the utmost degree of
tenuity, and makes things weigh light that naturally
have a tendency to sink. We ought then to. make
these visible things proofs of his unseen powers. For
if among corporeal things he can bring this about
through his material heat, how should he not draw
and lead upwards the souls of the blessed by the
agency of the invisible, wholly immaterial, divine
and pure substance which resides in his rays? We
have seen then that this light is nearly akin to the
god, and to those who yearn to mount upwards, and
moreover, that this light increases in our world, so
that when Helios begins to enter the sign of Capri-
corn the day becomes longer than the night. It
1 Porphyry, On the Cave of the Nymph 22, says that Cancer
and Capricorn are the two gates of the sun; and that souls
descend through Cancer and rise aloft through Capricorn.
2 This seems to identify Attis with the sun’s rays.
481
VOL. I. 11
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
φύσει TO TOV ἀκτίνων TOD θεοῦ διά Te τῆς φανερᾶς
ἐνεργείας καὶ τῆς ἀφανοῦς, ὑφ᾽ ἧς παμπληθεῖς
ἀνήχθησαν ψυχαὶ τῶν αἰσθήσεων ἀκολουθήσασαι.
a a \ \
τῇ φανοτάτῃ Kal μάλιστα ἡλιοειδεῖ. τὴν γὰρ
τοιαύτην τῶν ὀμμάτων αἴσθησιν οὐκ ἀγαπητὴν.
Ν
μόνον οὐδὲ χρήσιμον εἰς τὸν βίον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς
>
σοφίαν ὁδηγὸν ὁ δαιμόνιος ἀνύμνησε Πλάτων. εἰ
δὲ \ an > / 7 e /
é καὶ τῆς ἀρρήτου μυσταγωγίας ἁψαίμην, ἣν
ὁ Χαλδαῖος περὶ τὸν ἑπτάκτινα θεὸν ἐβάκχευσεν,
> / ὃ ’ > "Ὁ \ 3 yy ϑι ἐὺ ὶ
ἀνάγων δι’ αὐτοῦ τὰς ψυχάς, ἄγνωστα ἐρῶ, κα
a n a ΝΎ
μάλα γε ἄγνωστα τῷ συρφετῷ, θεουργοῖς δὲ
τοῖς μακαρίοις γνώριμα" διόπερ αὐτὰ σιωπήσω
τανῦν.
/
Ὅπερ δὲ ἔλεγον, ὅτι Kal τὸν καιρὸν οὐκ ἀλόγως
ὑποληπτέον, AAN ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα μετὰ εἰκότος καὶ
ἀληθοῦς λόγου παρὰ τῶν παλαιῶν τῷ θεσμῷ
θ an θ a ὃ} 2 / “ Ν τς
προστεθεῖσθαι, σημεῖον δὴ 3 τούτου, ὅτι τὸν ἰσημε-
Ἃ Ψ΄ x Φ θ Ν πον 3 7 A a
ρινὸν κύκλον ἡ θεὸς αὐτὴ ὃ κατενείματο. τελεῖται
yap περὶ τὸν ζυγὸν Δηοῖ καὶ Kopyn τὰ σεμνὰ καὶ
1 Phaedrus 250d, Timaeus 47 A, Republic 507-508.
2 δὴ Shorey, δὲ Hertlein, MSS.
3 αὐτὴ Wright, αὕτη MSS., Hertlein.
482
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
has also been demonstrated that the god’s rays are
by nature uplifting ; and this is due to his energy,
both visible and invisible, by which very many souls
have been lifted up out of the region of the senses,
because they were guided by that sense which is
clearest of all and most nearly like the sun. For
when with our eyes we perceive the sun’s light, not
only is it welcome and useful for our lives, but also,
as the divine Plato said when he sang its praises, it
is our guide to wisdom. And if I should also touch ὃ
on the secret teaching of the Mysteries in which
the Chaldean,! divinely frenzied, celebrated the God 2
of the Seven Rays, that god through whom he lifts
up the souls of men, I should be saying what is
unintelligible, yea wholly unintelligible to the
common herd, but familiar to the happy theurgists.?
And so I will for the present be silent on that
subject. .
I was saying that we ought not to suppose
that the ancients appointed the season of the
rites irrationally, but rather as far as_ possible
with plausible and true grounds of reason; and
indeed a proof of this is that the goddess _her-
self chose as her province the cycle of the
equinox. For the most holy and secret Mysteries ~~
of Deo and the Maiden® are celebrated when the -
1 Chaldean astrology and the Chaldean oracles are often
cited with respect by the Neo-Platonists ; for allusions to
their worship of the Seven-rayed_Mithias. (Helios) ef.
Damascius 294 and Proclus on 7imaeus 1. 11.
2 e.g. Iamblichus and especially Maximus of Ephesus who
is a typical theurgist of the fourth century A.D. and was
supposed to work miracles.
9. The Eleusinian Mysteries of Demeter and Persephone; the
Lesser were celebrated in February, the greater in September.
483
-
--
bo
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
, ; n , /
ἀπόρρητα μυστήρια. Kal τοῦτο εἰκότως γίνεται
χρὴ γὰρ καὶ ἀπιόντι τῷ θεῷ τελεσθῆναι πάλιν,
ἵνα μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀθέου καὶ σκοτεινῆς δυσχερὲς
Ἵ j ons δυνά dis γοῦν “AO
πάθωμεν ἐπικρατούσης δυνάμεως. dis γοῦν ᾿Αθη-
ναῖοι τῇ Δηοῖ τελοῦσι τὰ μυστήρια, ἐν αὐτῷ μὲν
τῷ κριῷ τὰ μικρὰ, φασί, μυστήρια, τὰ μεγά ,
δὲ περὶ τὰς χηλὰς ὄντος ἡλίου, δι’ ἃς ἔναγχος
ἔφην αἰτίας. μεγάλα δὲ ὠνομάσθαι καὶ μικρὰ
/ \ BA “ / δέ « ψ a
νομίζω καὶ ἄλλων ἕνεκα, μάλιστα O€, ὡς εἰκὸς,
τούτου ἀποχωροῦντος τοῦ θεοῦ padrov ἤπερ
προσιόντος" διόπερ ἐν τούτοις ὅσον εἰς ὑπόμνησιν
μόνον. ἅτε δὴ καὶ πὰρόντος τοῦ σωτῆρος καὶ
b] a n \ 7 / a
avaywyov θεοῦ, Ta προτέλεια κατεβάλλοντο τῆς
τελετῆς: εἶτα μικρὸν ὕστερον ἁγνεῖαι συνεχεῖς
a n Ν
καὶ τῶν ἱερέων ἁγιστεῖαι. ἀπιόντος δὲ λοιπὸν
a ἴω \ \ > , , \ a
τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἀντίχθονα ζώνην, καὶ φυλακῆς
Ψ Ν > δ. Ν / > nan
ἕνεκα Kal σωτηρίας αὐτὸ TO κεφάλαιον ἐπιτελεῖται —
τῶν μυστηρίων. ὅρα δέ' ὥσπερ ἐνταῦθα τὸ τῆς
γενέσεως αἴτιον ἀποτέμνεται, οὕτω δὲ καὶ παρὰ
7] a a
᾿Αθηναίοις of TOY ἀρρήτων ἁπτόμενοι παναγεῖς
>
εἰσι, Kal ὁ τούτων ἐξάρχων ἱεροφάντης ἀπέ-
στραπται πᾶσαν τὴν γένεσιν, ὡς οὐ μετὸν αὐτῷ
τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἄπειρον προόδου, τῆς ὡρισμένης δὲ καὶ
ἀεὶ μενούσης καὶ ἐν τῷ ἑνὶ συνεχομένης οὐσίας
ὠκηράτου τε καὶ καθαρᾶς. ὑπὲρ μὲν δὴ τούτων
ἀπόχρη τοσαῦτα.
Λείπεται δὴ λοιπόν, ὡς εἰκός, ὑπέρ τε τῆς ayt-
, ἣν n \ an id , a ivA
στείας αὐτῆς Kal τῆς ἁγνείας διεξελθεῖν, ἵνα καὶ
1 ἱερέων Hertlein suggests, ἱερῶν MSS.
484
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
sun is in the sign of Libra, and this is quite
natural. For when the gods depart we must con-
secrate ourselves afresh, so that we may suffer no
harm from the godless power of darkness that now
begins to get the upper hand. At any rate the
Athenians celebrate the Mysteries of Deo twice in
the year, the Lesser Mysteries as they call them in the
sign of Capricorn, and the Great Mysteries when
the sun is in the sign of Cancer, and this for the
reason that I have just mentioned. And I think
_ that these Mysteries are called Great and Lesser for
several reasons, but especially, as is natural, they are
called great when the god departs rather than when
he approaches; and so the Lesser are celebrated only
by way of reminder.!. I mean that when the saving
and uplifting god approaches, the preliminary rites
of the Mysteries take place. Then a little later
follow the rites of purification, one after another,
and the consecration of the priests. ‘Then when the
god departs to the antipodes, the most important
ceremonies of the Mysteries are performed, for our
protection and salvation. And observe the follow-
ing: As in the festival of the Mother the instrument
of generation is severed, so too with the Athenians,
those who take part in the secret rites are wholly
chaste and their leader the hierophant forswears
generation ; because he must not have aught to do
with the progress to the unlimited, but only with the
substance whose bounds are fixed, so that it abides
for ever and is contained in the One, stainless and
pure. On this subject I have said enough.
It only remains now to speak, as is fitting, about
the sacred rite itself, and the purification, so that from
1 Plato, Gorgias 4970 ; Plutarch, Demetrius 900 8.
485
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V_
ἐντεῦθεν λάβωμεν εἰς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν εἴ TL συμβά
λεται. γελοῖον δὲ αὐτίκα τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐκεῖνο φαΐνε
ταῦ" κρεῶν μὲν ἅπτεσθαι δίδωσιν ὁ ἱερὸς νόμος
ἀπαγορεύει δὲ τῶν σπερμάτων. οὐκ ἄψυχα
ἐκεῖνα, ταῦτα δὲ ἔμψυχα; οὐ καθαρὰ μὲν ἐκεῖνα
ταῦτα δὲ αἵματος καὶ πολλῶν ἄλλων οὐκ εὐχερῶ
ὄψει τε καὶ ἀκοῇ πεπληρωμένα; οὐ, τὸ μέγιστο
ἐκείνοις μὲν πρόσεστι τὸ μηδένα ἐκ τῆς ἐδωδῆ
ἀδικεῖσθαι, τούτοις δὲ τὸ καταθύεσθαι καὶ κατα
σφάττεσθαι τὰ ζῷα ἀλγοῦντά γε, ὡς εἰκός, Ka
τρυχόμενα; ταῦτα πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν περιττῶν
εἴποιεν GV" ἐκεῖνα δὲ ἤδη κωμῳδοῦσι καὶ τῶν
ἀνθρώπων οἱ δυσσεβέστατοι. τὰ μὲν ὄρμενά
φασιν ἐσθίεσθαι τῶν λαχάνων, παραιτεῖσθαι δὲ
τὰς ῥίξας, ὥσπερ γογγυλίδας. καὶ σῦκα μὲν
ἐσθίεσθαί φασι, ῥοιὰς δὲ οὐκέτι καὶ μῆλα πρὸς
τούτοις. ταῦτα ἀκηκοὼς μινυριξόντων πολλῶν
πολλάκις, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸς εἰρηκὼς ἢ πρότερον͵
ἔοικα ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκ πάντων πολλὴν εἴσεσθαι τοῖς
δεσπόταις θεοῖς μάλιστα μὲν ἅπασι, πρὸ τῶν.
ἄλλων δὲ τῇ -Μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς
ἄλλοις ἅπασιν, οὕτω δὲ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ χάριν, ὅτι pe
μὴ περιεῖδεν ὥσπερ ἐν σκότῳ πλανώμενον, ἀλλά
μοι “πρῶτον μὲν ἐκέλευσεν ᾿ἀποκόψασθαι οὔτι
κατὰ τὸ σῶμα, κατὰ δὲ τὰς ψυχικὰς ἀλόγους
ὁρμὰς καὶ κινήσεις τῇ νοερᾷ καὶ προὔφεστώσῃ"
τῶν ψυχῶν ἡμῶν αἰτίᾳ τὰ περιττὰ καὶ “μάταια...
ἐπὶ νοῦν δὲ ἔδωκεν αὕτη λόγους τινὰς ἴσως οὐκ
ἀπάδοντας πάντη τῆς ὑπὲρ θεῶν ἀληθοῦς ἅμα καὶ
1 αὐτὸς εἰρηκώς Hertlein suggests, εἰρηκὼς MSS.
2 προὐφεστώσῃ Hertlein suggests, προεστώσῃ MSS,
486
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
‘these also I may borrow whatever contributes to ¥
my argument. For example, everyone thinks that
the following is ridiculous. The sacred ordinance
allows men to eat meat, but it forbids them to eat
grains and fruits. What, say they, are not the latter
lifeless, whereas the former was once possessed of
lite? Are not fruits pure, whereas meat is full of
blood and of much else that offends eye and ear?
But most important of all is it not the case that,
when one eats fruit nothing is hurt, while the eating
of meat involves the sacrifice and slaughter of
_ animals who naturally suffer pain and torment? So
would say many even of the wisest. But the follow-
ing ordinance is ridiculed by the most impious of
mankind also. ‘They observe that whereas vegetables
that grow upwards can be eaten, roots are forbidden,
turnips, for instance; and they point out that figs
are allowed, but not pomegranates or apples either.
I have often heard many men saying this in
whispers, and I too in former days have said the same,
but now it seems that I alone of all men am bound
to be deeply grateful to the ruling gods, to all of ,
them, surely, but above all the rest to the Mother of
the Gods. For all things am I grateful to her, and”
for this among the rest, that she did not disregard
me when I wandered as it were in darkness.! For
first she bade me cut off no part indeed of my body,
but by the aid of the intelligible cause ? that subsists
prior to our souls, all that was superfluous and vain
in the impulses and motions of my own soul. And
that cause gave me, to aid my understanding, certain
beliefs which are perhaps not wholly out of harmony
1 ef, Oration 4. 131 A. 2 Attis.
487
—-4
ρας,
͵ Fa
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
* evayods ἐπιστήμης. ἀλλ᾽ ἔοικα yap, ὥσπερ οὐκ
ἔχων ὅ τι φῶ, κύκλῳ περιτρέχειν. ἐμοὶ δὲ πάρεστι
μὲν καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐπιόντι σαφεῖς καὶ τη-
λαυγεῖς αἰτίας ἀποδοῦναι, τοῦ χάριν ἡμῖν οὐ
θέμις ἐστὶ προσφέρεσθαι ταῦτα, ὧν ὁ θεῖος εἴργει
εσμός: καὶ ποιήσω δὲϊ αὐτὸ μικρὸν ὕστερον"
ἄμεινον δὲ νῦν ὥσπερ τύπους τινὰς προθεῖναι καὶ
κανόνας, οἷς ἑπόμενοι, κἄν τι πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῆς
σπουδῆς παρέλθῃ τὸν λόγον, ἕξομεν ὑπὲρ τούτων
κρῖναι. ~
Προσήκει δὲ πρῶτον ὑπομνῆσαι διὰ βραχέων,
τίνα τε ἔφαμεν εἶναι τὸν Αττιν καὶ τί: τὴν ἐκ-
τομήν, τίνος τε εἶναι σύμβολα τὰ μετὰ τὴν
ἐκτομὴν ἄχρι τῶν ἹἹχαρίων γινόμενα καὶ τί
βούλεσθαι τὴν ἁγνείαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν ΓΑ ττις ἐλέγετο
αἰτία τις οὖσα καὶ θεός, ὁ προσεχῶς δημιουργῶν
τὸν ἔνυλον κόσμον, ὃς μέχρι τῶν ἐσχάτων κατιὼν
ἵσταται ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλίου δημιουργικῆς κινήσεως,
ὅταν ἐπὶ τῆς ἄκρως ὡρισμένης τοῦ παντὸς ὁ θεὸς.
γένηται περιφερείας, ἧ τῆς ἰσημερίας τοὔνομά
ἐστι κατὰ τὸ ἔργον. ἐκτομὴν δὲ ἐλέγομεν εἶναι
τῆς ἀπειρίας τὴν ἐποχήν, ἣν οὐκ ἄλλως ἢ διὰ τῆς
ἐπὶ τὰς πρεσβυτέρας καὶ ἀρχηγικωτέρας αἰτίας
ἀνακλήσεώς τε καὶ ἀναδύσεως συμβαίνειν. αὐτῆς
δὲ τῆς ἁγνείας φαμὲν τὸν σκοπὸν ἄνοδον TO
ψυχῶν.
Οὐκοῦν οὐκ ἐᾷ πρῶτον σιτεῖσθαι τὰ κατὰ γῆς
δυόμενα σπέρματα: ἔσχατον μὲν γὰρ τῶν ὄντων ἡ
γῆ. ἐνταῦθα δέ φησιν ἀπελαθέντα καὶ Πλάτων
Ta κακὰ στρέφεσθαι, καὶ διὰ τῶν λογίων οἱ Oeol —
1 δὲ Hertlein suggests, γε MSS.
2 ἢ Hertlein suggests, ob MSS.
488
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS”
with the true and sacred knowledge of the gods.
But it looks as though, not knowing what to say
next, I were turning round in a circle. I can, how-
ever, give clear and manifest reasons in every single
case why we are not allowed to eat this food which
is forbidden by the sacred ordinance, and presently
I will do this. But for the moment it is better to
bring forward certain forms, so to speak, and regula-
tions which we must observe in order to be able to
decide about these matters, though perhaps, owing to
my haste, my argument may pass some evidence by. _
First 1 had better remind you in a few words who,
I said Attis is; and what his castration means; and 2
what is symbolised by the ceremonies that occur |
between the castration and the Hilaria; and what is )
meant by the rite of eae panes: nar then
to the lowest limits and is checked by the creative
motion of the sun so soon as that god reaches the
exactly limited circuit of the universe, which is
called the equinox because of its effect in equalising
night and day.!. And I said that the castration
meant the checking of limitlessness, which could
only be brought about through the summons and
resurrection of Attis to the more venerable and com-
manding causes. And I said that the end and aim
of the rite of purification is the ascent of our souls. ——
For this reason then the ordinance forbids us first
to eat those fruits that grow downwards in the earth.
For the earth is the last and lowest of things. And
Plato also says? that evil, exiled from the gods,
1 ef. 168 p-169 A, 171 c.
2 Theaetetus 17643; cf. Oration 2. 90 A.
489
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
σκύβαλον αὐτὸ πολλαχοῦ καλοῦσι, Kal φεύγειν
ἐντεῦθεν παρακελεύονται. πρῶτον οὖν ἡ ζωογό-
νος καὶ προμηθὴς θεὸς οὐδὲ ἄχρι τῆς τῶν σωμάτω
τροφῆς ἐπιτρέπει τοῖς κατὰ γῆς δυομένοις χρῆ
σθαι, παραινοῦσά γε πρὸς τὸν οὐρανόν, μᾶλλον
καὶ ὑπὲρ τὸν οὐρανὸν βλέπειν. ἑνί τινες κέχρην-
ται σπέρματι, τοῖς λοβοῖς, οὐ σπέρμα μᾶλλον ἢ
λάχανον αὐτὸ νομέξοντες εἶναι τῷ πεφυκέναι πως
ἀνωφερὲς καὶ ὀρθὸν καὶ οὐδὲ ἐρριξῶσθαι κατὰ
τῆς vis" ἐρρίζωται δὲ ὥσπερ ἐκ δένδρου κιττοῦ
τινος ἢ καὶ ἀμπέλου καρπὸς ἤρτηται καὶ καλάμης.3
ἀπηγόρευται μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν σπέρματι χρῆσθαι διὰ
τοῦτο φυτῶν, ἐπιτέτραπται δὲ χρῆσθαι καρποῖς
καὶ λαχάνοις, οὐ τοῖς χαμαιζήλοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐκ
γῆς αἰρομένοις ἄνω μετεώροις. ταύτῃ τοι καὶ τῆς
γογγυλίδος τὸ μὲν γεωχαρὲς ὡς χθόνιον ἐπιτάττει
παραιτεῖσθαι, τὸ δὲ ἀναδυόμενον ἄνω καὶ εἰς ὕψος
αἰρόμενον ὡς αὐτῷ τούτῳ καθαρὸν τυγχάνον
δίδωσι προσενέγκασθαι. τῶν γοῦν λαχάνων ὀρμέ-
vous μὲν συγχωρεῖ χρῆσθαι, ῥίζαις δὲ ἀπαγορεύει
καὶ μάλιστα ταῖς ἐντρεφομέναις καὶ συμπαθούσαις
τῇ γῆ. καὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν δένδρων μῆλα μὲν ὡς ἱερὰ
καὶ χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀρρήτων ἄθλων καὶ τελεστικῶν
εἰκόνας καταφθείρειν οὐκ ἐπέτρεψε καὶ κατανα-
λίσκειν, ἄξιά γε ὄντα τῶν ἀρχετύπων χάριν τοῦ
1 παρακελεύονται Wyttenbach, πολλαχοῦ παρακελεύονται
Hertlein, MSS.
2 The construction of καὶ καλάμης is not clear; Petavius
suspects corruption or omission.
490
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
now moves on earth; and in the oracles the gods
often call the earth refuse, and exhort us to escape
thence. And so, in the first place, the life-generat-
ing god who is our providence does not allow us to
use to nourish our bodies fruits that grow under the
earth ; and thereby enjoins that we turn our eyes
towards the heavens, or rather above the heavens.!
One kind of fruit of the earth, however, some people
do eat, I mean fruit in pods, because they regard
this as a vegetable rather than a fruit, since it grows
with a sort of upward tendency and is upright, and
not rooted below the soil; I mean that it is rooted
like the fruit of the ivy that hangs on a tree or of
the vine that hangs on a stem. For this reason then
we are forbidden to eat seeds and certain plants, but
we are allowed to eat fruit and vegetables, only not
those that creep on the ground, but those that are
raised up from the earth and hang high in the air.
It is surely for this reason that the ordinance bids us
also avoid that part of the turnip which inclines to
the earth since it belongs to the under world, but
allows us to eat that part which grows upwards and
attains to some height, since by that very fact it is
pure. In fact it allows us to eat any vegetables that
grow upwards, but forbids us roots, and especially
those which are nourished in and influenced by the
earth. Moreover in the case of trees it does not allow
us to destroy and consume apples, for these are sacred
and golden and are the symbols of secret and mystical
rewards. Rather are they worthy to be reverenced
and worshipped for the sake of their archetypes.
~ 1 4.e, to the intelligible world and the One; οἵ, 1690.
49!
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
\ \ Ν
σέβεσθαί τε καὶ θεραπεύεσθαι: ῥοιὰς δὲ ὡς φυτὸν
a 4 \
χθόνιον παρῃτήσατο, Kal τοῦ φοίνικος δὲ τὸν
Ν yy \ 5 yo ὃ \ \ \ / θ
καρπὸν ἴσως μὲν ἄν τις εἴποι διὰ τὸ μὴ γίνεσθαι
\ \ 7 " A ς \ ͵
περὶ τὴν Φρυγίαν, ἔνθα πρῶτον ὁ θεσμὸς κατέστη"
a a \ \ \
ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ μᾶλλον ws ἱερὸν ἡλίου TO φυτὸν
x a [ἡ
ἀγήρων τε ὃν οὐ συγχωρῆσαι καταναλίσκειν': ἐν
val 7 \
Tals ἁγιστείαις εἰς τροφὴν σώματος. ἐπὶ τούτοις
> / > 4 cA a \ /
amnyopevtat ἰχθύσιν ἅπασι χρῆσθαι. κοινὸν δέ
3 a \ \ > ᾽ὔ \ /
ἐστι τοῦτο Kal πρὸς Αἰγυπτίους τὸ πρόβλημα.
a \ » a a » > 4 /
δοκεῖ δὲ Ewouye δυοῖν ἕνεκεν ἄν τις ἰχθύων μάλιστα
Ν ~ At ὦ / δὲ 3 a ες ’, ᾽ 7 θ
μὲν ἀεί, πάντως δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἁγιστείαις ἀποσχέσθα:,
«.Ἁ / “ 4 ἃ \ / - a OX
ἑνὸς μέν, ὅτι τούτων, ἃ μὴ θύομεν τοῖς θεοῖς, οὐδὲ
a / / \ 2 ἡ / 4
σιτεῖσθαι προσήκει. δέος δὲ ἴσως οὐδέν, μή πού
> n / \ 7 2 4 /
τίς ἐνταῦθα λίχνος καὶ γάστρις ἐπιλάβηταίξ μου,
“ /
ὥς που Kal πρότερον ἤδη παθὼν αὐτὸ διαμνη-
7 \ / “
μονεύω, “Διὰ τί δέ; οὐχὶ καὶ θύομεν αὐτῶν
πολλάκις τοῖς θεοῖς ἢ; εἰπόντος ἀκούσας. ἀλλ᾽
/ \ n a ’
εἴχομέν TL Kal πρὸς τοῦτο εἰπεῖν. Kal θύομέν γε,
4 9 / » lal / ς
ἔφην, ὦ μακάριε, ἔν τισι τελεστικαῖς θυσίαις, ὡς
7 ξ al
ἵππον Ῥωμαῖοι, ὡς πολλὰ Kal ἄλλα θηρία καὶ
“Ὁ ΄ 7 a
ζῷα, κύνας tows “EXAnves ‘Exdtyn καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι
/ fa) a
dé καὶ πολλὰ Trap ἄλλοις ἐστὶ TOV τελεστικῶν,
\ / a / “ a Ὁ ὃ; Ἃ \
καὶ δημοσίᾳ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτους ἢ δὲς
fa) / ᾽ a
τοιαῦτα θύματα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν ταῖς τιμητηρίοις, ὧν
- αὶ a a
μόνων κοινωνεῖν ἄξιον Kal τραπεζοῦν θεοῖς. τοὺς
\ 3 7 3 a /
δὲ ἰχθύας ἐν ταῖς τιμητηρίοις οὐ θύομεν, ὅτι μήτε
492
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
And pomegranates are forbidden because they belong
to the under-world ; and the fruit of the date-palm,
perhaps one might say because the date-palm does
not grow in Phrygia where the ordinance was first
established. But my own theory is rather that it is
because this tree is sacred to the sun, and is perennial,
that we are forbidden to use it to nourish our bodies
during the sacred rites. Besides these, the use οἵ.
all kinds of fish is forbidden. This is a question of
interest to the Egyptians as well as to ourselves.
Now my opinion is that for two reasons we ought to
abstain from fish, at all times if possible, but above
all during the sacred rites. One reason is that it is
not fitting that we should eat what we do not use in _
sacrifices to the gods. And perhaps I need not be
afraid that hereupon some greedy person who is the
slave of his belly will take me up, though as I
remember that very thing happened to me once
before; and then I heard someone objecting:
“What do you mean? Do we not often sacrifice
fish to the gods?” But I had an answer ready for
this question also. “ My good sir,” I said, “it is
true that we make offerings of fish in certain mystical
sacrifices, just as the Romans sacrifice the horse and
many other animals too, both wild and domesticated,)
and as the Greeks and the Romans too sacrifice ell
to Hecate. And among other nations « also many other 4
animals are offered in the mystic cults ; and sacrifices /
of that sort take place publicly in their cities once
or twice a year. But that is not the custom
in the sacrifices which we honour most highly, in
which alone the gods deign to join us and to share
our table. In those most honoured sacrifices we do
not offer fish, for the reason that we do not tend
493
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V 5
νέμομεν, μήτε τῆς γενέσεως αὐτῶν ἐπιμελούμεθα,
μήτε ἡμῖν εἰσιν ἀγέλαι καθάπερ προβάτων καὶ
βοῶν οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῶν ἰχθύων. ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ
ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν βοηθούμενα τὰ ζῷα καὶ πληθύνοντα διὰ
τοῦτο δικαίως ἂν ἡμῖν εἴς τε τὰς ἄλλας χρείας
n ,
ἐπικουροίη Kal πρό γε TOV ἄλλων ἐς τιμητηρίους
/ \ \ / e >A > cA
θυσίας. εἷς μὲν δὴ λόγος οὗτος, δι’ ὃν οὐκ οἶμαι
n°? \ 2 ς 7 n / 4
δεῖν ἰχθὺν ἐν ἁγνείας καιρῷ προσφέρεσθαι τροφήν.
ἕτερος δέ, ὃν καὶ μᾶλλον ἡγοῦμαι τοῖς προειρη-
μένοις ἁρμόζειν, OTL τρόπον τινὰ καὶ αὐτοὶ κατὰ
τοῦ βυθοῦ δεδυκότες εἶεν ἂν χθονιώτεροι τῶν
σπερμάτων, ὁ δὲ ἐπιθυμῶν ἀναπτῆναι καὶ μετέωρος
ὑπὲρ τὸν ἀέρα πρὸς αὐτὰς οὐρανοῦ πτῆναι κορυ-
φὰς δικαίως ἂν ἀποστρέφοιτο πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα,
μεταθέοι δὲ καὶ μετατρέχοι τὰ τεινόμενα πρὸς τὸν
’ὔ
ἀέρα καὶ σπεύδοντα πρὸς τὸ ἄναντες καί, ἵνα
ποιητικώτερον εἴπω, πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ὁρῶντα.
yy 9 > / A \ 2+ / ray
ὄρνισιν οὖν ἐπιτρέπει χρῆσθαι πλὴν ὀλίγων, οὺς
ἱεροὺς εἶναι πάντῃ συμβέβηκε, καὶ τῶν τετραπόδων
τοῖς συνήθεσιν ἔξω τοῦ χοίρου. τοῦτον δὲ ὡς
’ 7 an \ n / \ > al -
χθόνιον πάντη μορφῇ τε καὶ τῷ βίῳ καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ
τῆς οὐσίας λόγῳ. περιττωματικός τε γὰρ καὶ
παχὺς τὴν σάρκα: τῆς ἱερᾶς ἀποκηρύττει τροφῆς.
φίλον γὰρ εἶναι πεπίστευται θῦμα τοῖς χθονίοις
θεοῖς οὐκ ἀπεικότως. ἀθέατον γάρ ἐστιν οὐρανοῦ
τουτὶ τὸ ζῷον, οὐ μόνον οὐ βουλόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ
πεφυκὸς ἀναβλέψαι ποτέ. τοιαύτας μὲν δὴ
1
ποιητικώτερον Naber, τι καὶ ποιητικὸν Hertlein, MSS.
2 δὁρμῶντα Naber.
444
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
fish, nor look after the breeding of them, and we do
not keep flocks of fish as we do of sheep and cattle.
For since we foster these animals and they multiply
accordingly, it is only right that they should serve for
all our uses and above all for the sacrifices that we
honour most.” This then is one reason why I
think we ought not to use fish for food at the time of
the rite of purification. The second reason which is,
I think, even more in keeping with what I have just
said, is that, since fish also, in a manner of speaking,
go down into the lowest. depths, they, even more
than seeds, belong to the under-world. But he who
longs to take flight upwards and to mount aloft
above this atmosphere of ours, even to the highest
peaks of the heavens, would do well to abstain from
all such food. He will rather pursue and follow
after things that tend upwards towards the air, and
strive to the utmost height, and, if I may use a
poetic phrase, look upward to the skies. Birds, for
example, we may eat, except only those few which
are commonly held sacred,! and ordinary four-footed “-
animals, except the pig. ‘This animal is banned as Ὁ
ς,
τ Σν-
food during the sacred rites because by its shape and —
way of life, and the very nature of its substance—
for its flesh is impure and coarse—it belongs wholly
to the earth. And therefore men came to believe
that it was an acceptable offering to the gods of the
under-world. For this animal does not look up at
the sky, not only because it has no such desire, but
because it is so made that it can never look upwards.
These then are the reasons that have been given
1 Porphyry, On Abstinence 3. 5, gives a list of these sacred
birds ; e.g. the owl sacred to Athene, the eagle to ee the
crane to Demeter.
495
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
αἰτίας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀποχῆς ὧν ἀπέχεσθαι δεῖ εἴρηκεν.
ὁ θεῖος θεσμός: οἱ ξυνιέντες δὲ κοινούμεθα τοῖς
ἐπισταμένοις. θεούς.
Ὑπὲρ δὲ ὧν ἐπιτρέπει χρῆσθαι λέγομεν τοσοῦ-
τον, ὡς οὐ πᾶσιν ἅπαντα, τὸ δυνατὸν δὲ ὁ θεῖος
νόμος τῇ ἀνθρωπίνῃ, φύσει σκοπῶν ἐπέτρεψε
χρῆσθαι τουτοισὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς, οὐχ ἵνα πᾶσι
πάντες ἐξ ἀνάγκης χρησώμεθα: τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ
ἴσως οὐκ εὔκολον: ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως ἐκείνῳ, ὅτῳ ἄρα
πρῶτον μὲν ἡ τοῦ σώματος συγχωρεῖ 5 δύναμις,
εἶτά τις περιουσία συντρέχει καὶ τρίτον ἡ προαί-.
ρεσις, ἣν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς οὕτως ἄξιον ἐπιτείνειν,
ὥστε καὶ ὑπὲρ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δύναμιν ὁρμᾶν
καὶ προθυμεῖσθαι τοῖς θείοις ἀκολουθεῖν θεσμοῖς.
ἔστι γὰρ δὴ τοῦτο μάλιστα μὲν ἀνυσιμώτερον
αὐτῇ τῇ ψυχῇ πρὸς σωτηρίαν, εἰ μείζονα λόγον
αὑτῆς, ἀλλὰ μὴ τοῦ σώματος τῆς ἀσφαλείας
ποιήσαιτο, πρὸς δὲ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ σῶμα μείζονος
καὶ θαυμασιωτέρας φαίνεται λεληθότως τῆς
ἀφελείας μεταλαγχάνον. ὅταν γὰρ ἡ ψυχὴ
πᾶσαν ἑαυτὴν δῷ τοῖς θεοῖς, ὅλα τὰ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν
ἐπιτρέψασα τοῖς κρείττοσιν, ἑπομένης οἶμαι τῆς
ἁγιστείας καὶ πρό γε ταύτης τῶν θείων θεσμῶν
ἡγουμένων, ὄντος οὐδενὸς λοιπὸν τοῦ ἀπείργοντος
καὶ ἐμποδίξοντος' πάντα γάρ ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς θεοῖς
καὶ πάντα περὶ αὐτοὺς ὑφέστηκε καὶ πάντα τῶν
θεῶν ἐστι πλήρη: αὐτίκα μὲν αὐταῖς ἐλλάμπει
τὸ θεῖον φῶς, θεωθεῖσαι δὲ αὗται τόνον Tiva καὶ
1 ἅπαντα Hertlein suggests, ἅπαντας MSS.
2 συγχωρεῖ Hertlein suggests, συγχωροίη MSS.
496
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
by the divine ordinance for abstinence from such
food as we ought to renounce. And we who com-
prehend share our knowledge with those who know
the nature of the gods, |
And to the question what food is permitted I will
only say this. The divine law does not allow all
kinds of food to all men, but takes into account what»
is possible to human nature and allows us to eat
most animals, as I have said. It is not as though we
must all of necessity eat all kinds—for perhaps that
would not be convenient—but we are to use first
what our physical powers allow; secondly, what is
at hand in abundance; thirdly, we are to exercise
our own wills. But at the season of the sacred
ceremonies we ought to exert those wills to the
utmost so that we may attain to what is beyond our
ordinary physical powers, and thus may be eager
and willing to obey the divine ordinances. For it is
by all means more effective for the salvation of the
soul itself that one should pay greater heed to its
safety than to the safety of the body. And more-
over the body too seems thereby to share insensibly
in that great and marvellous benefit. For when the
soul abandons herself wholly to the gods, and
entrusts her own concerns absolutely to the higher
powers, and then follow the sacred rites—these
too being preceded by the divine ordinances—then,
I say, since there is nothing to hinder or prevent—
for all things reside in the gods, all things subsist in
relation to them, all things are filled with the gods—
straightway the divine light illumines our souls.
And thus endowed with divinity they impart a
497
VOL, I. K K
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
ῥώμην ἐπιτιθέασι τῷ συμφύτῳ πνεύματι, τοῦτο
δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν στομούμενον ὥσπερ καὶ κρατυνό-
μενον σωτηρίας ἐστὶν αἴτιον ὅλῳ τῷ σώματι.
τὸ δὲ ὅτε μάλιστα μὲν πάσας τὰς νόσους, εἰ δὲ
μή, ὅτι τὰς πλείστας καὶ μεγίστας ἐκ τῆς τοῦ
πνεύματος εἶναι τροπῆς καὶ παραφορᾶς συμβέ-
βηκεν, οὐδεὶς ὅστις οἶμαι τῶν ᾿Ασκληπιαδῶν οὐ
φήσει. οἱ μὲν γὰρ καὶ πάσας φασίν, οἱ δὲ τὰς
πλείστας καὶ μεγίστας καὶ ἰαθῆναι χαλεπωτάτας"
μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τούτοις καὶ τὰ τῶν θεῶν λόγια, φημὶ
δέ, ὅτι διὰ τῆς ἁγιστείας οὐχ ἡ ψυχὴ μόνον,
ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ σώματα βοηθείας πολλῆς καὶ
σωτηρίας ἀξιοῦται: σώζεσθαι γάρ σφισι καὶ τὸ
“ πικρᾶς ὕλης περίβλημα βρότειον ᾿" οἱ θεοὶ τοῖς
ὑπεράγνοις παρακελευόμενοι τῶν θεουργῶν κατ-
ἐπαγγέλλονται.
Τίς οὖν ἡμῖν ὑπολείπεται λόγος, ἄλλως τε καὶ
ἐν βραχεῖ νυκεὸς μέρει ταῦτα ἀπνευστὶ ξυνεῖραι "
συγχωρηθεῖσιν, οὐδὲν οὔτε προανεγνωκόσιν οὔτε
σκεψαμένοις περὶ αὐτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ πρδελομένοις
ὑπὲρ τούτων εἰπεῖν πρὶν ἢ τὰς δέλτους ταύτας
αἰτῆσαι; μάρτυς δὲ ἡ θεός μοι τοῦ λόγου. GAN,
ὅπερ ἔφην, τί τὸ λειπόμενον ἡμῖν ὑμνῆσαι τὴν
θεὸν μετὰ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καὶ τοῦ Διονύσου, ὧν
δὴ καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς ἐν ταύταις ἔθετο ταῖς ay-
στείαις ὁ νόμος; ὁρῶ μὲν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς πρὸς τὴν
1 φήσει Hertlein suggests, φήσειεν MSS.
2 Oration 6. 203 ὁ ; Demosthenes, De Corona 308, συνείρει
. e+ ἀπνευστί.
498
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
certain vigour and energy to the breath! implanted
in them by nature ; and so that breath is hardened
as it were and strengthened by the soul, and hence
gives health to the whole body. For I think not
one of the sons of Asclepios would deny that all
diseases, or at any rate very many and those the
most serious, are caused by the disturbance and
derangement of the breathing. Some doctors assert
that all diseases, others that the greater number and
the most serious and hardest to cure, are due to this.
Moreover the oracles of the gods bear witness
thereto, I mean that by the rite of purification not
the soul alone but the body as well is greatly
benefited and preserved. Indeed the gods when
they exhort those theurgists who are especially holy,
announce to them that their “mortal husk of raw
matter’’ 2 shall be preserved from perishing.
And now what is left for me to say? Especially
since it was granted me to compose this hymn at a
breath, in the short space of one night, without
having read anything on the subject beforehand, or
thought it over. Nay, I had not even planned to
speak thereof until the moment that I asked for
these writing-tablets. May the goddess bear witness
to the truth of my words! Nevertheless, as I said
before, does there not still remain for me to celebrate
the goddess in her union with Athene and Dionysus?
For the sacred law established their festivals at the
very time of her sacred rites. And I recognise the
kinship of Athene and the Mother of the Gods
1 cf. Aristotle, On the Generation of Animals 736 b.
37, for the breath πνεῦμα, that envelops the disembodied
soul and resembles aether. The Stoics sometimes defined
the soul as a ‘‘ warm breath,” ἔνθερμον πνεῦμα.
2 The phrase probably occurred in an oracular verse.
499
KK 2
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
Μητέρα τῶν θεῶν διὰ τῆς προνοητικῆς ἐν ἑκατέ-
pats ταῖς οὐσίαις ὁμοιότητος τὴν συγγένειαν
ἐπισκοπῶ δὲ καὶ τὴν Διονύσου μεριστὴν δημιουρ-
γίαν, ἣν ἐκ τῆς ἑνοειδοῦς καὶ μονίμου ζωῆς τοῦ
μεγάλου Διὸς ὁ μέγας Διόνυσος παραδεξάμενος,
ἅτε καὶ προελθὼν ἐξ ἐκείνου, τοῖς φαινομένοις
ἅπασιν ἐγκατένειμεν, ἐπιτροπεύων καὶ βασιλεύων
τῆς μεριστῆς συμπάσης δημιουργίας. προσήκει
δὲ σὺν τούτοις ὑμνῆσαι καὶ τὸν ᾿Επαφρόδιτον
Ἑρμῆν: καλεῖται γὰρ οὕτως ὑπὸ τῶν μυστῶν ὃ
θεὸς οὗτος, ὅσον λαμπάδας φασὶν ἀνάπτειν
"Artie τῷ σοφῷ. τίς οὖν οὕτω παχὺς THY’
ψυχήν, ὃς οὐ συνίησιν, ὅτι δι’ “Ἑρμοῦ μὲν καὶ
᾿Αφροδίτης ἀνακαλεῖται πάντα πανταχοῦ τὰ τῆς
γενέσεως ἔχοντα τὸ ἕνεκά Tov! πάντη καὶ πάντως
ὃ τοῦ λόγου μάλιστα͵ ἴδιόν ἐστιν; “Artis δὲ “ἃ
οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μικρῷ πρόσθεν ἄφρων, νῦν ε
ἀκούων διὰ τὴν ἐκτομὴν σοφός; ἄφρων μὲν ὅτι
τὴν ὕλην εἵλετο καὶ τὴν γένεσιν ἐπιτροπεύει,
σοφὸς δὲ ὅτι τὸ σκύβαλον τοῦτο εἰς κάλλος
ἐκόσμησε τοσοῦτον καὶ μετέστησεν, ὅσον ὀὐδεμί᾽
ἂν μιμήσαιτο ἀνθρώπων τέχνη καὶ σύνεσις.
ἀλλὰ τί πέρας ἔσται μοι τῶν λόγων; ἢ δῆλον ὡς
ὁ τῆς μεγάλης ὕμνος θεοῦ;
"QO. θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων μῆτερ, ὦ τοῦ μεγάλου
σύνθωκε καὶ σύνθρονε Διός, ὦ πηγὴ τῶν νοερῶν
θεῶν, ὦ τῶν νοητῶν ταῖς ,ἀχράντοις οὐσίαις συν-
δραμοῦσα καὶ τὴν κοινὴν. ἐκ πάντων αἰτίαν παρα-
δεξαμένη καὶ τοῖς νοεροῖς ἐνδιδοῦσα ζωογόνε θεὰ
1 ἕνεκά του Shorey, ἕνεκα τοῦ Hertlein, MSS.
500
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
through the similarity of the forethought that inheres
in the substance of both goddesses. And I discern
also the divided creative function of Dionysus, which
great ees received from the single “ἢ abiding
principle of life that is in mighty Zeus. (For from
Zeus he proceeded, and he bestows that Ie on all
things visible, controlling and governing the creation
of the whole divisible world-—Together with these
gods we ought to celebrate Hermes Epaphroditus.!
For so this god is entitled by the initiated, who say
that he kindles the’ torches for wise Attis. (And who
has a soul so dense as not to understand that through
Hermes and Aphrodite are invoked all generated
things everywhere, since they everywhere and
throughout have a purpose which is peculiarly ap-
propriate to the Logos But is not this Logos Attis,
who not long ago was éut of his senses, but now
through his castration is called wise? Yes, he was
out of his senses because he preferred matter and
presides over generation, but he is wise because
he adorned and transformed this refuse, our earth,
with such beauty as no human art or cunning could
imitate. But how shall I conclude my discourse?
Surely with this hymn to the Great Goddess.
O Mother of gods and men, thou that art the
assessor of Zeus and sharest his throne, O source of
the intellectual gods, that pursuest thy course with
the stainless substance of the intelligible gods; that
dost receive from them all the common cause of
things and dost thyself bestow it on the intellectual
1 The epithet means “‘ favoured by Aphrodite.”
2 In this rendering of λόγος (which may here mean
**Reason”) I follow Mau p. 118, and Asmus, Julians
Galilderschrift p. 31.
SOF:
THE ORATIONS OF JULIAN, V
καὶ μῆτις καὶ πρόνοια καὶ τῶν ἡμετέρων ψυχῶν
δημιουργέ, ὦ ὦ τὸν μέγαν Διόνυσον aya aoa καὶ
τὸν “Arti ἐκτεθέντα περισωσαμένη καὶ πάλιν
αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ γῆς ἄντρον καταδυόμενον ἐπανά-
γουσα, ὧ πάντων μὲν ἀγαθῶν τοῖς νοεροῖς ἡγου-
μένη θεοῖς, πάντων δὲ ἀποπληροῦσα τὸν αἰσθητὸν
κόσμον, πάντα δὲ ἡμῖν ἐν πᾶσιν ἀγαθὰ χαρι-
σαμένη, δίδου πᾶσι μὲν ἀνθρώποις εὐδαιμονίαν, Ἴ
ἧς τὸ κεφάλαιον ἡ τῶν θεῶν γνῶσίς ἐστι,
κοινῇ δὲ τῷ Ῥωμαίων δήμῳ, μάλιστα μὲν
ἀποτρίψασθαι τῆς ἀθεότητος τὴν κηλῖδα, πρὸς
δὲ καὶ τὴν τύχην εὐμενῆ συνδιακυβερνῶσαν αὐτῷ
τὰ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολλὰς χιλιάδας ἐτῶν, ἐμοὶ δὲ.
καρπὸν γενέσθαι τῆς περὶ σὲ θεραπείας ἀλήθειαν
ἐν τοῖς περὶ θεῶν δόγμασιν, ἐν θεουργίᾳ τελειό-
THT, πάντων ἔργων, οἷς προσερχόμεθα περὶ τὰς
πολιτικὰς καὶ στρατιωτικὰς πράξεις," ἀρετὴν μετὰ
τῆς ἀγαθῆς τύχης καὶ τὸ τοῦ βίου πέρας ἄλυπόν
σε καὶ εὐδόκιμον μετὰ τῆς ἀγαθῆς ἐλπίδος τῆς ἐπὶ
τῇ παρ᾽ ὑμᾶς πορείᾳ.
1 πράξεις Hertlein suggests, τάξεις MSS.
502
HYMN TO THE MOTHER OF THE GODS
gods; O life-giving goddess that art the counsel and
the providence and the creator of our souls; O thou
that lovest great Dionysus, and didst save Attis when
exposed at birth, and didst lead him back when he
had descended into the cave of the nymph; O thou
that givest all good things to the intellectual gods
and fillest with all things this sensible world, and
with all the rest givest us all things good! Do thou
grant to all men happiness, and that highest happi-
ness of all, the knowledge of the gods ; and grant to
the Roman people in general that they may cleanse
themselves of the stain of impiety; grant them a
blessed lot, and help them to guide their Empire for
many thousands of years! And for myself, grant me—
as fruit of my worship of thee that I may have true
knowledge in the doctrines about the.gods. Make
me perfect in theurgy. And in all that I under-
take, in the affairs of the state and the army, grant
me virtue and good fortune, and that the close of my
life may be painless and glorious, in the good hope
that it is to you, the gods, that I journey !
593
y ΠΣ ' ‘ea o =
Fact ‘nah ee fat ae ge’
PK. SPS ἡ ὁ eee Oru. 2: sae ots ee
eu erate > ᾿ Meer ice ΩΝ ait oe Bark
ἂν Sea a eed ὍΣ ἈΠ ἥντιν ἌΣ atte ἡ
πα et fo) BAe, eat ye ate: 8 patie
ie eae Se a 1 irl ἢ ἀρ ἢ oie Meas πῆς τι.
ον Staepre’ δ νος νέαν aby Ἰὼ sufcalwoune a Sas
Sos rey ἢ on Te: ἜΑ "iad are δ, . 30 ae oe “
mie | Fx, a ties agit > ΡΝ ara, 3 ath |) tigate asl pny
wa Ὁ ΤΟΣ hie Gua RTT ἐξ παν: a caren: 5. hina
tii Ταῦτα rag eT, dant. arte 1 eB i | tet
Ἦν τὰ 5.00 δι ets i sect φυῇ ἴο altluew ae Ὰ
ΔΗ Wh: sat Fre ods. duoda diet oessy Αὐτὰ ΣῊ
=" Bad Paras Ga Ete by ΤᾺ ar eet ite nz, :
Cat ms ὙΌΣ at Riba ἢ Venu Bit a ue "Ὁ be ots
ΠΡῚΝ τὰ Ge RS σῦν SS REL bein ; ἜΠΗ Tt Pros. bis i
vcs ee bead τ er fff Ait vt. Js oe i fu eae.
. Rite ἔ ΕΗ aes ; ἘΝ ae iO ὅτ,
Ma
ee a
δ ς
ci a tad
mp ETE Chee. ERAN
Beane:
Ae 7
An ‘ert
INDE:
Sihets
eae Re Maz
pile ὅρος ὩΣ:
a ψῆνῳ rp oy:
4 a δ᾽ Ῥω: -¥
ἘΠῚ
a0 Be 5 if τε ae
~§ SOP ᾿
AOHILLES, 133, 143, 147, 155, 161,
Γ΄ 181, 199, 255
4 Acropolis, the, 445
_ Adonis, oo 440, 443
᾿ Aeschylus, 199, ye
' Alcinous, 141, 255, 281, 283
. Alexander, 25, 45, 107, 111, 119,
Β 145, 193, 229, 253, 255, 287
_ Alexandria, 429
_ Aloadae, the, 73
_ Alps, the, 193, 199
_ Amazon, the, "339
τ Ammianus, Marcellinus, 365
_ Antioch,. 105
Antiochus, king, 167
- Antony, 45
Aphrodite, 351, 411, 419, 421, 501
_ Apollo, 348, 357, it 391, 393, 409
Aquileia, 99, 191, 1
Arabs, the, 53
_ Arcadians, the, 207
_ Arcesilaus, 279
- Archidamus, 207
- Archilochus, 215
Archimedes, 75
-Areopagus, the, 163
INDEX
References to Homer are not yiven on account of their number.
Aristotle, 279, 287, 353, 354, 359,
362, 363, 389, 405, 415, 453, 455,
457, 499.
Armenians, the, 47, 53
Arsaces, 53
Asclepios, 393, 395, 419, 499
Assyria, 223, 337
Astyages, 83
Athenaeus, 255
Athene, 281, 285, 305, 351, 407, 409,
411, , 463, 499
Athenians, the, 55, 485
Athens, 21, 73, 305, 317
Athos, 211
Atlantic, the, 149
Attalids, the, 445
Attis, 439, 440, 443-503
Augustine, Saint, 385
Augustus, 45
Aurelian, 425
Azizos, 413, 423
Baal, 413
Babylon, 223, 287, 887
Brennus,
Briseis, 199
Cadmus, 217
Caesar, Julius, 223
Calypso, 301, 302
Cambyses, 107, 287, 313
Cancer, tropic of, 481, 485
Capaneus, 151, “dn
Capitoline, the, 77,
Capricorn, tropic of, AT, 481, 485
Caria, 169
Carians, the, 151
Carrhae, 45
507
INDEX
Carthage, 83, 105, 449
Carthaginians, the, 35, 39, 41, 75,
199, 445
Carus, Emperor, 45
Catullus, 439, 467
Celts the, 29, 33, 77, 89, 149 329
Chaldaeans, the, 429, 483
Cimon, 341
Circe, 301
Claudia, 447
Claudius, Emperor, 17, 137
Cleon, 65
Cnossus, 219
Colophon, 215
Commodus, 349
Constans, 23, 25, 43, 249, 251
Constantine, 19, 28, 43, 139, 249
Constantine IT, 23, 43, 249, 251
Constantinople, 15, 21, 105
Constantius, 2-127, 305, 309, 311,
$15, 821,327, 343, 351
Constantius Chlorus, 17, 139
Corinth, 317
Corybants, 319, 467, 469
Crassus,
Crete, 169
Cumont, 348, 351, 439
Cyaxares, 113
Cybele, 349, 439, 440, 443-503
Cyprus, 369, 391
Cyrus, 23, 25, 28, 83,5 4075 δ,
207, 279, 287
Cyrus the Younger, 279
Damascius, 483
Danube, the, 193, 287
Darius, 85, 227, 313
Darius II, 253
Demeter, 483
Demosthenes, 67, 88, 87, 91, 205
Deo, 483,
Dio accion, 231
Diocletian, 19
Dionysus, 333, 351, 369, 393, 395,
407, 417, 419, 499, 501, 503
Dioscorides, 255
Dioscuri, the, 401
Drave, the, 161, 259
Dulichium, 295
Egypt, 313
Egyptians, the, 317, 429, 493
Eleusinian Mysteries, 483
Emesa, 413, 423
508
Empedocles, 373, 379
Epicureans, the, 451
Euboea, 341
Euphrates, the, 337
Eupolis, 85
Euripides, 81, 227, 257, 261, 331
Eusebia, ‘Empress, 273-345,
EKustathius, 409
Evadne, 295
Fausta, 19, 23
Franks, the, 91
Frazer, 439, 471
Galatia (Gaul), 35, 67, 329, 345 —
Galatians (Gauls), "7, 89 Ε
Galerius (Maximianus), 45 |
Galli, the, 439, 467
Gallus, 115, 443, 471, 473
Gallus, the river, 451, 461
Gallus’ Caesar, vii, 273
Germans, the, 149, 199
53
Graces, δῶς 401, 407
Gyges, 4
Hades, 351, 369
preg ἊΝ
Hecate, 4
Hector, ΤΩ 179, 181, 189, 198
Helen, 253
Heliaia, the, 425, 429
Helicon,
Heliogabalus, 413
Helios, Hymn to, 353-435, 451, 461
7,
Heneti (Veneti), 193
Hera, 373
Heracleidae, the, 35, 37, 217
Heracleitus,
ore 1, 219, 257, 285
Hermes, 357, D itus, 501
Herodotus, 53, 33, 211, 227, 229
267, 285, 313, 337, 339
Hesiod, 151, 351,
Hilaria, the, 471, 473, 489
Hipparchus, 429
Homerids, the, 141
Horace, 33, 217, 423
Horus, 4
Hyperion, 371
Tamblichus, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353,
859, 365, 397, 399, 401, 411, 413,
433, 441, 453, 483,
, 349
Beocrator, 3, 7,193, 229, 231
ad 295
Juno, 421
. upiter, 77
Kronia, the, 431
XK ronos, 429
Lacedaemonians, the, 33, 35
Laodameia, 295
i ydians, the, 41, 287
Lysander, 39, 113
‘Macedonia, 211, 285, 287, 289, 295
Macedonians, the, 45, 253
-Macrobius, 363, 369, 401
Stacnentivs, δ, 79, 81, 87, 88, 147,
mm 198, 251, 253
Marcellinus, 155
Marcellus, 75
Mases, 317
Maxentius, 21
Maximianus, 17, 25
Maximus of Ephesus, 483
edes, the, 73, 33, 287
emnon,
enander (rhetorician), 2
enelaus, 263
enestheus, 145
Meriones, 141
, 348
=
. INDEX
Messene, 75
Methymna, 297
relay the, 445
Midas, 227
Misopogon, the, 303
Mithras, 348, 349, 353, 361, 401,
425, 440, 483
Monimos, 413
Muses, the, 357, 393, 395, 417, 419
Mygdonius, the, 69, 165, 167
Myrmecides, 2
Myrsa, 93, 125
Novia 360 281, 301
1, “99
δ᾽
Nile, the, 69, 317
Nisaean horses, 135
Nitocris, Queen, 227, 337
Norici, the, 93
Numa, King, 425, 427
Oceanus, 351, 373, 403, 405
Odysseus, 31, 83, 199, 203, 205,
255, 808, 371
Olympia, games at, 209, 223
Olympus, 285
Oricus, 287
Osiris, 369
Ovid, 423, 445
Palatine, the, 421
Pandareos, 155
Pandarus, 141
er ae (Paeonia), 49, 53, 77, 91,
Paris, ae
Parthia, 35
Parthians, the, 33, 35, 57, 61, 199
Parysatis, 23
Patroclus, 193
Peirene, 319
Pelopids, the, 217
Peloponnesus, the, 341
Penelope, 281, 295, 301, 303, 305,
339, 341
Penthesilea, 339
Pergamon, 445
Pericles, 85, 341, 3438
Persephone, 440, 483
599
προς που πθοσιονον,
INDEX
Persians, the, 45, 47, 69, 91, 253,
287, 350
Phaeacians, the, 301
Phaethon, 223
Pheidias, 145, 299
Philip of Macedon, 25, 287
Phocian war, the, 87
Phoenicians, the, 363, 411
Phrygia, 449, 493
Phrygians, the, 443, 447
Pieria, 285
Pindar, 21, 309, 358, 371
Pittacus, 135
Plataeans, the, 75
Plato, 29, 36, 155, 183, 185, 187,
199, 211, 217, 219, 227, 229, 231.
233, 235, 239, 243, 279, 349, 351,
54, 359, 369, 879, 581,
888, 591, 393, 395, 397, 399,
4 417, 440, 448, 453,
455, 457, ” 483, 485
Plautus, 22
Plotinus, 348, 349, 353, 397,
441, 451, 459
Plutarch, 193, 279, 341, 348,
405, 423, 440, 485
Po, river, 199
Porphyry, 353, 385, 441, 451,
481, 495
Poseidon, 259, 283
Praxiteles, 145
Priam, 193, 253
Proclus, 393, 411, 431, 483
Prodicus, 151
Propertius, 447
Ptolemy, Claudius, 429
Ptolemy Soter, 369
Pylos, 65, 75
Pyramids, the, 223
Pythian oracle, the, 211
. Pytho, 223
ww
CaO
AWS
440,
350,
467,
Quintilian, 273
Quirinus (Romulus), 423, 425
Remus, 423
Renan, 349
Rhadamanthus, 219
Rhine, the, 193, 345
Rhodogyne, 337
Rhodopis, 337
Romans, the, 261, 419, 443, 449,
493, 503
510
Rome, 13, 15, 17, 75, ἊΣ 259,
357, 413, 421, 425,
Romulus, 23, 421, ὍΝ
irr 351, 353, 431, 441, 4
Samos, 295, 313, 341
Sapor, King, 53, 61, 63, 69, 73,
Sappho,
Sarambos, 229
Sarpedon, 147, 159, 173, 179
Saturn, 4
Saxons, the, 91
Scamander, the, 161
Scheria, 303
Scipio, 449.
Scythians, the, 77, 91
Selene, 411, 423
Seleucus, 105
Semiramis, 337
Serapis, 349, 351, 369
Showerman, 348
Sicily, 67, 199, 445
Sicyon, 317
Silius Italicus, 445
Silvanus, 125, 259, 261
Silvia, 4
Simonides, 9
Socrates, 211, 255, 279
Sogdiana, 193
Sophocles, 358
Sparta, 207, 317
Spartans, the, 261
Sparti, the, 217
Stobaeus, 229
Stoics, the, 499
Syloson, 313
Syracuse, 75
Syria, 69
Syrians, the, 423
Taenarum, 297
Tantalus, 227
Telemachus, 141
Temenus, 285
Terpander, 297
Tertullian, 348
Teucer, 141
Thales, 335
Thea, 371
Themistius, 193, 205, 229, 453
Theophrastus, 45
Thermopylae, 259
Thessalians, the, 83, 289
2 Se
Usener, 425
Veneti, the, 191
INDEX
Vesta, 423
Vetranio, 5, 67, 77, 79, 128,
205, 207
Wilamowitz, 351
Xenarchus, 453
Xenophon, 37, 151, 207, 279
Xerxes, 73, 109, 169, 21i
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